ELMs disease? Corporatism, stewardship and citizenship in the English countryside

Varying concepts of citizenship, implicit within policy providing countryside access opportunities in England and the sometimes contrasting political rhetoric concerning citizenship, are evaluated here. The focus for this paper surrounds the Countryside Stewardship Scheme and, generically, the access elements of Environmental Land Management schemes (ELMs) and the implications of the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act in this context. Policy formulation in respect of countryside access may not be prepared considering the philosophical implications for citizens rights or property rights constructions. However, it is hypothesized that particular modes of regulation and commodification (of certain countryside goods) are imbued with certain values which reflect a neo-Liberal political philosophy. This view is contextualized within present theoretical debates concerning rural society.

The lion and the ox: Oakeshotts engagement with Leo Strauss on Hobbes

Recent studies of Michael Oakeshott have stressed the mutually constitutive importance of Hobbes to Oakeshott, arguing in part that Oakeshott’s Hobbes largely reflected his own concerns and broader philosophical project. This paper does not dispute this, but proposes a complementary account: Oakeshott’s interpretation of Hobbes was also formed in large measure by both his sympathy for Leo Strauss’s account and by his perception of it as the principal rival to his own. To demonstrate the existence of such a formative engagement, a close reading of Oakeshott’s essay The moral life in the writings of Thomas Hobbes is undertaken. Not only is Oakeshott found to have absorbed much of Strauss’s interpretation (surprisingly including Strauss’s distinction between esoteric and exoteric doctrines), the key impetus of the essay is shown to be a refutation of Strauss’s characterization of Hobbes as a ‘moralist of the common good’.

Harringtonian virtue: Harrington, Machiavelli, and the method of the 'Moment'

This article presents a reinterpretation of James Harrington's writings. It takes issue with J. G. A. Pocock's reading, which treats him as importing into England a Machiavellian ‘language of political thought’. This reading is the basis of Pocock's stress on the republicanism of eighteenth-century opposition values. Harrington's writings were in fact a most implausible channel for such ideas. His outlook owed much to Stoicism. Unlike the Florentine, he admired the contemplative life; was sympathetic to commerce; and was relaxed about the threat of ‘corruption’ (a concept that he did not understand). These views can be associated with his apparent aims: the preservation of a national church with a salaried but politically impotent clergy; and the restoration of the royalist gentry to a leading role in English politics. Pocock's hypothesis is shown to be conditioned by his method; its weaknesses reflect some difficulties inherent in the notion of ‘languages of thought’.

‘Due libertie and proportiond equalitie’: Milton, democracy, and the republican tradition

John Milton’s political thought has been interpreted in strikingly divergent ways. This article argues that he should be seen as a classical republican, and locates key aspects of his political thought within an ancient Greek discourse critical of democracy or extreme democracy. Milton was clearly familiar with the ancient texts expounding this critique, and he himself deployed both the arguments and the characteristic discourse of the anti-democratic thinkers across the span of his writing. This vision of politics emphasized the rightly-ordered soul of the masculine republican citizen, in contrast to the unruly passions seen both in tyrants and in the democratic rabble.

Theories of international relations

This collection of essays demonstrates the continuing importance of the work of Michael Polanyi for the understanding, not only of the great events of the 20th century, but also of the problems that face us in the 21st century. Polanyi moved liberalism away from a negative, sceptical and rationalist basis towards an acceptance of trust, tradition and faith in transcendent values. His conception of the free society is not one merely of doing as one pleases nor vacuously 'open', but one of individual and communal self-dedication to those values and ideals.These essays, authored by a distinguished international and interdisciplinary panel of invited contributors, examine Polanyi's specific insights in the theory of knowledge, the nature and source of social order and the philosophy of economics and science and draw relevant comparisons between Polanyi and related thinkers such as Popper, Hayek and Mises. This book shows the sources of Polanyi's ideas and his distinctive contribution to philosophy generally, to social and political thought and to economics.

Mutual obligation? Regulating by supervision and surveillance in Australian income support policy

Through an analysis of speeches by government ministers, documents and regulations, this article examines the Australian national government’s surveillance of unemployed people through what is known as Activity Testing, and more specifically as Mutual Obligation. It seeks to merge the social policy analysis of Mutual Obligation with a surveillance perspective in order to delve deeper into the underlying nature of the policy and its implications for people who are unemployed. It does this by 1. Outlining the neo-liberal political theory underlying these policies; 2. Illustrating the nature and extent of surveillance of people in receipt of income support, and 3. Employing Foucault’s concepts of the technologies of domination and the self to highlight the controlling and coercive aspects of Mutual Obligation in achieving certain of the Government’s political and policy objectives. In doing so, the analysis will make visible something of the power exerted over the disadvantaged while subject to such surveillance.

Defesa de direitos humanos e políticas públicas: o tráfico internacional de pessoas no Brasil

A preocupação central deste trabalho é estabelecer a relação entre políticas públicas e a defesa de direitos humanos no Brasil. O ponto de partida inicial é a hipótese de que os direitos humanos são valores que devem permear as políticas públicas porque são padrões de justiça social. Além disso, o reconhecimento de direitos civis, políticos, sociais e econômicos são a base do estado de direito, da democracia e da teoria política liberal. Portanto, sua efetivação, através da ação do Estado legitima o governo democrático. Ao mesmo tempo, os direitos humanos fazem parte do arcabouço institucional da comunidade internacional e fundam, também, os relacionamentos inter-estatais. Apesar do consenso em torno dos direitos humanos, muitas vezes eles são desconsiderados por governos, entidades privadas e indivíduos. O trabalho identifica os variados sistemas de defesa de direitos humanos, nacional e internacionais. Atualmente, as situações de desigualdade são agravadas pela globalização e pela falta de uma instância consolidada de tutela internacional. Um dos impactos da globalização sobre a vida das pessoas é a mobilidade. O desrespeito aos direitos humanos, aliado com a fácil mobilidade das populações é um tema que tem preocupado os organismos internacionais e as organizações não governamentais nacionais e internacionais. O exemplo do tráfico internacional de pessoas para fins de exploração sexual é utilizado para realçar as necessidades de políticas públicas internas aos Estados e internacionais para minorar situações de exploração de pessoas, que afetam a sua dignidade humana e seus direitos civis básicos, enfim, que defendam direitos humanos. A política pública brasileira, no que tange o tráfico internacional de pessoas, no entanto, deve ser pensada com alguns cuidados pelos administradores públicos, de maneira a realmente defender os direitos ameaçados. Nesse exemplo, fica evidente que é necessária a ação do estado para defender de maneira direta os direitos civis, por meio de campanhas de esclarecimento, medidas de segurança pública e acordos internacionais, como também fica claro que políticas voltadas para a afirmação de direitos sociais e econômicos atuam também na efetivação dos direitos civis, pela minoração das vulnerabilidades da população.

Leituras brasileiras sobre a nova ordem internacional (1989-1994)

O presente trabalho é resultado de pesquisa realizada a respeito das leituras brasileiras sobre a Nova Ordem Internacional. A partir da investigação em fontes históricas depositadas no Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação em História Contemporânea do Brasil (CPDOC/FGV), como os documentos textuais do Arquivo Marcílio Marques Moreira e as entrevistas de Celso Amorim, Celso Lafer, Gelson Fonseca e Luiz Felipe Lampreia, procurouse analisar as principais ideias de três personagens históricos diretamente envolvidos com a formulação da política externa brasileira no período da Nova República, mais especificamente entre 1989 e 1994: Celso Lafer, Gelson Fonseca e Rubens Ricupero. Para tanto, buscou-se destacar as principais formas de interpretação do sistema internacional alterado pelo fim do conflito bipolar com o apoio da literatura mais recente produzida na área, como os trabalhos de Odd Westad (2005), Andrew Hurrell (2001, 2007) e John Ikenberry (2005). Os dados coletados durante o processo de feitura da pesquisa permitem-nos afirmar que, no Brasil, os temas da autonomia e do desenvolvimento são resilientes. Os debates sobre autonomia e desenvolvimento, tão caros ao discurso acadêmico e político nacionalista desenvolvido nos anos 50, além de terem permanecido como preocupação de fundo nas análises dos formuladores de política externa, demonstra que, no Brasil, o discurso modernizante retomou as ideias básicas do pensamento político nativo.

São públicas as contratações do estado brasileiro? - uma experiência de contratações públicas junto à comunidade Coqueiral em Aracaju/SE.

State intervention generally demands the purchase or rental of goods and services, and such acquisitions are subject to a number of indispensable legal frameworks. In the Brazilian State, Law 8.666 of 21 June 1993 and further norms regulate the necessity of a formal process, usually licitation. Given the importance of this subject to public and private spheres, one of the prerequisites of these formal contracting rules is the openness of public acts, and society s knowledge and accompaniment. The objective of this study is to investigate society s participation in public contracting, with the aim of debating theories surrounding the state/society relationship proposed by public political thought and authors in relation to legal aspects involving licitations. The principal question of this research is: despite the possibility of society s participation being predicted in the legal frameworks which orientate licitations, why is this social control not carried out? Why does it only occupy a secondary position to both individual and collective agents? In order to test some of this study s hypotheses, field research was carried out in the Coqueiral community in Aracaju, Sergipe, in relation to public acquisitions of goods and services during the period of May to September 2009. Research involved observation visits and guided interviews with the relevant community and public sector representatives. This project s hypotheses were confirmed, as this social control is not apparent, even in areas where popular participation is a strong component in asserting ones local rights, like in the Coqueiral community.

ELOY DE SOUZA: UMA INTERPRETAÇÃO SOBRE O NORDESTE E OS DILEMAS DAS SECAS

The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast

Foucault e a (bio) política: possibilidades e metamorfose de um conceito

The fundamental question developed in this research is to consider the possible meanings of biopolitics in the thought of Michel Foucault. In the first chapter of this study seeks to examine the rationality of biopower. It is able to show the rationality of acting as a social machinery for the manufacture of the subjectivity of individuals, biopolitics as a producer of bodies and subjectivity. The theme of biopolitics appears as inspiration of Nietzsche's metaphor of war. The idea that history is the war for dominance of the bodies. In the second chapter, the (bio) political will and political thought of resistance, fighting criticism as an attitude of revolt of the subject before his condition subjugated. The biopolitical here is intended as a conceptual tool for reading the thought / Foucault's work. A resistance that can be thought of as a biopolitical as a "refractoriness reflected". The third chapter will seek to show how the Foucault argues that power was already present the ethics of self-care. If the subject is a product, is captured by the discourse of biopower that manufactures its subjectivity, self care, it's time to think about the inner contents. Self care is something that offers resistance, as a possibility to think that these contents are constructed historically, and that therefore it is possible to reestablish the self-care is a policy of fighting these sedimented content that promotes colonization of the subjects. You can move from ruler to ruled itself, although this pursuit of liberty is always unfinished, always be a tension, a desire for freedom that can be undertaken not as a state, but at least the minimum and temporarily in other forms of existence, and other ways of relating, other ways of sociability, friendship, sexuality