851 resultados para Gender equality
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The early years have been recognized as a “natural starting point” for education for sustainability. ECEfS is a newly emerging area and Australian educators, teacher educators, and researchers are leaders in this field. Indeed, there is a growing list of exemplary kindergartens, child care centres, preschools, and preps across the country engaged in EfS focusing on a range of topics that include, for example, water education, reducing energy use, recycling, growing gardens, and cleaning up parks and creeks. Some centres focus more on the social dimensions of sustainability – strengthening Indigenous communities, working with the elderly, supporting the unemployed, fostering gender equality in their communities, being more socially inclusive. There is mounting evidence that early lessons in sustainability help reshape adult sustainability actions in homes, schools and communities.
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The nature of collective perception of prostitution is understudied in Canada. Except some rudimentary reports on the percentages of the key legal options, multivariate analysis has never been used to analyze the details of public opinion on prostitution. The current study explores the trend of public attitude toward prostitution acceptability in Canada over a 25-year span and examines the social determinants of the acceptability of prostitution, using structural equation modeling (SEM), which allows researchers to elaborate both direct and indirect effects (through mediating variables) on the outcome variable. Results show that the public has become more acceptant of prostitution over time. In addition, the less religious, less authoritarian, and more educated are more acceptant of prostitution than the more religious, more authoritarian, and less well educated. The effects of religiosity and authoritarianism mediate out the direct effects of age, gender, gender equality, marriage, marriage as an outdated institution, Quebec, race, and tolerance. The findings may serve as a reference point for the law reform regarding the regulation of prostitution in Canada.
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This book is a study of equality work, that is, the activities which have involved the promotion of gender equality in Finland. The study focuses on the period when the public sector has become more market-oriented, and business-oriented thinking has penetrated activities that have not traditionally emphasised profit-making. I have asked about the kind of power relations that have led to equality work in Finland. In addition to marketisation, publicly funded projects, especially by the European Union, have permeated the public sector. I have analysed the effects this turn has had on the aims and activities of equality work. Despite marketisation, equality work has remained for decades, and problems related to equality have also been recognised. The question of agency is a central focus of this study. I have analysed the kind of agency that has been offered and possible in equality work. With my previous “equality project career”, I have also participated in the formation of my research subject. This study also represents a description of a researcher taking on the responsibility for being involved in the formation of her own research subject. The study data includes national and EU-level political and governmental documents as well as articles and other publications related to equality issues. The data also includes documents from 99 publicly funded equality projects. Notable research data have been drawn from research interviews with 30 people who have been engaged in equality work in different parts of Finland and who have also worked in publicly funded equality projects. As a research method, I have combined Foucault’s discourse analysis and genealogical analysis as well as deconstructive reading. Political and governmental programmes have called for equality work, such as teaching, training, research and other political influencing in order to promote the political interests of the welfare state. Alliance with the state offers the opportunity to accomplish professionalism and continuity. Although equality work has not achieved similar legitimisation compared to other public sector professions. Equality work has fulfilled the interests of welfare state despite current trends towards marketisation. Publicly and budgetary funded equality work has evolved into business-oriented projects in a situation where the project itself has become a new governing mechanism for society. To analyse this trend, I have developed the concept of projectisation. The concept refers to a form of power that has directed discussions of equality in order to be heard. On the other hand, projectisation has contributed to the visibility of problems related to equality while maintaining heteronormativity and hierarchical order of societal differences, especially of gender, as well as harnessing equality for market use, thereby becoming somewhat useful and productive. Equality has been labelled as women’s work and being something that women do and continuity of the equality work has required a complex form of competence. The persistence of problems concerning equality as well as co-operation between women and the “discourse virtuosity ” of equality work has also opened up opportunities for situational change. Key words: Equality work, project, projectisation, genealogical method, discourse analysis, deconstructive reading, heteronormativity, agency, discourse virtuosity.
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The study looks at the debates on gender equality in political decision-making in Finland and France in the 1990s and 2000s by analysing the argumentation for parité and quotas and the ways in which gender equality was constructed as a political problem. The focus of the study is on the parliamentary debates on the amendment of the electoral law in France in 2000 and the introduction of quota regulations into the Act on Equality in Finland in 1994 - 1995. The debates ended in the adoption of quota regulations in the electoral lists (France) and in the executive and preparatory bodies at the national and the local level (Finland). Apart from the analysis of the parliamentary debates, the study explores the political processes preceding the adoption of legislation as well as the debates on quotas and parity in Finnish and French societies in the 1980s and 1990s. The debates on gender equality are analysed as the sites of struggle and change with regard to the normative boundaries of gender equality, as well as of politics and citizenship. The cross-cultural perspective gives room to explore the ways in which gender equality and change can be imagined in different national contexts, and which kinds of discursive resources are available for the politicization of gender equality. Specific attention is paid to the discursive frames and agenda settings in the debates and how these set the limits of the imaginable and the possible in the promotion of gender equality. In both Finland and France, the promotion of equality was constructed as a national project, in which the main beneficiary was the society or the nation as a whole. In France, gender equality was an inherent part of the promotion of French democracy; in Finland, gender equality was regarded as a means to bring the expertise of both women and men to the benefit of the whole society. Furthermore, in both countries the promotion of gender equality was based on the harmonious cooperation of women and men and the temporal dimension of "nearly achieved" gender equality. In this kind of a context, gender equality served as a means towards the wider national ends, and there was little room to discuss the aspects of power and agency with regard to gender equality. However, the internationalisation of equality politics, as well as the conflicting interpretations of gender equality in the national political arenas, calls into question the existence of clearly defined and immutable boundaries of "Finnish" and "French" gender equality. At the same time, the rules of the game in politics, including the meaning of French republicanism and Finnish "expert oriented" politics were contested. In this way, the new equality legislation and the preceding political processes played a part in the transformation of the limits of gender equality, politics and citizenship.
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This study examines gendered housework in India, particularly in Bihar. The perspective adopted in the study was in part derived from the data but also from sociological literature published both in Western countries and in India. The primary attention is therefore paid to modern and traditional aspects in housework. The aim is not to compare Indian practices to those of Western societies, but rather to use Western studies as a fruitful reference point. In that light, Indian housework practices appear to be traditional. Consequently, traditions are given a more significant role than is usually the case in studies on gendered housework, particularly in Western countries. The study approaches the topic mainly from the socio-cultural perspective; this provides the best means to understand the persistence of traditional habits in India. To get a wide enough picture of the division of labour, three methods were applied in the study: detailed time-use data, questionnaire and theme interviews. The data were collected in 1988 in two districts of Bihar, one rural and the other urban. The different data complement each other well but also bring to light contradictory findings: on a general level Biharian people express surprisingly modern views on gender equality but when talking in more detail (theme interviews) the interviewees told about how traditional housework practices still were in 1988. In the analysis of the data set four principal themes are discussed. Responsibility is the concept by which the study aims at understanding the logic of the argumentation on which the persistence of traditional housework practices is grounded. Contrary to the Western style, Biharian respondents appealed not to the principle of choice but to their responsibility to do what has to be done. The power of tradition, the early socialization of children to the traditional division of labour and the elusive nature of modernity are all discussed separately. In addition to the principle of responsibility, housework was also seen as an expression of affection. This was connected to housework in general but also to traditional practices. The purity principle was the third element that made Biharian interviewees favour housework in general, but as in the case of affection it too was interwoven with traditional practices. It seems to be so that if housework is in general preferred, this leads to preferring the traditional division of labour, too. The same came out when examining economic imperatives. However, the arguments concerning them proved to be rational. In analysing them it became clear that the significance of traditions is also much dependent on the economics: as far as the average income in India is very low, the prevalence of traditional practices in housework will continue. However, to make this work, cultural arguments are required: their role is to mediate more smoothly the iron rules of the economy. Key words: family, gendered housework, division of labour, responsibility, family togetherness, emotion, economy of housework, modernity, traditionality
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Tutkimukseni kohteena ovat mies- ja naispuoliset tutkijat ja tohtoriopiskelijat, jotka ovat osallistuneet katalyysitutkimukseen keskittyvän tutkimusverkosto IDECAT:in toimintaan. Tutkielmassani pyrin selvittämään, onko naisten ja miesten tutkijanuran välillä eroa ja jos on, niin minkälainen tämä ero on. Pyrin myös saamaan selville, onko naisten tutkijanuralla esteitä ja esiintyykö tiedeyhteisössä sukupuolesta johtuvaa syrjintää. IDECAT (Integrated Design of Catalytic Nanomaterials for a Sustainable Production) on EU-rahoitteinen, kemian tekniikkaan liittyvään katalyysitutkimukseen keskittyvä tutkimusverkosto, johon kuuluu alan tutkimusyksiköitä ja yliopistoja 12 Euroopan maasta. IDECAT:iin kuuluu noin 500-600 henkilöä. Tutkimukseni pohjautuu kahteen kyselytutkimukseen, jotka toteutettiin Internetissä 2009-2010. Ensimmäinen kyselytutkimus oli vastaajien saatavilla loka-marraskuussa 2009 ja siinä selvitettiin IDECAT:in tutkijoiden ja tohtoriopiskelijoiden tasa-arvotilannetta yleisesti. Kyselyyn vastasi 83 henkilöä, joista 51% oli naisia ja 49 % miehiä. Kyselyssä käytettiin strukturoitua kyselylomaketta ja tulokset analysoitiin kvantitatiivisesti SPSS tilasto-ohjelmalla. Tilastollisena menetelmänä käytän ristiintaulukointia. Toinen kyselytutkimus (jatkokysely) keskittyy tiedeyhteisössä tapahtuvaan sukupuolesta johtuvaan syrjintään ja se oli vastaajien saatavilla huhti-toukokuussa 2010. Jatkokyselyn kysymykset ovat avokysymyksiä ja ne analysoitiin laadullisesti. Jatkokyselyyn vastasi 24 henkilöä, joista 6 kuvasi yksityiskohtaisesti syrjintäkokemuksiaan tiedeyhteisössä. Teoreettisena viitekehyksenä käytän tutkimuksessani Joan Ackerin sukupuolittuneen organisaation teoriaa ja siihen liittyviä, organisaation toiminnassa ilmeneviä sukupuolittuneita prosesseja. Sukupuolittuneet prosessit ovat ajattelutapoja , käytäntöjä ja asenteita, joilla sukupuolet erotetaan toisistaan ja joilla tuotetaan sukupuolten välisiä valtasuhteita. Naisten ja miesten tutkijanuran välillä on aineistossani joitakin merkittäviä eroja. Sukupuolesta johtuva syrjintä on yleistä vastaajien keskuudessa ja naiset ovat kokeneet sitä useammin kuin miehet. 67% naisvastaajista ja 37% miesvastaajista on kokenut sukupuolesta johtuvaa syrjintää. Naisvastaajat myös kokevat miehiä useammin, että he eivät saa riittävästi tukea ja kannustusta esimiehiltään. Lisäksi naisia on pyydetty mukaan tieteelliseen yhteistyöhön miehiä harvemmin. Useimmat muuttujat eivät kuitenkaan tuo eroa sukupuolten välille. Tutkijanaiset kokevat ylenemismahdollisuutensa lähes yhtä hyviksi kuin miehet, naiset ja miehet työskentelevät yhtä usein määräaikaisissa tehtävissä ja naiset työskentelevät kokopäiväisesti lähes yhtä usein kuin miehet. Naiset pitävät perheen ja työn yhdistämistä helppona. Sukupuolittuneita prosesseja ilmenee erityisesti sukupuolten väliseen työnjakoon ja sosiaalisen tuen ja vallan jakoon tiedeyhteisössä liittyvissä tilanteissa. Sukupuolittuneisuus ei kuitenkaan ole totaalista, monien kyselyn muuttujien kohdalla sukupuolittumista tai eroa sukupuolten välille ei tullut. Monet kyselyn muuttujat osoittavatkin, että naiset ja miehet kokevat, että heitä kohdellaan melko tasa-arvoisesti. Tietyillä osa-alueilla epätasa-arvoisen kohtelun kokemukset ovat kuitenkin yleisiä, mikä tuottaa ristiriitaisen kuvan tiedeyhteisön tasa-arvotilanteesta. Tämä voi viitata siihen, että tutkijanaisten ja miesten asemat ja roolit tiedeyhteisössä eivät ole pysyviä ja staattisia, vaan aktiivisessa muutoksen tilassa. Tutkijanaisten asemaa tiedeyhteisössä voidaan lisäksi parantaa reagoimalla ja puuttumalla sukupuolesta johtuvaan syrjintään, pitämällä tasa-arvoasioita esillä sekä kiinnittämällä huomiota johtamiskäytäntöihin, esimerkiksi palkkaamalla lisää naisjohtajia. Avainsanat Keywords: Sukupuolittunut organisaatio, sukupuolittuneet prosessit, kyselytutkimus, kvantitatiivinen tutkimus, tiedeyhteisö, sukupuolisyrjintä, tutkijanaiset, naistutkijat, sukupuolten tasa-arvo, gendered organization, academia, female scientists, gender equality
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Among Girls Youth Work, Multiculturalism and Gender Equality Finland s increasingly multicultural society concerns younger generations in a very particular manner. Starting already in pre-school kindergartens, children from different cultural backgrounds share their everyday existence. The focus of this study is Finland s increasingly multicultural society that has challenged youth work professionals in particular and made them rethink questions related to content, basic values and goals of youth work. These reconsiderations include the following essential questions: which of these pedagogic principles are defined as Finnish, and under what kinds of circumstances would the youth workers be ready to negotiate about them. These questions, which are related to multiculturalism, are then linked to the girls position, status and gender equality. The research examines how gender equality is articulated in relation to multiculturalism and vice versa, in what contexts youth work-related questions are negoatiated in, and how these negotiations then relate to gender issues. The present study combines theoretical concepts and debates from both post-colonial and youth research, and has benefited greatly from previous research which has examined the everyday lives of young people with multicultural backgrounds and conceptualised the different meanings of age, ethnicity, culture and gender. Neither multiculturalism nor gender equality is, however, taken as a given concept in this study; rather the research focuses on how youth workers understand and define these concepts and how they are used. The emphasis has been on monitoring the varying consequences of different understandings and definitions in terms of everyday work and practices. The goal of this study has been to find typical ways of conceptualising multiculturalism, gender equality and the role of girls in the context of youth work. The focus of the research is not just the youth workers different views but also the notions of the girls themselves. These are then further analysed by examining the ways the girls negotiate their agency. Examples of how the girls agency is defined and the different forms of agency that are offered to the girls within the context of leisure time activities and youth work have been sought. The kind of agency the girls then assume is also examined. The data in this research is comprised of interviews with young people with multicultural backgrounds (n=39), youth workers (n=42) and of ethnographic fieldwork (2003 2005). The fieldwork concentrated on following different types of youth work activities that were targeted at girls with migrant backgrounds. These were organized both by selected municipalities and NGOs. The research shows that various questions related to multicultural issues have enhanced the visibility of gender equality in the field of youth work. The identification of gender-based inequality is especially closely linked to the position of girls from migrant backgrounds. These girls are a source of particular worry and the aim of the many activity groups for migrant girls is to educate them so that they can become equal Finnish citizens . The youth work itself is seen as gender-neutral and equality based. Equality in this context is defined as a purely quantitative concept, and the solution to any possible inequalities is thus the exact same treatment for everyone . The girls themselves seem mainly confused by the role that is offered to them. They would need a voice and the possibility to have an impact on the planning of youth work activities. They want to have their views heard. The role of the victim assigned to them is very confining and makes it difficult to act. At the same time the research shows how gender-sensitive youth work is seen to mean youth work with girls. Gender-sensitive work with boys is not really done or is done very little, even if many of the interviewees are of the opinion that the true materialization of gender equality would require boys to be taken into account too. The principle of gender equality should be shared by the entire youth work profession. Keywords Youth work, equality, multiculturalism, gender sensitivity, agency, girls, young people, sexuality
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In Finland the organising of defence is undergoing vast restructuring. Recent legislation has redefined the central tasks of the Finnish Defence Forces. At the same time, international security cooperation, economic pressures and new administrative paradigms have steered the military towards new ways of organising. National defence is not just politics and principles; to a large extent it is also enacted in day-to-day life in organisations. The lens through which these realities of defence are analysed in this study is gender. How is the security sector – and national defence as part of it – organised in the changing security environment? What is the new division of labour between different societal actors in the face of security challenges? What happens ‘at work’ within the military and the defence sector more broadly? How does gender affect the way in which defence is organised and understood, and how do the changes in the organising of security affect gender relations? The thesis searches for answers to these questions in the context of two organisational settings in the male-dominated defence sector. The case study on a Finnish peacekeeping unit in the Balkans opens a critical view on men’s social practices and the everyday life of crisis management organisations. In the second case study, reorganising of provisioning in the Finnish Defence Forces turns out to be a complicated process where different power relations and social divisions intermingle. Tallberg’s extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the two focal organisations has produced a detailed set of data that lays the basis for critical analysis and policy development in terms of defence organising, cooperation around peace and security issues, and gender equality in organisations. Observations and results are provided for understanding social networks, militarisation, authority relations, care, public-private partnerships, personnel policies, career planning, and humour.
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The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.
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[EUS] Ipuinak haurren egunerokotasunean erabiliak diren baliabideak dira eta hauen funtzio hezitzailea ukaezina da. Hala ere, genero berdintasunari dagokionez, ipuinek eta bertako irudien funtzioa eztabaidagarri bihurtzen da, tradizionalki genero estereotipoak transmititu dituztela eta genero jendarteratzean duten eragina kontuan izanik. Lan honetan, beraz, gaur eguneko ilustrazioek iruditegi parekideago bat sortzera bidean, genero estereotipoak transmititzen jarraitzen duten eta emakume eta gizonen eredu berriak eta anitzak eskaintzen dituzten aztertu da. Premisa horrekin, ikerketa kualitatibo baten bidez, irudiz hornituriko hiru ipuin aztertu dira. Emaitzak aztertuta, ondorioek, irudietan parekidetasuna sustatzeko aurrerapausoak egin direla argitu dute, oraindik ere zenbait estereotiporen aztarnak nabariak diren arren.
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Resumen: El presente estudio ha intentado conocer la perspectiva que tienen las y los adolescentes de Santurtzi sobre el sexismo, eligiendo la adolescencia por su carácter fundamental en el desarrollo vital. Partimos de una investigación cualitativa llevada a cabo con 17 adolescentes a través de grupos de discusión sobre sexismo, patriarcado y alternativas de construcción personal, como son el movimiento feminista y el movimiento de nuevas masculinidades. Hemos podido corroborar el desconocimiento que todavía existe en materia de igualdad y la necesidad de intervenciones socioeducativas que de ello se desprenden, para así continuar con la lucha contra el patriarcado y contra la discriminación hacia la mujer, desde la perspectiva que nos aporta el sexismo ambivalente.
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Comunicación presentada en JEL 2013 - X Jornadas de Economía Laboral (Madrid, 11 y 12 de Julio de 2013)
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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo a investigação sobre a criação da Secretaria Especial de Políticas para Mulheres em 2003. Este organismo institucional surgiu a partir da vitória do Partido dos Trabalhadores para a Presidência da República através da candidatura de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Os atores envolvidos na concretização desta iniciativa e os fatores que levaram este governo a colocar em sua agenda central o combate às desigualdades sociais entre homens e mulheres é o interesse central tratado. A existência desta experiência é precedida por outra modalidade institucional, o Conselho Nacional de Direitos da Mulher, criado em 1985. As duas iniciativas são diferentes e são elaboradas em contextos e épocas diversas. Estas variações de propostas de institucionalização via Estado de políticas públicas para mulheres retrata uma característica do movimento feminista brasileiro que é seu caráter amplo e diverso. Com a convivência de setores com pautas e demandas diferenciadas, este movimento também mostra sua diversidade através das propostas institucionais. Do ponto de vista metodológico, foi utilizada a técnica das entrevistas semi-estruturadas com feministas que participaram da elaboração da Secretaria Especial de Políticas para Mulheres. Também foram utilizados livros, artigos e documentos considerados relevantes a partir do material das entrevistas. O perfil destas mulheres era de militantes ligadas ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, visto que foi a vitória deste partido para a Presidência da República que permitiu a concretização desta instituição. Todas as entrevistadas participaram historicamente da luta feminista desde aproximadamente as décadas de 1970 e 1980, sempre inseridas e dialogando com as propostas de governo do PT. Este estudo contribui para o esclarecimento deste episódio da história da institucionalização estatal das demandas do movimento feminista e para o fornecimento de mais ferramentas para o debate da importância que as políticas públicas e o Estado possuem no combate às desigualdades sociais entre homens e mulheres. A ideia de que a igualdade de gênero deve ser promovida dentro do Estado, a partir de suas ações e seus profissionais e, assim, trabalhada na sociedade como um todo é fundamental para que situações de inequidade sejam combatidas.
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Este trabalho tem o objetivo de explorar e investigar o papel desempenhado pelo gênero e pela sexualidade (mais especificamente a orientação sexual e sua aptidão para gerar arranjos íntimos, conjugais e familiares), na formulação de demandas a serem enfrentadas pelo sistema jurídico por meio de novas configurações ou de interpretações dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, possibilitando uma penetração do espaço público por elementos próprios da esfera da intimidade. Isto ocorre por meio de interferências recíprocas balizadas pela gramática constitucional dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, pelas quais se redimensiona a sua formulação e aplicação pelos atores sociais, ao mesmo tempo em que estes invocam sua linguagem inclusiva e igualitária na busca de reconhecimento, inclusão e participação, objetivos que realizam a ideia de reciprocidade contida no Estado de Direito formal, a igualdade de gênero e de orientação sexual torna-se mais do que um ideal regulatório, indo além para tornar-se uma concepção de justiça ela própria, informada também por uma dimensão substantiva de Estado de Direito relacionada ao paradigma democrático, ainda que os direitos que realizam tal ideal de justiça devam ser concretizados judicialmente em diferentes graus, a partir das funções dos direitos e com vistas a compatibilizar universalidade e singularidade e permitindo os canais de comunicação para a veiculação das pretensões da minoria à luz do diálogo com a maioria.
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At both the micro and macro-economic level, the impact of the fisheries economy is deeply gendered — a problem that must be addressed through explicit, affirmative action. The economy is the most significant factor in how the fish sector operates. When considering how economic events affect fisheries, gender impacts are rarely examined, even though many impacts are gender sensitive. Our current state of knowledge merely hints at the gendered impacts of the economy. This has to change; economic arguments must be added to the social agenda for gender equality in fisheries.