Extractivism and the de jure and de facto ethno-territorial rights in Latin America: How important are the constitutions? : Extractivismo y derechos étnico-territoriales de jure y de facto en Latinoamérica: ¿Cuán importantes son las constituciones?

A growing number of Latin American rural groups have attained extended ethno-territorial rights, and sizeable territories were safeguarded by progressive constitutions. This trend was the product of extended cycles of protest at local, national and transnational levels; social movements struggle, with broader collective South-South collaboration. Nonetheless, the continent simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Commonly, the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or indigenous territories. Accordingly, economic interests clash with the safeguarding and recognition of constitutional rights. Through the analysis of selected illustrative cases across Latin America, this study analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. 

Practica cancellariæ apostolicæ cum stylo & formis in Romana Curia vsitatis, excerpta nuper ex memorabilibus D. Hier. Pauli ... : his & in fine adiectum est Prouinciale omnium Ecclesiarum cathedralium vniuersi orbis ...

Marca tip. del librero Vincent de Portonariis en ambas port. (Baudrier. V, p. 404, n. 6)

A educação fisica na rede publica do municipio de São João da Boa Vista - SP e o portador de necessidade especiais

Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física

A integração do esporte adaptado com o esporte convencional a partir da inserção de provas adaptadas : um estudo de caso

Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física

Destiny and will, religion and politics: Jesus Society and Enlightenment in the posthumous Malabar Rites controversy

The first presentation of Antoine-Marin Le Mierre`s tragedy Malabar Widow, or the Empire of Customs, took place in 1770. It was based on the famous controversy over the Malabar (south west India) Rites. The object of the controversy was the Jesuit project in India, which started in the beginning of XVII century and was stopped by the Pope Benedict XIV, with the Apostolic Constitution Omnium Sollicitudinum. The papal condemnation of the rites closed a long process which shows the progressive loss of power of the Jesuit Company in the Age of Enlightenment, which will be definitive in 1773, with the suppression of the Company. In Le Mierre`s tragedy, we find the judgment of Malabar rites according to the rationalist ideas of the Enlightenment, with some typical topoi of the philosophes`s cultural perspective. At the same time, the enlightened disputation reproduces the Jesuit internal debate about India itself. Starting from a religious universal perspective of the different strategies of Christianization in India, or in the entire East, the missionary controversy had been about the religious or political interpretation of local signs. Briefly, this polemic would turn into the controversy on the rites. The criticism to the Jesuitical strategy of mission, in XVII and XVIII centuries, would start from here. The enormous number of documents on this issue became a powerful instrument in the battle against the Jesuits, in the XVIII century. On the base of the missionary disputation, the Enlightenment constructs the proposal of a new political and humanistic universal perspective. According to this, eventuality, the religion becomes just a privileged instrument to realize this operation.

Representations of gender in the writings of St. Francis Xavier: an interdisciplinary approach

Francis Xavier’s Letters and Writings are eloquent narratives of a journey that absorbed the Saint’s entire life. His experiences and idiosyncrasies, values and categorizations are presented in a clear literate discourse. The missionary is rarely neutral in his opinions as he sustains his unmistakable and omnipresent objective: the conversion of peoples and the expansion of the Society of Jesus. Parallel with this objective, the reader is introduced to the individuals that Xavier meets or that he summons in his epistolary discourse. Letters and Writings presents us with a structured narrative peopled by all those who are subject to and objects of Xavier’s apostolic mission, by helpful and unhelpful persons of influence, and by leading and secondary actors. What is then the position of women, in the collective sense as well as in the individual sense, in the travels and goals that are the centre of Xavier’s Letters and Writings? What is the role of women, that secondary and suppressed term in the man/woman binomial, a dichotomy similar to the civilized/savage and European/native binomials that punctuate Xavier’s narratives and the historic context of his letters? Women are not absent from his writings, but it would be naïve to argue in favour of the author’s misogyny as much as of his “profound knowledge of the female heart”, to quote from Paulo Durão in "Women in the Letters of Saint Francis Xavier" (1952), the only paper on this subject published so far. We denote four great categories of women in the Letters and Writings: European Women, Converted Women, Women Who Profess another Religion, and Women as the Agents and Objects of Sin, the latter of which traverses the other three categories. They all depend on the context, circumstances and judgements of value that the author chooses to highlight and articulate.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

O direito fundamental à proteção na velhice através dos impostos

Dissertação de mestrado em Direito das Crianças, Família e Sucessões

Formação das castas no gênero Melípona (Illiger, 1806)

The present work is destinated to prove that the castes : workers and queens, in Melipona bees are due to genetic factors and not to differences in food. 2) Material used: Hives of Melipona quadri-fasciata anthidioides (Lep. 1836), M. schenki schenki (Gribodo, 1893), M. fasciata rufiventris (Lep. 1836), M. quadri-fasciata vicina (Lep. 1836), M. marginata marginata (Lep. 1836), Apis mellifera (L. 1758). 3) It should be pointed out that in Melipona bees there are no royal cells for the queens, but all the cells are of the same size independently of being destinated for workers, queens or drones. The numerous queens which are born are killed soon after emerging from their cells. 4) Changes of feeding in quality and in quantity caused no variation of castes. The only variable factor is the size, which becomes bigger when the bee is well nourished. 5) The offsprings of 5 hives were examined : 3 of M. quadri-fasciata anthidioides (n.o 1, n.o 2 and n.o 3), 1 of M. quadri-fasciata vicina (n.o 4) and 1 of M. marginata marginata (n.o 5). Combs of about 40 cells were taken into laboratory and the type of bee registered immediately after emerging. The results of the counts were: BOX COMB WORKER QUEEN PERCENTAGE Σ X2 to 12,5% Nº 1 1th 69 8 10,4% 0, 3139 " 1 2nd 144 18 11,1% 0, 2856 " 2 1th 52 8 13,3% 0, 0384 " 3 1th 45 10 18,2% 1, 6736 " 4 1th 56 4 6,7% 1, 8686 " 4 2nd 29 4 12,1% 0,00432 Σ X2 to 25% " 5 1th 34 14 29,2% 0,44444 "5 2nd 83 27 24,5% 0, 0121 In the 4 first boxes there is a percentage of 11,63% queens and in the last there is a percentage of 25,95%. 6) These percentages are very near two genetical ratios: 12,5% or 7:1, and 25% or 3:1, which correspond to a trifactorial and a bifactorial back-cross. Carrying out a X² test no significant deviations were found ( X² to 12,5% and to 25% and table 1 to 4). 7) We suppose that the formula for the queen in the first case (11,65%) is: AaBbCc. Since the Melipona bees are arrhenotokous hymenopteres, the drones are haploid and may have any one of the following eight formulas, corresponding to the gonic segregation of the queem : ABC, ABc, Abc, Abc, AbC, aBC, aBc, abC, abc. Anyone combination of these males with the queen will give a segregation of 7 workers to 1 queen, since there is always only one triple heterozygote among the eight possible segregates (table 5). 8) In order to explain the second case, it is suffient to assume that in this species there are only two pairs of factors, the queen being the double heterozygote : AaBb, while the drones may have any one of the following constitutions: AB, Ab, aB and ab. Workers are again all diploids which are homozygous for one or both factors, for instance: AABB, AABb, AaBB, aaBb, AAbb, etc. (table 6). 9) It is suggested that the genus Melipona is an intermediary type between the solitary bees, where all females are fertile independently of their feeding, and the genera Apis and Trigona, where without special feeding all females are born sterile, while only specially fed females develop into fertile queens. 10) No speculations are put forward with regards to the evolutionary mechanism which may have been responsible for the development of the genetical determination of castes in Melipona, since it seems advisable point to extend the studies to other insects with complicated caste systems.

Sentido evolutivo do controle de constitucionalidade no Brasil

Consabido que para uma sociedade organizada se desenvolver política e juridicamente, indispensável se faz a existência de um documento formal, dotado de observância obrigatória, capaz de definir as competências públicas e delimitar os poderes do Estado, resguardando os direitos fundamentais de eventuais abusos dos entes políticos. Este documento é a Constituição, que, em todos os momentos da história, sempre se fez presente nos Estados, mas, inicialmente, não de forma escrita, o que fez com que surgisse, então, o constitucionalismo, movimento que defendia a necessidade de elaboração de constituições escritas, munidas de normatividade e supremacia em relação às demais espécies normativas, que visassem organizar a separação dos poderes estatais e declarar os direitos e as liberdades individuais. Porém, de nada adiantaria a edição de uma Lei Maior sem que houvesse mecanismos de defesa, no intuito de afastar qualquer ameaça à segurança jurídica e à estabilidade social, por conta de alguma lei ou ato normativo contrário aos preceitos estabelecidos na Constituição. O controle de constitucionalidade, pilar do Estado de Direito, consiste em verificar a compatibilidade entre uma lei ou qualquer ato normativo infraconstitucional e a Lei Excelsa e, em havendo contraste, a lei ou o ato viciado deverá ser expurgado do ordenamento jurídico, para que a unidade constitucional seja restabelecida. No Brasil, o controle de constitucionalidade foi instituído sob forte influência do modelo norte-americano e obteve diversos tratamentos ao longo das constituições brasileiras, porém, o sistema de fiscalização de constitucionalidade teve seu ápice com o advento da atual Constituição Federal, promulgada em 05.10.88, com a criação de instrumentos processuais inovadores destinados à verificação da constitucionalidade das leis e atos normativos. Além disso, a Carta da República de 1988, ao contrário das anteriores, fortaleceu a figura do Poder Judiciário no contexto político, conferindo, assim, maior autonomia aos magistrados na solução de casos de grande repercussão nacional, redundando em um protagonismo judicial atual. Nesse contexto, o Supremo Tribunal Federal, órgão de cúpula do Judiciário nacional e guardião da Constituição, tem se destacado no cenário nacional, em especial na defesa dos direitos e garantias fundamentais insculpidos na Lei Fundamental, fazendo-se necessária, desta forma, uma análise na jurisprudência da Corte, no sentido de verificar se, de fato, tem havido evolução no controle de constitucionalidade no Brasil ao longo dos últimos anos e, em caso afirmativo, em que circunstâncias isso tem se dado.

A internação forçada do toxicodependente : uma perspectiva brasileira, sob um contraste lusitano, acerca da proporcionalidade da medida em face da dignidade da pessoa humana

A presente dissertação busca abordar a questão da restrição ao direito fundamental de liberdade da pessoa toxicodependente no Brasil, consistente, precisamente, na internação forçada para o tratamento de sua saúde e/ou para a segurança pública, sob o olhar do princípio constitucional da dignidade da pessoa humana em suas dimensões positiva, que exige uma obrigação de fazer por parte do Estado, e negativa, que cobra deste uma postura omissiva de proteção, em torno de um mesmo indivíduo; sem se olvidar do interesse público na execução da medida. Para tanto, ao longo do trabalho, a legislação brasileira atinente ao tema é posta em comparação com a sua correspondente portuguesa e, à luz, basicamente, das doutrinas desses países, são examinados direitos afetos à liberdade individual e ao direito social à saúde, sob a costura do apontado princípio estruturante das respectivas Constituições, de modo a permitir a visualização do amparo da medida restritiva no texto maior brasileiro e, ao final, uma análise crítica à ponderação de bens (direitos) realizada pelo legislador ordinário, com possíveis soluções para a sua aplicação em concreto, quando da análise da proporcionalidade da intervenção da liberdade pelo Poder Judiciário.