Avaliação da política pública de acessibilidade no período de 1992 a 2002 na Cidade do Natal

Este estudio tiene como objetivo evaluar los avances y límites de las políticas de accesibilidad en la ciudad de Natal. Se investigan las políticas publicas municipales de accesibilidad implantadas en los diez años subsecuentes, a partir de la sanción de la Ley Municipal de Accesibilidad Nº 4.090 del 03 de junio de 1992, que torna obligatorio la eliminación de las barreras arquitectónicas para personas con discapacidades en los lugares de circulación de peatones y edificios de uso público de la ciudad. Accesibilidad, en los proyectos de arquitectura y urbanismo es la condición esencial para asegurar a cualquier ciudadano su derecho a ir y venir con seguridad, dignidad y autonomía. Esta investigación se concentra en los barrios de: ciudad alta, Petrópolis y Ribeira, ya que esta área, en el período ya mencionado, fue la que tuvo una mayor concentración del presupuesto de inversiones públicas municipales de la ciudad de Natal, en la eliminación de barreras arquitectónicas en vías urbanas. El método adoptado fue el hipotético deductivo, a partir de la formulación de dos hipótesis de trabajo: la primera, una divergencia entre los objetivos propuestos por la Ley Nº 4.090 y sus aplicaciones prácticas y, la segunda, de las diferencias que existen en el grado de entendimiento del concepto de accesibilidad, para eso, se realizó una colecta y análisis de datos tanto empíricos como teóricos. Este estudio también retrata en el año de 2004, con el uso de la técnica de la fotografía, la realidad actual de la ciudad sirviendo como un parámetro comparativo con los proyectos asociados a la Coordinación para integración de las personas con discapacidades. Se utiliza la técnica de entrevista con especialistas en accesibilidad envueltos a lo largo del proceso de implantación de las políticas públicas en la ciudad de Natal, durante los años mencionados, obteniendo así un testimonio sobre las directrices adoptadas en ese período, con base en la legislación vigente. En la investigación documental y fotográfica se realiza una evaluación de la dimensión real de lo propuesto y ejecutado en un periodo de diez años, y se concluye sobre todos los avances y retrocesos de las políticas de gestiones públicas adoptadas con relación a la accesibilidad en la ciudad de Natal

A política pública de segurança em Mossoró-RN: uma avaliação de processo da implantação da guarda civil (2009-2013)

The subject of public safety is part of the academic and popular discussions, due to several factors that act in society culminating in an increasing criminality. The importance of the evaluation of public policies in this context consists in a possible control tool, monitoring and necessary adjustments to the government to make the necessary changes. Given this reality, it is thought the research problem: how Mossoró (RN) city has implemented his public security policy? In general guideline of the research, we work with the following hypothesis: the own formulation of the National Policy of Public Safety there are elements that hinder the implementation of a public policy of municipal security in Mossoró. The objective of this research is to evaluate the existing security public policy in the city of Mossoró, by the elements that facilitate and/or hamper its implementation, through the actions of municipal government in the activities of the Mossoro Civil Guard (GCM). For this, a review of the implementation process was conducted, specifically its subprocesses of selection, training, and logistical or operational. Was used bibliographical research, documental primary and secondary, and field research, with conducting of interviews. It was found that with a staff of 197 guards, and with five years of creation, the actions developed by this institution refer to an early implementation of the municipal security policy. The guard has the basic pattern selection, part of function relocation and part of public tender. The formation occurs in an introductory way, however, not complete and specific, for the function performance. Its operability is limited by the number of existing effective and by the physical structure that has not matching the demand yet, which touches on the municipal budgetary reality of direct resource intended to safety. It was found the absence of a municipal plan of public security with principles, guidelines and goals that could direct the actions of the guard. It is concluded that despite of the implementation of the GCM Mossoró have not achieved, within the parameters of efficiency, efficacy and effectiveness have played their actions, projects and programs, it could trigger a process of opening for construction of a municipal security policy. As well as break with the paradigm of municipal actions just meant for surveillance of public property, interaction affirmative for the prevention of violence and crime

Quem tem direito à moradia? :uma análise da política nacional de habitação e dos programas de habitação de interesse social (2003-2005)

This dissertation analyses the Brazilian housing policy of today s, focusing on the programmes in the socalled Social Interest Housing Subsystem in order to discuss to what extent the government has been able to grant housing constitutional rights in the country. The discussion is about housing policy and the principles in the country s Constitution regarding the role of housing as a social right, a right that must be granted by the state. This refers to land rent theory to understand the relationship between capital and property and the reasons why, under capitalism, housing becomes a commodity in the market. Then, it discusses the national housing policy, which emphasizes land ownership through financing, that is, via market, a process that excludes all low income population. In the conclusion, it is clear that, although government programmes cover extensively at least potentially the national territory as well as social group, subsidized housing programmes cannot be implemented in the city due to land prices because subsidy is too low. In this way, the law that grants housing rights to all Brazilian citizens is violated

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

ACRE: uma experiência inovadora de Governança?

About two decades ago Brazil has been suffered some important political changes on its government and supporter systems. In these changes the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers support) has been researched significant results as much legislation as executive ways. These conquests propitiate a structure for it to get an alternative motion in order to manage public goods by petista government way. Trying to examinate this we can study the Partido dos Trabalhadores government experience in Acre (1999-2002) to know about why the PT government characteristics are different from the others. To do this we assumed to conjecture a popular participation with priorities inversion and ethics in public resources administration. These are the elements of PT government way. This way we started our work making an evaluation of its bibliography. Them we do a field inquiry to analyses documents of the government projects (budget rules law, papers, approved laws, IBGE, PNUD, TSE) and semi-structured interviews with some characters of recent political Acres life. The scheme and the analysis about these givens disclose that weren t confirmed our hypothesis in part, since PT remained old local politics habitus. In other side the executive administration on PT government has got to inflect the Governance . Further on an efficient management as World Bank dispossess but PT absolve many requests of progressive sectors as well it expanded the society participation to resolutions process. By a cabinets enlargement. So it rescues a total administrative course which is printed in the called petista government way. Personally we think so it means important advancements in this Acre government way

O princípio constitucional da redução das desigualdades regionais e os campos maduro-marginais de petróleo: aspectos regulatórios e fiscais

Under the circumstances of the desestatization that penetrate Brazilian economy in the 90‟s, new features in the monopoly of oil by the Union were designed by the constitutional amendment number 9. of 1995. This deep change in the legal regime of oil sector brought the possibility of entrance to small and medium size producers in this industry, especially through the production activities developed in mature and marginal fields of oil, which are located mainly in northeast region of Brazil. Considering that the intervention of state over the economy finds its guidelines and limits in Federal Constitution disposals, the present work investigated in which way states regulation, mainly through taxation rules, has obeyed the constitutional regime in force, and specially, the reduction of regional inequalities principle. By mean, firstly, of an analysis of central concepts (mature fields, marginal fields, small and medium size producers) we observed that the imprecision over the conceptual aspect has constituted an obstacle to a specific states‟ regulation, directed to this newborn class of producers, whose growth has been pursuit by the state. That is verified in the case of concession procedures, and also, concerning the taxation system applied to small and medium size producers. Examining the main constitutional principles related to this universe which are the legality, equality, privileged treatment to small enterprises, contributive capacity, and reduction of regional inequalities we conclude that it is legally possible, a truly specific regulation, including a special taxation regime, to the small and medium size producers whose activities are concentrate over mature-marginal fields, aiming the concretization of the Brazilian state main goals

Novas fronteiras petrolíferas no Brasil : uma análise da necessidade de nova regulamentação da área do pré-sal sob a ótica constitucional

The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration

A Constitucionalidade do decreto de licitações da Petrobrás à luz dos princípios da legalidade e da eficiência

PETROBRAS, a Brazilian oil company, follows principles of public administration and from the Constitutional Amendment 9/95 in Brazil began to compete with other companies with the flexibility of the oil monopoly. In this new model started to use the simplified procedure for bidding so that could compete on equal terms. The ordinance that adopted a simplified procedure for bidding has been the subject of some criticism and lawsuits especially under the Court of Audit and the Supreme Court in Brazil. The analysis of their constitutionality, and the possibility of their use by other group companies is the theme of this work, and for this purpose, permeates through the notions of judicial review in the Brazilian law on the stage of law and economics analysis of the norm, and the principles applicable to PETROBRAS and the devices most frequently asked about the implementation of 2745/98 Decree. For this, the basic issue that should be investigated further is the regulatory power of the Federal Executive and the delegation of powers within the legislature and its conformation to the constitutional regency

Democracia brasileira: fortalecimento da participação popular

A democracia tem representado ao longo da História o mais perfeito mecanismo político de convivência social, encontrando na soberania popular seu fundamento e legitimidade. De berço grego, instituiu-se sob princípios que radicavam o poder político no povo, exercido diretamente na ágora ateniense. O iluminismo dos séculos XVII e XVIII reacendeu o ideal democrático, encontrando no positivismo sua base teórica. O poder passou a ser exercido por via de representantes eleitos periodicamente. O locus da atividade política era o parlamento, ambiente fechado e refratário à participação popular, cingida, à época, ao voto do cidadão nos períodos eleitorais. O distanciamento entre governantes e governados gerou déficit de legitimidade no modelo liberal clássico, levando o constitucionalismo do século XX a abandonar o rigor formal positivista, para adotar uma nova hermenêutica, de base axiológica e centrada na participação direta do povo nas instâncias do poder. A Constituição Federal de 1988 compendiou a democracia participativa em seu texto, declarando no parágrafo único, de seu artigo 1º, que todo o poder emana do povo. Consagrou como base da soberania popular o sufrágio universal, o voto direto, secreto e de igual valor, além do plebiscito, do referendo e da iniciativa popular de leis. Garantiu ainda a ação popular como ferramenta de cidadania. A participação popular foi restringida com o advento da Lei nº 9.907/98, que impôs bloqueios processuais para seu exercício, gerando déficit de legitimidade no sistema representativo brasileiro. O propósito desse trabalho é demonstrar a necessidade de se estabelecer um novo espaço público na ordem constitucional do Brasil, de textura aberta e dialógica e de perspectiva emancipatória, que customize a participação do povo nas instâncias do poder, a partir da desburocratização dos instrumentos de soberania popular já existentes e da adoção de outros institutos democráticos semidireto, notadamente a iniciativa popular de emenda à Constituição, a revogação de mandato eletivo e o veto popular

A objetivação do controle concreto de constitucionalidade nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal

The independence of the United States and the revolutions that emerged in Europe in the eighteenth century led to the birth of the written constitution, with a mission to limit the power of the State and to ensure fundamental rights to citizens. Thus, the Constitution has become the norm and ultimate founding of the State. Because of this superiority felt the need to protect her, emerging from that constitutional jurisdiction, taking control of constitutionality of provisions his main instrument. In Brazil, the constitutionality control began with the Constitution of 1891, when "imported" the American model, which is named after incidental diffuse model of judicial review. Indeed, allowed that any judge or court could declare the unconstitutionality of the law or normative act in a concrete case. However, the Brazilian Constituent did not bring the U.S. Institute of stare decisis, by which the precedents of higher courts eventually link the below. Because of this lack, each tribunal Brazilian freely decide about the constitutionality of a rule, so that the decision took effect only between the parties to the dispute. This prompted the emergence of conflicting decisions between judicantes organs, which ultimately undermine legal certainty and the image of the judiciary. As a solution to the problem, was incorporated from the 1934 Constitution to rule that the Senate would suspend the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. With the introduction of abstract control of constitutionality, since 1965, the Supreme Court went on to also have the power to declare the invalidity of the provision unconstitutional, effectively against all without the need for the participation of the Senate. However, it remained the view that in case the Supreme Court declared the unconstitutionality of the fuzzy control law by the Senate would continue with the competence to suspend the law unconstitutional, thus the decision of the Praetorium Exalted restricted parties. The 1988 Constitution strengthened the abstract control expanding legitimized the Declaratory Action of Unconstitutionality and creating new mechanisms of abstract control. Adding to this, the Constitutional Amendment. No. 45/2004 brought the requirement of general repercussion and created the Office of Binding Precedent, both to be applied by the Supreme Court judgments in individual cases, thus causing an approximation between the control abstract and concrete constitutional. Saw themselves so that the Supreme Court, to be the guardian of the Constitution, its action should be directed to the trial of issues of public interest. In this new reality, it becomes more necessary the participation of the Senate to the law declared unconstitutional in fuzzy control by the Supreme Court can reach everyone, because such an interpretation has become obsolete. So, to adapt it to this reality, such a rule must be read in the sense that the Senate give publicity to the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, since mutated constitutional

Os direitos humanos e a jurisdição constitucional brasileira no estado democrático de direito: a legitimidade contramajoritária no contexto do constitucionalismo pluralista

Os Direitos Humanos, compreendidos como o conjunto de direitos indispensáveis à efetivação da dignidade humana, encontram-se, atualmente, no centro das discussões e relações jurídicas internacionais e nacionais. Seu amplo reconhecimento em nível mundial e a universalização de seus preceitos centrais alçaram o Direito Internacional a um nível de evolução e de relacionamento com o Direito Constitucional que se mostram impassíveis de serem ignorados pelas jurisdições nacionais. Encontrando-se tais direitos na base do constitucionalismo moderno, o que os mantém em estreito relacionamento com o pluralismo e a democracia, faz-se imperioso recordar-se que as noções jurídicas que os animam serviram de base histórica e genética ao reconhecimento e à positivação, em nível constitucional, dos assim chamados direitos fundamentais. Em sintonia com a especial deferência que se tem ofertado aos direitos humanos na sociedade contemporânea global, nossa Constituição positivou entre os princípios regentes de suas relações internacionais ordem expressa de prevalente respeito aos tratados internacionais estabelecedores desses direitos, além de ter possibilitado a recepção desses pactos em nosso ordenamento jurídico, inclusive a título de preceitos constitucionais, conforme Emenda Constitucional n. 45/2004. Esse tratamento especial, além do processo democrático que conduziu o Brasil a uma progressiva aceitação dos tratados, pactos e convenções humanitários, torna possível a conclusão de que os Direitos Humanos apresentam elementos de diferencial carga legitimadora, podendo contribuir, significativamente para, a legitimação democrática de nossa Jurisdição Constitucional. Também é possível perceber-se que, ocorrente em esferas de poder e de legitimação diversos, em particular a nível internacional, a importância conferida aos Direitos Humanos não resta esvaziada pela ampla proteção constitucional conferida aos direitos fundamentais. Particularmente questionada em sua perspectiva democrática, mormente ante o cumprimento da nominada regra contramajoritária e em face da crescente ampliação de seu poder político, nossa Jurisdição Constitucional não pode mais permanecer alheia aos condicionantes determinados pelas amplas imbricações que se desenvolveram no estreitamento de relações entre o Direito Constitucional e o Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Também a crise dogmática ditada pelo distanciamento havido entre o direito posto e a realidade nacional tem implicado em inegável desgaste público da atividade jurisdicional, principalmente da jurisdição voltada à proteção constitucional. O papel da Jurisdição Constitucional atual há, portanto, de ser cumprido em sintonia com as normas internacionais de Direitos Humanos, principalmente em respeito às normas constitucionais pátrias que ordenam a prevalência desses direitos nas relações internacionais. Nesse sentido, pode e necessita nossa Jurisdição Constitucional valer-se do particular potencial legitimador das normas definidoras de Direitos Humanos, reconhecendo e efetivando tais normas e adequando-se às tendências modernas que a elas conferem especial proteção, num processo dialético de inolvidável natureza democrática

O direito fundamental contra a autoincriminação: a análise a partir de uma teoria do Processo Penal Constitucional

The right against self-incrimination is a fundamental right that works in the criminal prosecution, and therefore deserves a study supported by the general theory of criminal procedure. The right has a vague origin, and despite the various historical accounts only arises when there is a criminal procedure structured that aims to limit the State´s duty-power to punish. The only system of criminal procedure experienced that reconciles with seal self-incrimination is the accusatory model. The inquisitorial model is based on the construction of a truth and obtaining the confession at any cost, and is therefore incompatible with the right in study. The consecration of the right arises with the importance that fundamental rights have come to occupy in the Democratic Constitutional States. In the Brazilian experience before 1988 was only possible to recognize that self-incrimination represented a procedural burden for accused persons. Despite thorough debate in the Constituent Assembly, the right remains consecrated in a textual formula that´s closer to the implementation made by the Supreme Court of the United States, known as "Miranda warnings", than the text of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that established originally the right against self-incrimination with a constitutional status. However, the imprecise text does not prevent the consecration of the principle as a fundamental right in Brazilian law. The right against self-incrimination is a right that should be observed in the Criminal Procedure and relates to several of his canons, such as the the presumption of not guilty, the accusatory model, the distribution of the burden of proof, and especially the right of defense. Because it a fundamental right, the prohibition of self-incrimination deserves a proper study to her constitutional nature. For the definition of protected persons is important to build a material concept of accused, which is different of the formal concept over who is denounced on the prosecution. In the objective area of protection, there are two objects of protection of the norm: the instinct of self-preservation of the subject and the ability to self-determination. Configuring essentially a evidence rule in criminal procedure, the analysis of the case should be based on standards set previously to indicate respect for the right. These standard include the right to information of the accused, the right to counsel and respect the voluntary participation. The study of violations cases, concentrated on the element of voluntariness, starting from the definition of what is or is not a coercion violative of self-determination. The right faces new challenges that deserve attention, especially the fight against terrorism and organized crime that force the development of tools, resources and technologies about proves, methods increasingly invasive and hidden, and allow the use of information not only for criminal prosecution, but also for the establishment of an intelligence strategy in the development of national and public security

Direito fundamental à saúde: parâmetros e alternativas para sua concretização no Brasil

If, on one hand, only with the 1988 Federal Constitution the right to health began to receive the treatment of authentic fundamental social right; on the other, it is certain since then, the level of concretization reached as to such right depicts a mismatch between the constitutional will and the will of the rulers. That is because, despite the inherent gradualness of the process of concretization of the fundamental social rights, the Brazilian reality, marked by a picture of true chaos on public health routinely reported on the evening news, denatures the priority status constitutionally drew for the right to health, demonstrating, thus, that there is a clear deficit in this process, which must be corrected. This concern regarding the problem of the concretization of the social rights, in turn, is underlined when one speaks of the right to health, since such right, due to its intimate connection with the right to life and human dignity, ends up assuming a position of primacy among the social rights, presenting itself as an imperative right, since its perfect fruition becomes an essential condition for the potential enjoyment of the remaining social rights. From such premises, this paper aims to provide a proposal for the correction of this problem based upon the defense of an active role of the Judiciary in the concretization of the right to health as long as grounded to objective and solid parameters that come to correct, with legal certainty, the named deficit and to avoid the side effects and distortions that are currently beheld when the Judiciary intends to intervene in the matter. For that effect, emerges as flagship of this measure a proposition of an existential minimum specific to the right to health that, taking into account both the constitutionally priority points relating to this relevant right, as well as the very logic of the structuring of the Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS inserted within the core of the public health policies developed in the country, comes to contribute to a judicialization of the subject more in alignment with the ideals outlined in the 1988 Constitution. Furthermore, in the same intent to seek a concretization of the right to health in harmony with the constitutional priority inherent to this material right, the research alerts to the need to undertake a restructuring in the form of organization of the Boards of Health in order to enforce the constitutional guideline of SUS community participation, as well as the importance of establishing a new culture budget in the country, with the Constitution as a compass, pass accurately portray a special prioritization directed constitutional social rights, especially the right to health

Regulação do livre acesso no transporte de gás natural à luz da ordem econômica da Constituição de 1988

In the middle of modern social changes produced by globalization and capitalism, several markets have changed. States have left the direct coordination of these markets (chiefly public utility sector in the form of monopolies), introducing regulation in order to promote competition. These changes have affected natural gas industry by promoting competition as a key factor to the development and the increase of firms in this market. The regulatory reform of natural gas industry ocurred in EUA and Europe Union and it has produced its first results. In Brazilian context, Constitutional Amendment nbr. 09 and Federal Law nbr. 9.478/97 ( Petroleum Law ) opened the natural gas market to a broad range of private economic agents and they finished the monopoly over the industry before managed by Petrobras. The new regulatory framework of Brazilian natural gas industry has designed competition as a central element to the new form of managment of business and contractual relationships of this industry. Among the regulatory instruments, open access regulation in natural gas pipelines is directed to promote competition. The questions arised about its implementation in Brazilian context are studied in the present work, in which it is discussed the constitutional rules and principles are to be applied to the open access regulation within the theme of statal regulation of economy present in constitutional economic order

A eficiência do gasto e da qualidade da saúde pública: uma análise nos municípios do estado do Rio Grande do Norte (2004 e 2008)

The overall objective of this study is to analyze the efficiency in the use of resources and the quality of public health in the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte, from 2004 to 2008. It also seeks to identify the determinants of municipal inefficiency and measure the productivity of public spending on health. To this end, three methods of analysis are used: the DEA, the Malmquist index and the Tobit regression model. Among other findings, it appears that municipalities considered more inefficient in the measurement of expenditure on health make the largest expense in this function. On the other hand, from 2004 to 2008, only 13 municipalities showed an increase in the productivity of public spending. It is also noted that municipalities considered efficient in quality of health, although having more physical and human resources, offer fewer health services to the population. In all, the major determinants of health spending inefficiencies are the variables: age of the mayor, coalition, population density, literacy race and budget revenues. Regarding the inefficiency of the health quality, variables such as: coalition, literacy race have strong influence on this behavior. Thereby, the hypotheses proposed by the study have been fully accepted. In other words, for the efficiency of the quality and health spending it is needed more than resources, i.e., the expenditure shows itself as essential, but not enough, for political and economic aspects also interfere with the performance of spent and in the quality of health care offered to the population