9 resultados para Responsabilidade política
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
The current National Policy for Social Assistance (PNAS) is the instrument that regulates the organization and procedures of social-welfare actions. Developed and approved in 2004 since the Unified Social Assistance System (ITS) was crated in 2003, it reaffirms the democratic principles of the Social Assistance Organic Law (LOAS) focusing on the universalization of social rights and equality of rights when accessing the social-welfare system. In the SUAS point of view, the PNAS highlights the information, monitoring and evaluation fields for being the best way to assure the regulation, organization and control by the Federal Government paying attention to the principles of decentralization and participation. This political-institutional rearrangement occurs through the pact among all the three federal entities. The pact deals with the implementation of the task. It says that it has to be shared between the federal autonomous entities, established by dividing responsibilities. To the cities, considered as the smallest territorial unit of the federation and closer to the population, was given the primary responsibility, which is to feed and maintain the database of SUAS NETWORK and identify families living in situations of social vulnerability. In addition to these responsibilities, the cities that have full autonomy in the management of their actions, have the responsibility to organize the basic social protection and the special social protection, that using the Center of Social Assistance Reference (CRAS) and the Center of Specialized Social Assistance Reference (CREAS), are responsible for the provision of programs, projects and services that strengthen the family and community; that promote people who are able to enjoy the benefits of the Continuing benefit of Provisions (BPC) and transfer of incomes; that hold the infringed rights on its territory; that maximize the protective role of families and strengthen its users organization. In Mossoró/RN, city classified as autonomous in the social assistance management, has five units of CRAS that, for being public utilities, are considered the main units of basic social protection, since they are responsible for the connection between the other institutions that compose the network of local social protection. Also known as Family House, the CRAS, among other programs and services, offers the Integral Attention to Families Program (PAIF), Juvenile ProJovem Program, socio-educational coexistence services programs, as well as sending people to other public policies and social-welfare services network, provides information, among others. In this large field, social workers are highlighted as keys to implement the policy of social assistance within the city, followed by psychologists and educators. They should be effective public employees, as a solution to ensure that the provision of the services are to be continued, provided to the population living around the units. However, what we can find here is inattention to the standard rules of social assistance, which not only undermines the quality of programs and services, but also the consolidation of policy on welfare as public policy of social rights
Resumo:
In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital
Resumo:
This work studies the thematic of the politics of formation of teachers in the Program of Professional Qualification for Basic Education (PROBÁSICA) developed in the City of Parnamirim, Rio Grande do Norte. It has as its main objective to identify and to analyze the contribution of this politics of initial formation for the professional formation of teachers. To install the work, we will use the procedures of bibliographical research, documentary analysis, comment, structuralized interview, questionnaire-script and virtual research. In the analysis of the data, we trace a general view on PROBÁSICA while initial formation along with the continued formation, pedagogical research, collaborative research and the exercise of the teaching profession, identifying the possibilities and limits of the Program in the direction to reach the objective considered in this work. From the inquiry, we construct the institutional land scope of the program in question, also focusing, the organizational aspects of its functioning. We have to take care about the results, we evidence that PROBÁSICA is making the possible to access of the teachers in the educational service to the University, what the main aspect that consists, trying to prove eminent weak points in its systematic due to give to the organizational structure of this educational politics that does not count with curricular, institutional and financial the necessary conditions for the success of the professional formation of the teachers. The research will try to understand that the operationalization of the politics of formation in Parnamirim will be belong with it the main idea of the Educational Reformation in years of 1990, articulated to the neoliberal interests, that the responsibility for the problems of the public system of education attributed to the teachers, and that are not answered completely through the purpose of the professional formation, and ti seems that it does not define one global national politics that deals with seriousness to the questions the initial formation, permanent formation, pedagogical research, , career and conditions of work for the teachers
Resumo:
Study about the national politics on the professional education, under responsibility of the brazilian Work Department in 1990 years. Purposes to apprehend the results of the actions of the professional education in a basic level, offered by the National Plan of the worker qualification ( PLANFOR ), as well as the effects on the assisted exits, starting from the experience appreciated on the Plan of Qualification developed in the state of Maranhão between 1996 to 2000. It adopts a theoretical-methodological conception by an ontological nature, if being worth of categories as the one of totality and of mediation that together, makes possible the apprehension of a dialectical movement that happens among the analysis object, the professional education politics in a basic level, performed by PLANFOR and your context, the underdevelop and heterogeneous Brazilian capitalism and the consequent job market generalized precarious and informal, making possible that the reality investigated become to understood rationally. This paper uses the indirect documentation technique, instruments of the bibliographical research and documental research. This study is based on those that aren´t part of PLANFOR, qualified by professional education courses in basic level,they didn't get to be inserts at the formal job market, just occupying precarious occupations in the informal job market. Aims to presents and discusses the productive process and your restructuring globally in progress. It focuses at the impacts on the workers, the precariousness of the work that appears like a new phenomenon calls new informality. Talks about the particularity process of productive restructuring assumed in Brazil highlights, showing that the informality, was always a structural phenomenon in the country. Discusses about the professional qualification in the contemporary capitalism, specifying some of your theses. Shows in a historical view the process of appearance of the employment notions and competence, and the influence that it exercised on the reforms of the basic and professional education, as well as the implications of both in the politics of professional education in the country. Rescues the process of creation of PLANFOR, your official formulations and your organized bases, starting from the second half of the 1990 decade. Shows yet the continuos changes in the job market of Maranhão state, for after, starting from the reports expresses at the Plans of Qualification from the state, elaborated by the Group of Evaluation and Studies of the Poverty and the Politics addressed to the poverty from the Master degree Program in Public Politics, from the Federal University of Maranhão, analyzing the acting of PLANFOR in the State, your probable deficiencies, as results the changes verified in the conditions of occupation and the gains of the exits from the professional education courses in basic level
Resumo:
As a contemporary tendency, it is been evidenced that the environmental changes theme, already admitted as a concernment to international economical and political reality, is also gaining repercussion on industrial and business sector. Firms are implementing actions on trial to minimize their own greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions impacts. However, the great majority of those actions of Corporative Social-Environmental Responsibility (CSR) are referred only to direct emissions of the main production systems. Direct emissions are those derived of an isolate process, without considering the upstream and downstream processes emissions, which respond for the majority of emissions originated because of respective firm‟s production system existence. Because the greenhouse effect occurs globally and the GHG emissions contribute to the environmental changes independently of their origin, it must be taken into account the whole productive life cycle of products and systems, since the energy invested on resources extraction and necessary materials to the final disposal. To do so, it must be investigated all relevant steps of a product/production system life cycle, tracking all activities which emit greenhouse gases, directly or indirectly. This amount of emissions consists in the firm‟s Carbon Footprint. This research purpose is to defend the Carbon Footprint relevance and its adoption viability to be used as an Environmental Indicator on measurement/assessment of CSR. It has been realized a study case on Petrobras‟s seat unity at Natal-Brazil, assessing part of its Carbon Footprint. It has been used the software GEMIS 4.6 to do the emissions quantifying. The items measured were the direct emissions of the own unity vehicles and indirect emissions of offset paper (A4), energy and disposable plastic cups consumed. To 2009, these emissions were 3.811,94 tCO2eq. We may conclude that Carbon Footprint quantification is indispensable to the knowledge of real emissions caused by a productive process existence, must serving as basis to CSR decisions about the environmental changes reversion challenge
Resumo:
Many discussions about the role of the school are on the agenda, in an increasingly complex society. Sociologists, educators, anthropologists, researchers of different areas seek that role. The objective of this dissertation is to contribute what we can consider the central role for the physics teaching, citizenship training. We have elaborated a didactic proposal to increase the interest of high school students on issues of social relevance and, throughout it, to promote the formation of attitudes of social responsibility, enhancing the formation of a more politically and socially active citizen. For the preparation of the proposal, studies were made on education for citizenship and on attitudes change, using as its main theoretical foundation the researches on the Science, Technology and Society curricular emphasis. The teaching of Nuclear Physics was integrated to our proposal, due to its pedagogical potential for the discussion of social, political and economic subjects related to scientific concepts and associated technologies. The educational proposal we have produced was applied on a high school class of a private school at Natal-RN. It was composed from the controversial issue involving the installation of nuclear power plants in Brazilian northeast. The methodology of role playing, in which students assumed social roles and produced specific subsidies for a public hearing and a later referendum, both simulated. In the analysis of the implementation of the proposal, we highlighted the difficulties but also the possibilities and the relevance of exercising skills such as reasoning, finding information, and arguing about of social problems. The results of the research showed the possibility of meaningful learning on Nuclear Physics contents, through this social, political, economic, scientific and technological contextualization using a controversial and real issue together with mechanisms that trigger for greater popular participation, as public hearing. It has also been identified changes in attitude by some students about issues related to Nuclear Physics. We hope, through this dissertation, to contribute to the formation of future citizens as well as to the initiative of teachers-researchers with pedagogical aims similar to those in the present work
Resumo:
This research aims to focus on the education problem, since its source of development is the Research Base: Teachers Training and Qualification of UFRN. Therefore, we seek guidance in the beliefs in sustainability to propose plausible alternatives to promote the education process of UFRN administration undergraduates in order to meet the demands of a market-oriented society, since the market trend is to evolve from environmental guided activities, and future administrators should be trained to meet those conditions. The need to develop an instrument capable of understanding the beliefs of undergraduates on the sustainability problem becomes the object of analysis. This research aims to develop a normative questionnaire to study administration students beliefs in sustainability. The complexity and sensitivity of this research required the integration of various methodological procedures. These proposals were made as follows: analysis and selection of literature, expert validation procedures and psychometric methods and statistics. As for the literature, types of sustainability were identified and categorized, such as: political, social, economic and environmental sustainability. However, it is understood that the educational type, although included in all of those, needed to be converted into another type to fit the theme, since education is believed to be the best way to raise awareness about sustainability. Thus, it was required the categorization of the types, which was defined using criteria such as: contexts, objectives, goals, pathways and hypotheses. The normative questionnaire was the guiding instrument to investigate the role of administration students, regarding the level of knowledge established and regulated by social educational context, especially by becoming a basic condition for carrying out research on beliefs. The study confirmed that the types of sustainability - political, social, economic, environmental and educational - for having institutionalized literatures as sources, in international and national levels, are representative in the identification of future administrators. Therefore, it is believed that the types of sustainability categorized to provide a characterization of sustainability include the structuring of knowledge for undergraduates. The economic and political types, however, were not as representative with respect to their typicality and polarity indices as the educational, environmental and social ones. Although the beliefs of the undergraduates show how much they share ideas on all types, they present more identification with the educational and environmental types. Finally, it is expected that this instrument be subject to application in similar contexts so that it can ascertain whether such statements are part of the knowledge structure of future administrators from other institutions. Therefore, it is expected this strategy to strengthen the validation of the normative questionnaire
Resumo:
In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.
Resumo:
In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.