50 resultados para Estado de Direito Capitalista

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality

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Aborda a evolução histórica das liberdades individuais, a partir de apontamentos pertinentes ao constitucionalismo liberal, à formação do Estado de Direito e ao advento dos regimes democráticos amparados em direitos fundamentais. Pretende, quanto aos direitos fundamentais, mostrar diversas classificações, funções, critérios e conceitos, além da sistematização de gerações ou dimensões de direitos. Discorre acerca da teoria dos limites aos limites, ao lado de teorias correlatas em profícua confrontação doutrinária, tudo com fins a estruturar os conceitos basilares de direitos de liberdade, que orientam o restante da obra. Trata do cenário histórico-jurídico do surgimento da Análise Econômica do Direito (AED), consistente, sobretudo, no jusrealismo norte-americano, abordado, em paralelo, com o realismo jurídico escandinavo. Aplica conceitos e premissas de microeconomia ao Direito Penal, com ênfase para a investigação do comportamento criminoso empreendida pela Economia do Crime. Avança não apenas restrito à perspectiva teórica, trazendo dados empíricos e implicações concretas da teoria econômica dos delitos e das penas, que serão reconhecidos na evolução e redução da criminalidade, nas políticas de desarmamento, na estruturação empresarial do narcotráfico, bem como na otimização da administração penitenciária brasileira a fim de concretizar o preconizado pela legislação de execução penal. Desenvolve estudo a partir da leitura histórica do Direito Penal, passando pelos conceitos de sociedade complexa e de riscos. Analisa, após fixados tais pressupostos, algumas causas do processo de expansão do Direito Penal com vistas a identificar propostas alternativas ao hiperpunitivismo hodierno, preservando-se, assim, os direitos de liberdade que sustentam o Estado Democrático de Direito. Propõe uma desconstrução do conceito jurídico do princípio da eficiência administrativa, demonstrando como seu conteúdo normativo foi demasiadamente mitigado pela recepção precária dos respectivos elementos econômicos por parte da doutrina e da jurisprudência pátria. Ressalta a importância jurídica da eficiência econômica, devidamente harmonizada com os demais princípios constitucionais, por força do instrumental analítico da AED Positiva. Investiga criticamente algumas teorias sociológicas tendentes ao funcionalismo penal, sob referenciais de eficiência e de direitos de liberdade. Almeja, ao final, propor a AED como alternativa à expansão funcionalista e irracional dos tipos e sanções criminais, de modo que a aproximação entre Economia do Crime, eficiência econômica e Direito Penal contribua para blindar os direitos de liberdade das vicissitudes típicas da sociedade contemporânea

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This study aims to examine the Brazilian legal model for the non-contractual liability of the state in providing public health services, from the perspective of threedimensional theory of law. Up based on bibliographical and documentary research, with emphasis on legislation, doctrine and Brazilian jurisprudence, the following conclusions were reached. The right to health is typified in the Constitution as a social fundamental right, and understands the pretension to obtain from the State, the supply of goods or the provision of services that reduce the risk of disease and other health problems; or promote, protect and recover the physical and mental well-being. Once violated the fundamental right to health, provides the managed, among other fundamental guarantees, the non-contractual liability of the state. The provision of public services by the state can be made directly through the Direct or Indirect Public Administration, or by recourse to private entities. In any case, the provision of public health services is entirely subordinate to the principles of administrative law and should be fully funded by tax revenues. As the provision of public health services is part of the administrative activity of the State, there is no way to exclude the application of the guarantee of non-contractual liability of the state in the face of the damage suffered by administered as users of these services. Therefore, it applies the theory of administrative risk, even in the event of harmful and illegal state failure.

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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary

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The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.

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This dissertation analyses the Brazilian housing policy of today s, focusing on the programmes in the socalled Social Interest Housing Subsystem in order to discuss to what extent the government has been able to grant housing constitutional rights in the country. The discussion is about housing policy and the principles in the country s Constitution regarding the role of housing as a social right, a right that must be granted by the state. This refers to land rent theory to understand the relationship between capital and property and the reasons why, under capitalism, housing becomes a commodity in the market. Then, it discusses the national housing policy, which emphasizes land ownership through financing, that is, via market, a process that excludes all low income population. In the conclusion, it is clear that, although government programmes cover extensively at least potentially the national territory as well as social group, subsidized housing programmes cannot be implemented in the city due to land prices because subsidy is too low. In this way, the law that grants housing rights to all Brazilian citizens is violated

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It is a fact that the fundamental rights of citizens are being recognized and guaranteed by the state over time, regardless of the belief that if these rights has always been part of the heritage of subjective individuals, or whether they will be aggregated during the course of human history. In that, emerged the rights of freedom of men and, subsequently, the rights to create a situation of equality between the humans, the so-called social rights. In turn, as these rights known as social, to be implemented, need a positive action by the state, more precisely by the state power whose function is to manage public money and create policies for implementation of fundamental rights. Given this, pay attention to the right to health, was created the Programa de Medicamentos de Dispensação Excepcional, which aims to provide high-cost medicines to citizens Brazilian carriers of serious diseases, such as Alzheimer's and Mal Hepatitis C. Also on the program, it provides a way which will be mandatory that the drugs will be offered in such situations, and does not include a means of updating the list predicted able to monitor the progress of medicine that have been in the interest of the program. Given that, at present it is necessary to mention the recognition of another fundamental right: the right to development, which is the right of access to positive actions being implemented by the State, which are nothing more than public policy, gender which the Programa de Medicamentos de Dispensação Excepcional is kind. Thus, through the search in legislation and doctrine in relation to the theme, this work has the aim to examine the extent of the state to provide exceptional dispensing of medicines. Specifically, if the State in attention to the right to development and the implementation of the right to health, can really list exhaustively the drugs to be provided by the State, and what are the elements guiding this choice and how to control the same

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This paper analyzes the relationship between fundamental rights and the exercise of the claim punitive society in a democratic state. It starts with the premise that there are fundamental rights that limit and determine the validity of all forms of manifestation of the claim punitive society (legislating, investigative, adjudicative or ministerial) and there are others that require the state the right exercise, fast and effective of these activities. Travels to history in order to see that the first meaning of these rights was built between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, after all a history of abuses committed by state agents in the exercise of criminal justice, and positively valued in the declarations of human rights and proclaimed in the constitutions after the American and French Revolutions, while the second meaning has been assigned between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when, because of the serious social problems generated largely by absenteeism state, it was noted that in addition to subjective rights the individual against the state, fundamental rights are also objective values, which trigger an order directed the state to protect them against the action of the offending individuals themselves (duty to protect), the mission of which the State seeks to discharge, among other means, through the issue of legal rules typifying the behavior detrimental to such rights, subject to penalties, and the concrete actions of public institutions created by the Constitution to operate penal law. Under this double bias, it is argued that the rule violates the Constitution in the exercise of the claim punitive society as much as by excess malfere fundamental rights that limit, as when it allows facts wrong by offending fundamental rights, remain unpunished either by inaction or by insufficient measures taken abstractly or concretely provided

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The economic changes occurred in the 90s, with the restructuring and privatization of various sectors of the economy have led to a redefinition of the State role, assuming a position of regulator and supervisor of public services in place to direct its role as straight intervenor. It is through the regulatory agencies, autarchies with special legal personality under public law, that the Regulator State will act. In this context, the first objective of this research is to analyze the legality of easements imposed by entities of the Direct Administration and Regulatory Agencies, whose execution is delegated to legal persons of private law, being those public service companies or mixed-economy societies. This examination in question the limits of servitude as a restrictive institute of property rights, observing the principles of function, supremacy of the public interests over the private ones, legality and the separation of powers. Defend the property rights like a fundamental right and your insurance as determining factor of economic development and social justice. Use the procedure in use will be the historiccomparative procedure, in order to demonstrate the legality of the public act as a maximum attempt to preserve the balance between the expansion of public services in various sectors of the economy, and the preservation of property rights, through regulation

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Os Direitos Humanos, compreendidos como o conjunto de direitos indispensáveis à efetivação da dignidade humana, encontram-se, atualmente, no centro das discussões e relações jurídicas internacionais e nacionais. Seu amplo reconhecimento em nível mundial e a universalização de seus preceitos centrais alçaram o Direito Internacional a um nível de evolução e de relacionamento com o Direito Constitucional que se mostram impassíveis de serem ignorados pelas jurisdições nacionais. Encontrando-se tais direitos na base do constitucionalismo moderno, o que os mantém em estreito relacionamento com o pluralismo e a democracia, faz-se imperioso recordar-se que as noções jurídicas que os animam serviram de base histórica e genética ao reconhecimento e à positivação, em nível constitucional, dos assim chamados direitos fundamentais. Em sintonia com a especial deferência que se tem ofertado aos direitos humanos na sociedade contemporânea global, nossa Constituição positivou entre os princípios regentes de suas relações internacionais ordem expressa de prevalente respeito aos tratados internacionais estabelecedores desses direitos, além de ter possibilitado a recepção desses pactos em nosso ordenamento jurídico, inclusive a título de preceitos constitucionais, conforme Emenda Constitucional n. 45/2004. Esse tratamento especial, além do processo democrático que conduziu o Brasil a uma progressiva aceitação dos tratados, pactos e convenções humanitários, torna possível a conclusão de que os Direitos Humanos apresentam elementos de diferencial carga legitimadora, podendo contribuir, significativamente para, a legitimação democrática de nossa Jurisdição Constitucional. Também é possível perceber-se que, ocorrente em esferas de poder e de legitimação diversos, em particular a nível internacional, a importância conferida aos Direitos Humanos não resta esvaziada pela ampla proteção constitucional conferida aos direitos fundamentais. Particularmente questionada em sua perspectiva democrática, mormente ante o cumprimento da nominada regra contramajoritária e em face da crescente ampliação de seu poder político, nossa Jurisdição Constitucional não pode mais permanecer alheia aos condicionantes determinados pelas amplas imbricações que se desenvolveram no estreitamento de relações entre o Direito Constitucional e o Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Também a crise dogmática ditada pelo distanciamento havido entre o direito posto e a realidade nacional tem implicado em inegável desgaste público da atividade jurisdicional, principalmente da jurisdição voltada à proteção constitucional. O papel da Jurisdição Constitucional atual há, portanto, de ser cumprido em sintonia com as normas internacionais de Direitos Humanos, principalmente em respeito às normas constitucionais pátrias que ordenam a prevalência desses direitos nas relações internacionais. Nesse sentido, pode e necessita nossa Jurisdição Constitucional valer-se do particular potencial legitimador das normas definidoras de Direitos Humanos, reconhecendo e efetivando tais normas e adequando-se às tendências modernas que a elas conferem especial proteção, num processo dialético de inolvidável natureza democrática

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The citizenship is a fundamental category to the democratic progress and the development and concretization of human rights, in addition to being one of the essential foundations of democratic contextualized in the rule of law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. That’s exactly why the discussion about its concept and content is a paramount requirement to the understanding and interpretation-application-concretization of the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as its democracy, since there is no democracy without citizenship. That is why the general objective of the research is to determine the characteristics of the citizenship, relating it to the Law, as well as to discuss (critically) its inclusion in the list of fundamental rights and delimitate the scope of protection and the limits of this right, in the context of Brazilian law post-1988 Constitution. The specific objectives are: a) to analyze the concept of citizenship, its extent and scope, contextualizing it historically; b) to examine the evolution of the legal and regulatory treatment of the citizenship in Brazilian constitutions, focusing on the 1988 Constitution; c) assess whether citizenship can be considered a fundamental right; d) to investigate which implications, theoretical and practical, of assignment fundamentality character to the right to citizenship. This research identifies and deconstructs current conceptual confusions, such as the lack of distinction between citizenship and nationality; citizenship and electoral capacity; citizenship and person. It also helps to identify and oppose the generalizations, as well as the excessively abstract associations which tend to purely metaphysical understandings, fluid and empty of any content. The main virtue, however, is the proposed of understanding of the citizenship as a fundamental right and the examination of the relationship between citizenship and human dignity. In this context, citizenship appears as a corollary of human dignity and it goes beyond. This (human dignity) requires equality, non-arbitraries, non-excessive, disproportionate or unreasonable impositions affecting their freedom rights, and, yet, doesn’t affect a minimum core of possibilities of have to a decent life, in conditions of freedom and self-conformation involved in the necessary consideration of the individual as a subject. All of this requires a decision-making process, molded by the citizenship, which reaches the entire development process of possible state interventions, to ensure the person as a subject, the right holder and the objective point of reference of the juridical relations. Thus, the citizenship represents a substantial and beneficial addition to the human dignity, since the emancipated citizen is a person, formally and materially, qualified, to be able to build their own and collectively organized history, to participate effectively in the making processes decision juridical and social

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GOMES, Z. B. ; LOURENÇO, André Luís Cabral de . Atuação do estado como empregador de última instância: uma proposta para eliminar o desemprego estrutural do Brasil. In: Encontro Nacional de Economia Política,13., 2008, João Pessoa/PB. Anais... João Pessoa, 2008.

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The neoliberalism proclaims the crisis of the State in front of globalization , but, approaching two books taken as basic on this theoretical chain - The road to serfdom, of Friedrich Hayek, and Capitalism and Freedom, of Milton Friedman - to analyze this supposed dualism, the conclusion into which we arrive is another one. Remembering liberal tradition and quickly, later, analyzing critically the workmanships, can be perceived that others are the conflicts really gifts in the current capitalist reality - market versus State et capitalism versus democracy - and, from the understanding on the reading made and the theoretical trajectory of its authors, we may see as the neoliberalism locates itself in relation to these conflicts, which polar regions of these antagonisms privileges, what represents the State for itself, and what it intends as much more global philosophy than economic/politics thinking only

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The assistance to women who have breast cancer is studied in a Reference Center in Paraiba and also the way this assistance is performed in a School Hospital maintained by SUS (Single Health System) is questioned. Breast cancer demands institutional organization, provision of financial, material and human resources, requiring, from the health system, effective assistance with new technologies which make it possible for the population their access to specialized medical services although it not always is able to guarantee those services nor the rights which the legislation granted them, inhibiting a proper relationship between the health professional and the patient. The theme is discussed through a transdisciplinary knowledge view and has as its theoretical referential the contribution of classical and contemporary authors from the human and social sciences and, as an empirical research strategy, the structured interview. The objectives of the research were: identify how the assistance to women with breast cancer is carried on at a Reference Center on Oncology in Campina Grande, Paraiba, identifying their difficulties and their satisfaction with the received assistance; draw up a profile of the women with breast cancer who were assisted in this Reference Center; understand their gynecological and obstetric antecedents, life styles, age group and stage of the disease when the treatment started; check their knowledge about their rights and which benefits they had received. Most women ranged between 40 and 59 years old (63%), which corresponds to the risk range of developing breast cancer. As to their occupations, 38.3% were housewives and 30.1% retired, whose family income was among those who received between less than a minimum salary and one minimum salary (58.2%). This population was mainly constituted of married women (60.2%), whose most frequent schooling was an incomplete elementary school (27.6%) and complete elementary school (24.1%), which added up to 51.6%. It was observed that the majority of the women seemed to be satisfied with the assistance received, noting that a minimum care was enough to define this satisfaction, although it is perceived that the access to the health system does not ensure the ideal attention conditions they need; it was verified that the availability of the services and the assistance itself are seen (in the local culture) as a favor and not as a right. It is also observed that only 30% of the women mentioned that they knew about their rights and the most mentioned ones were the disease assistance (13%), the medicines (13%) and the treatment (12%), which represent the most important triad to face the disease and around which the oncologic assistance most focus on. It is concluded that the condition of the users´ minimum existential of a public health unit and the condition of belonging to a lower social stratum were variables that influenced the respondents´ satisfaction in relation to the assistance received but the importance of the Reference Center for the women with breast cancer´s assistance for the whole region cannot be denied as well as the need to broaden the way the policy of the oncologic assistance in Brazil in the local realm is seen

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This dissertation deals with the possibility of build an effective social control of the judiciary Brazilians. The theme was bounded by a cut geographic and secular: the experience of the Center of Justice and Citizenship in the state of Rio Grande do Norte (OJC/RN), which begins formally in august 2003. The research approach and leave of experience in judicial practice and policy specific substrates to theorize about the subject. We collected documents about cases, the judicial diagnoses, reports, news material, in addition to lifting bibliographic. Therefore, it is working with about notions of a democratic state of right in the light of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, in order to contextualize the insertion of the judicial system, by the prospect of legitimacy, which is considered by a look formal and material. It is a brief analysis of the system of official control of the judiciary (internal and external), is emphasizing its shortcomings functional and its corporate character, which suffers from poor conformation democratic. Then there is a discussion about the need to establish the social control of the judiciary, through the prism of relations of power that are locked in the judiciary, the lack of formal criteria for the guarantee of obtaining the correct judgment (laws, precedents and conscience of the judge), the problems of impunity and justice class, and from the examination of some cases, as the body of search. From this conjuncture, prepares to be an outline of shapes and the limits of social control, consonant the proposal erected in certain sectors of organized civil society, represented by the movement s social OJC. In the end, considerations are made on the legitimacy and constitutionality of OJC