13 resultados para Mulheres - política - Brasil
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
The birth models of care are discussed, in the light of classical and contemporary social science theoretical background, emphasizing the humanistic model. The double spiral of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences is detailed, being based, on one hand, on the translation of experiences of knowledge, and, on the other, on the translation of experiences of information and communication, by revealing the movement articulated by Brazilian women on blogs that defend and bring into light initiatives aiming to recover natural and humanized birth. A cartography of the thematic ideas in birth literature is produced, resulting in the elaboration of a synthetic map on obstetric models of care in contemporaneity, pointing out the consequences of the obstetric model that has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, and comparing that model to others that work more efficaciously to mothers and babies. A symbolic cartography of the activism for humanizing birth on the Brazilian blogosphere is configured by the elaboration of an analytical map synthetizing the main mottos defended by the movement: Normal humanized birth; Against obstetrical violence; and Planned home birth. The superposition of the obstetric models of care s map and the rebirth of birth s analytical map indicates it is necessary to reinforce three main measures in order to make a paradigmatic turn in contemporary birth models of care possible: pave the way for the humanistic care of assistance in normal birth, by defending and highlighting practices and professionals that act in compliance with evidence based medicine, respecting the physiology of birth; denaturalize obstetric violence, by showing how routine procedures and interventions can be means of aggression, jeopardizing the autonomy, the protagonism and the respect towards women; and motivate initiatives of planned home birth, the best place for the occurrence of holistic experiences of birth. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women s reproductive rights in Brazil and that the potential of the crowd s biopower that resides on the blogosphere can turn blogs into a hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In that condition of being virtually hegemonic in contesting the established power, these blogs can be understood, therefore, as potentially great contra-hegemonic channels for the rebirth of birth and for the reinvention of social emancipation, as their author s articulate and organize themselves to strive against the waste of experience, trying to create reciprocal intelligibility amongst different experiences of world
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It analyses the approach given by health professionals (social workers, nurses and doctors) against woman violence at the Medical Unities of Felipe Camarão and Quintas of the City of Natal and searches to identify if the domestic violence is (in)visible at the Public Health Assistance System attendance. and It refers to the grandiosity of this violence and its consequences to the women health, recognizing it as a public health problem. To the comprehension of the relationship between violent acts against women and their health serious damages, exposes the battle history of the feminist movements and the brazilian women, demonstrating the visibility acquired by theses conquests of the questions related to the women and how the gender study becomes the central category to (re) think the social relations involving women and men, specially, the violent relationships between them. It analyses, mainly, those practiced by the husbands, partners, boyfriends or lovers. It refers, at the end, about the public politics of violence combat adopted at police stations at health centers, showing the difficulties to establish the legislation that exists to combat the violence suffered by the women that look for assistance at the health unities. It intends, with this way, to give more visibility to the domestic questions at the marital relations and ask attention from the public power and health professionals between them, the social worker to the (in) visibility of this problems at the attendances practiced
Resumo:
Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.
Resumo:
Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.
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OBJETIVO: avaliar a sintomatologia climatérica e fatores relacionados entre mulheres dos meios urbano e rural do Rio Grande do Norte. MÉTODOS: estudo transversal, descritivo, envolvendo casuística de 261 mulheres climatéricas residentes em Natal e Mossoró (grupo urbano; n=130) e Uruaçu, em São Gonçalo do Amarante (grupo rural; n=131). A sintomatologia climatérica foi avaliada pelo Índice Menopausal de Blatt-Kupperman (IMBK) e Escala Climatérica de Greene (ECG). A análise estatística constou de comparações das medianas dos escores entre os grupos e regressão logística. Defi niram-se como “muito sintomáticas” as pacientes com escores ≥20, para ambos instrumentos (variável dependente). As variáveis independentes foram: idade, procedência, alfabetização, obesidade e prática de atividade física. RESULTADOS: o grupo urbano apresentou escores signifi cativamente superiores ao grupo rural, tanto para o IMBK (medianas de 26,0 e 17,0, respectivamente; p<0,0001), quanto para a ECG (medianas de 27,0 e 16,0, respectivamente; p<0,0001). Na amostra total, evidenciou-se que 56,3% (n=147) das mulheres foram classifi cadas como “muito sintomáticas”. Na comparação intergrupos, essa prevalência foi signifi cativamente mais elevada nas mulheres urbanas em relação às rurais (79,2 e 33,6%, respectivamente; p<0,05). Pela análise de regressão logística, evidenciou-se que a chance de pertencer ao grupo defi nido como “muito sintomáticas” foi maior para mulheres do meio urbano [odds ratio ajustado (OR)=7,1; 95% intervalo de confi ança a 95% (IC95%)=3,69-13,66] e alfabetizadas (OR=2,19; IC95%=1,16-4,13). A idade superior a 60 anos associou-se com menor chance de ocorrência de sintomas signifi cativos (OR=0,38; IC95%=0,17-0,87). CONCLUSÕES: a prevalência de sintomas climatéricos signifi cativos é menor em mulheres do meio rural, demonstrando que fatores socioculturais e ambientais estão fortemente relacionados ao surgimento dos sintomas climatéricos em nossa população.___________________________________ABSTRACT PURPOSE: to evaluate climacteric symptoms and related factors in women living in rural and urban areas of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil. METHODS: a cross-sectional study involving 261 women in the climacteric was performed. A total of 130 women from Natal and Mossoró (urban group) and 131 from Uruaçu, in São Gonçalo do Amarante (rural group), were studied. Climacteric symptoms were assessed by the Blatt-Kupperman Menopausal Index (BKMI) and Greene Climacteric Scale (GCE). Statistical analysis involved comparison of median between groups and logistic regression analysis. Patients were defi ned as “very symptomatic” when the climacteric score was ≥20 for both questionnaires (dependent variable). Independent variables were: age, living area, schooling, obesity and physical activity. RESULTS: the urban group had signifi cantly higher scores than those of the rural group, both for BKMI (median of 26.0 and 17.0, respectively; p<0.0001) and for GCE (median of 27.0 and 16.0, respectively; p<0.0001). For the entire sample, a total of 56.3% (n=147) of the women were classifi ed as “very symptomatic”. This prevalence was signifi cantly higher in urban than in rural women (79.2 and 33.6%, respectively; p<0.05). Logistic regression analysis showed that the likelihood of belonging to the group defi ned as “very symptomatic” was greater for urban women [adjusted odds ratio (OR)=7.1; confi dence interval at 95% (95%CI)=3.69-13.66] who were literate (OR=2.19; 95%CI=1.16- 4.13). Individuals over the age of 60 years had less chance of having signifi cant symptoms (OR=0.38; 95%CI=0.17-0.87). CONCLUSIONS: the prevalence of signifi cant climacteric symptoms is less in women from a rural environment, showing that sociocultural and environmental factors are strongly related to the appearance of climacteric symptoms in our population
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The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)
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The study of public policy typologies is still a knowledge field which lacks more embracing and applicable studies to different sectors. On that perspective, this work, Social Assistance Policy in Brazil: an analysis from the typologies on public policy, pursues to add the relevant literature to social assistance what focus on the public policy ratings. Moreover, it concerns about a study on the the national policy of social assistance implemented by the Brazilian government from the theoretical referrence of the public policy typologies. For that reason, the referential framework of the public policies as well as the analisys of its fundamentals/principles that are indispensable for achieving a bigger goal, that is to tipify the social assistance policy based on the different public policy typologies and characterize it through the main elements which are intrinsec to the social political and economic reality of Brazil. Thus, the issue suggested for the work is: what is the profile and the political trajectory of the social assistance implemented by the Brazilian Government? How it presents, above all, the features of a distributive, focused and lawful policy, the work has been done througho the following hypothesis: the social assistance policy in Brazil has been of universal, assistance, and focusing aspects. For each of those features granted to the social assistance policy, there is a gathering of changes according to the social, political and economic moment of the country and that stands out due to the different institutions within every cyclical period. The work showed that besides the social policy has gone through meaningful changes during the last decades, even though the adoption of the Organic Law of Social Assistance and its rules, some of the mentioned characteristics still remain, as long as the State s primacy goes on being the economic policies over the dubbed social policies. Notwithstanding, the social assistance will build up itself from the materialization of the growing of the social rights related to the State, but also assuming an important role on the amplified reproducing process regarding the capitalist social relations
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The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution
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This work aims at studying the policies of teaching training and their impact in the actors and in the education systems of the countries in which these policies were implemented into the context of neoliberal reforms. We particularly studied these policies in three Latin America countries: Argentina, Brazil and Chile. The policies studied here are the ones implemented from the 90 s. However, the horizon of this study is at the beginning of the 80 s, period that starts one of the four intervention initiatives of education here studied: The Main Project of Education For Latin America and Caribbean (PROMEDLAC), which in 2002 goes into a new stage and it is called Regional Project of Education for Latin America and Caribbean (PRELAC), worked out by UNESCO as a request of government representatives of countries of the region, based on the suggestions of Declaration of Mexico , signed by them in 1979. These suggestions will be in the base of the other three initiatives: The Education For All (EPT); Ibero-American Conferences of Education (CIE) and The Hemisphere Action Plan of Education (PAHE), whose documents are the base to the production of an abundant legislation and normatization on education that created the parameters on which the policies of education reforms were worked out and implemented and the dynamism of our education systems from the last two decades of the twentieth century on. All these initiatives intend to work with objectives, projects and programs that, in some cases, in isolation or in groups, are under influence of their actions in a way that frequently it is difficult to identify which of them is the main responsible for some advances. It is important to stand out that not all of the suggestions produced by these initiatives were implemented as policies, and many of them to be implemented were changed in such a way that they were distorted, even they were a result of a multilateral deal, each country gave to them its own interpretation. Moreover, in all these processes the teaching entities had and keep having a fundamental role. The evidences, result of the evaluations of each initiative, show that education policies implemented produced advances in several aspects. They are still not the ideal ones, in truth, but they do exist. In relation to the teaching questions, there were and are still being implemented multiples and varied actions that did not have the expected impact in the education systems of the countries, objects of this study, but, many of them that go on, are promising and start to have a positive impact into the education systems. Even so, the teaching subject matter, even playing a central role in the agenda of all countries of the region, still represents one of the big challenges to the advance and improvement of our education systems
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The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them
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OBJETIVO: avaliar a sintomatologia climatérica e fatores relacionados entre mulheres dos meios urbano e rural do Rio Grande do Norte. MÉTODOS: estudo transversal, descritivo, envolvendo casuística de 261 mulheres climatéricas residentes em Natal e Mossoró (grupo urbano; n=130) e Uruaçu, em São Gonçalo do Amarante (grupo rural; n=131). A sintomatologia climatérica foi avaliada pelo Índice Menopausal de Blatt-Kupperman (IMBK) e Escala Climatérica de Greene (ECG). A análise estatística constou de comparações das medianas dos escores entre os grupos e regressão logística. Defi niram-se como “muito sintomáticas” as pacientes com escores ≥20, para ambos instrumentos (variável dependente). As variáveis independentes foram: idade, procedência, alfabetização, obesidade e prática de atividade física. RESULTADOS: o grupo urbano apresentou escores signifi cativamente superiores ao grupo rural, tanto para o IMBK (medianas de 26,0 e 17,0, respectivamente; p<0,0001), quanto para a ECG (medianas de 27,0 e 16,0, respectivamente; p<0,0001). Na amostra total, evidenciou-se que 56,3% (n=147) das mulheres foram classifi cadas como “muito sintomáticas”. Na comparação intergrupos, essa prevalência foi signifi cativamente mais elevada nas mulheres urbanas em relação às rurais (79,2 e 33,6%, respectivamente; p<0,05). Pela análise de regressão logística, evidenciou-se que a chance de pertencer ao grupo defi nido como “muito sintomáticas” foi maior para mulheres do meio urbano [odds ratio ajustado (OR)=7,1; 95% intervalo de confi ança a 95% (IC95%)=3,69-13,66] e alfabetizadas (OR=2,19; IC95%=1,16-4,13). A idade superior a 60 anos associou-se com menor chance de ocorrência de sintomas signifi cativos (OR=0,38; IC95%=0,17-0,87). CONCLUSÕES: a prevalência de sintomas climatéricos signifi cativos é menor em mulheres do meio rural, demonstrando que fatores socioculturais e ambientais estão fortemente relacionados ao surgimento dos sintomas climatéricos em nossa população.___________________________________ABSTRACT PURPOSE: to evaluate climacteric symptoms and related factors in women living in rural and urban areas of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil. METHODS: a cross-sectional study involving 261 women in the climacteric was performed. A total of 130 women from Natal and Mossoró (urban group) and 131 from Uruaçu, in São Gonçalo do Amarante (rural group), were studied. Climacteric symptoms were assessed by the Blatt-Kupperman Menopausal Index (BKMI) and Greene Climacteric Scale (GCE). Statistical analysis involved comparison of median between groups and logistic regression analysis. Patients were defi ned as “very symptomatic” when the climacteric score was ≥20 for both questionnaires (dependent variable). Independent variables were: age, living area, schooling, obesity and physical activity. RESULTS: the urban group had signifi cantly higher scores than those of the rural group, both for BKMI (median of 26.0 and 17.0, respectively; p<0.0001) and for GCE (median of 27.0 and 16.0, respectively; p<0.0001). For the entire sample, a total of 56.3% (n=147) of the women were classifi ed as “very symptomatic”. This prevalence was signifi cantly higher in urban than in rural women (79.2 and 33.6%, respectively; p<0.05). Logistic regression analysis showed that the likelihood of belonging to the group defi ned as “very symptomatic” was greater for urban women [adjusted odds ratio (OR)=7.1; confi dence interval at 95% (95%CI)=3.69-13.66] who were literate (OR=2.19; 95%CI=1.16- 4.13). Individuals over the age of 60 years had less chance of having signifi cant symptoms (OR=0.38; 95%CI=0.17-0.87). CONCLUSIONS: the prevalence of signifi cant climacteric symptoms is less in women from a rural environment, showing that sociocultural and environmental factors are strongly related to the appearance of climacteric symptoms in our population
