97 resultados para Constituição, Brasil, 1988


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The citizenship is a fundamental category to the democratic progress and the development and concretization of human rights, in addition to being one of the essential foundations of democratic contextualized in the rule of law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. That’s exactly why the discussion about its concept and content is a paramount requirement to the understanding and interpretation-application-concretization of the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as its democracy, since there is no democracy without citizenship. That is why the general objective of the research is to determine the characteristics of the citizenship, relating it to the Law, as well as to discuss (critically) its inclusion in the list of fundamental rights and delimitate the scope of protection and the limits of this right, in the context of Brazilian law post-1988 Constitution. The specific objectives are: a) to analyze the concept of citizenship, its extent and scope, contextualizing it historically; b) to examine the evolution of the legal and regulatory treatment of the citizenship in Brazilian constitutions, focusing on the 1988 Constitution; c) assess whether citizenship can be considered a fundamental right; d) to investigate which implications, theoretical and practical, of assignment fundamentality character to the right to citizenship. This research identifies and deconstructs current conceptual confusions, such as the lack of distinction between citizenship and nationality; citizenship and electoral capacity; citizenship and person. It also helps to identify and oppose the generalizations, as well as the excessively abstract associations which tend to purely metaphysical understandings, fluid and empty of any content. The main virtue, however, is the proposed of understanding of the citizenship as a fundamental right and the examination of the relationship between citizenship and human dignity. In this context, citizenship appears as a corollary of human dignity and it goes beyond. This (human dignity) requires equality, non-arbitraries, non-excessive, disproportionate or unreasonable impositions affecting their freedom rights, and, yet, doesn’t affect a minimum core of possibilities of have to a decent life, in conditions of freedom and self-conformation involved in the necessary consideration of the individual as a subject. All of this requires a decision-making process, molded by the citizenship, which reaches the entire development process of possible state interventions, to ensure the person as a subject, the right holder and the objective point of reference of the juridical relations. Thus, the citizenship represents a substantial and beneficial addition to the human dignity, since the emancipated citizen is a person, formally and materially, qualified, to be able to build their own and collectively organized history, to participate effectively in the making processes decision juridical and social

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The environmental movement rises up strongly in the year 1972 with the Stocolmus Conference, in the middle of pressions concerning the environmental preservation, in consequence of the environmental catastrophes. In spite of the fact that, in Brazil, the environmental movement has is institutionalization with the 1988 Constitution, in a way that the councils became democratic spaces, and provided the society’s participation in the management of public policies. In this way, we propose a discussion about the participation and the exercise of the citizenship in the State Council of Environment of Rio Grande do Norte (CONEMA), focusing the glance about the decisory process, as from the expression of the social actors. For that, our research compilate documents of the meetings of the referring council, transcribing the main discussions about the environmental necessities which were important in the potiguar society, and checking how these agents defend their interest during the meetings. We understand, with these informations, the role of CONEMA/RN as a communicative mechanism between State and Society. With the analysis of the informations of the extraordinary meetings from 2007 to 2014, we concluded that the CONEMA is a council where the civil organized society takes part on the decisory process, despite the great influence of the representative actors of public power over the representative actors of civil society. The results of this research confirm the discrepancy between the participation of representative councilors of civil society in CONEMA/RN. The conclusion point out that the civil society representative don’t, yet, assimilate the citizen duty, the responsibility of it1s action, producing, in this way, damages for the legal structure of the potiguar environmental legislation, with serious consequences on the public policy implementation

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This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.

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The social participation in Brazil takes a new impetus with the (re)democratization process of the Brazilian society and is strengthened by the resurgence of the civil society and the 1988 Constitution. In this context, the study is conducted with the scope to verify the effectiveness of deliberative Municipal Health Council of Mossoro (CMSM), with theoretical and methodological support based on the following models: the participatory normativity, which measures the degree of institutionalization, democratization and council representation; and the effectiveness of deliberative that, from the calling capacity and agenda of the participants, from the kinds of manifestation, from the decisions and the council’s office, that measures the degree of effectiveness of the deliberative council. It appears, thus, that the council has an average degree of effectiveness deliberative, standing out as means an institution that practice, despite the existence of obstacles and challenges, the role of control over municipal health policies, due, among other factors, the conservative political context, the asymmetry of resources between the counselors, the little substantive participation of the actors who attend its meetings, either counselor or not, and in particular, the reduced influence of the members in its decision-making process. In public management of Mossoro, social participation, especially social control over public actions, face, today, great number of difficulties to be held. The study recognizes that, in such circumstances, the council partially fulfills the role for which it was created, what does not impede, however, be characterized as an important deliberative space, since it allows the participation of representatives of the various segments of the state, society, their demands and intentions. Overcoming such obstacles moves through the interest of civil society to wake up and fight for the spaces in these institutions.

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This thesis aims to analyze the cross exhibition in sessions halls and audiences of the judiciary, considered the religious freedom and the limitations arising from the idea of State neutrality. It is known that the 1988 Constitution protects freedom of expression of thought, conscience and religion, in its various aspects, proclaiming, on the other hand, the neutrality of the state, to reinforce these same freedoms. Thus, the aim is to avoid confusion between state and religion, admitted, however, collaboration of public interest, in respect of attitude to the beliefs and individual choices of citizens. In modern societies, the dualism between the civil power and religion has to do with laicity and a broader phenomenon that took the name of secularism, meaning the loss of space of religion in societies or even decreased idea religious belonging. It is based on this finding that the work develops with reference to concepts such as civil society and rule of law relevant to an accurate understanding of the problem. The methodology consists of bibliographic and documentary research through books and thesis, in addition to the legislation and some precedents related to the topic in question, looking to investigate whether, even though the predominantly Catholic Brazilian people and recognized the strong influence that Christian values exercise on the public authorities, it is possible to sustain the symbolic differentiation state, a republic that is said secular and democratic and which has as one of the fundamental objectives to promote the good of all, without any form of discrimination. Starting from the idea that the presence in buildings and public institutions, symbols and Catholic imagery, like the crucifix, has some difficulty in reconciling the guarantee of religious freedom and the principle of laicity, the idea is to exactly propose a solution who can respect pluralism and diversity in a context where Catholicism remains a strong presence.

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With the disorganized decentralization occurred in Brazil after the 1988 Constitution, municipalities have risen to the level of federal entities. This phenomenon became known as "municipalism" also brought some negative effects such as low capacity financial, economic and political of these entities. In the face of this reality , the municipalities sought in models of collaborative features to address public policy issues ultrarregionais, one of these models are the Public Consortia. Characterized as the organization of all federal entities that aim to solve public policy implementation alone that they could not, or spend great resources for such. This reality of the municipalities have an aggravating factor when looking at the situation in Metropolitan Regions (MRs). This is because the RMs has a historical process of formation that does not encourage cooperation, since that were created top-down during the military regime. Furthermore, the metropolitan municipalities have significant power asymmetries, localist vision, rigidity earmarked revenues, different scenarios conurbation, difficulty standardization of concepts and others that contribute to the vision of low cooperation of these metropolitan areas. Thus, the problem of this work is in the presence of collaborative arrangements, such as the Public Consortia in metropolitan areas, which are seen as areas of low cooperation. To elucidate this research was used for analysis the cases of CONDIAM/PB and Consórcio Grande Recife/PE, because they are apparently antagonistic, but with some points of similarity. The cases has as foundation the Theory of Common Resources, which provides the possibility of collective action through the initiative of individuals. This theory has as its methodology for analyzing the picture IAD Framework, which proposes its analysis based on three axes: external variables, the arena of action and results. The nature of the method of this research was classified as exploratory and descriptive. For the stage of date analysis, was used the method of document analysis and content, Further than of separation of the cases according to theur especificities. At the end of the study, noted that the CONDIAM/PB was a strategy of municipal government of Joao Pessoa to attract funds from the Federal Government for the purpose of to build a landfill, and over the years the ideology of cooperation was left aside, the prevailing view localist municipalities. In the case of Consórcio Grande Recife/PE, members act with some degree of cooperation, especially the collaborative aspect of the region, however, still prevails with greater strength the power of the state of Pernambuco in the decisions and paths of the consortium. Thus, was conclude that the Public Consortia analyzed are an experience of collaborative arrangement, from the initiative of members, as the theory of common resources says, but has not actually signed as a practice of collective action to overcome the dilemmas faced by metropolitan areas

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The State and Public Administration have gone through several reforms in search of a quick operation and the provision of services with quality. With the democratization of the country and the issue of the Constitution in 1988, further reform of the State and Public Administration, joined the government agenda in 1995 and included among its objectives, the principles of participation and social control. In view of this, it raises the Public Ombudsman in order to be a channel for the participation of users in the management of public affairs, social control, transparency of administrative actions, improving the quality of service and meeting the needs of the community. The aim of this study is to assess whether the Ombudsman of the State Department of Public Health to contribute to the period 2006-2008, for the improvement of specialized consulting services. The research is characterized as descriptive, qualitative approach. The collection technique used was the interview, conducted with 37 service users and two servants of the Ombudsman. The analysis was developed based on the perception of users and servers in the opinion of the Ombudsman. The most relevant results of the research showed that 41% of users search the Ombudsman because they believed that solve the problem presented. However, even with this level of public acceptance, the Ombudsman reached average index of resolvability of 53% in the period. In his role has not developed mechanisms for quality control of services, which is mentioned by 67% of users. It turned out the same fact in relation to popular participation, which is confirmed by 84% of users. For 24% of users, the problems raised were resolved, and of these, 56% believe that the Ombudsman has contributed to the positive outcome. As a result of the search results, it appears that the Ombudsman's SESPA / PA, is not fulfilling its role to ensuring the democratization of articipation in management, social control and has limited contribution to solving the problems of users and to improve the quality of services

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The 1988 Constitution was the legal marc to define changes in Brazilian State with major importance to the layout of public politician. In that moment of redefinitions e openness to new ways the redemocratization, participation and decentralization of public school had as their starter the elementary school. This work focus on the manage of FUNDESCOLA, particularly one of its politics called PDE (Educational Development Plan) wich purpose is guarantee a better quality in teaching and spread out democracy throughout its methodology. It was chosen two public schools: Professor Ulisses de Góis and Antonio Campos. The theoretical and methodological orientation is based on the theory of participative democracy developed by authors such as Putnam and Pateman. They says that a cultural background precedes individual participation in society. The collected data (educational legislation, surveys with all sectors of schools and technicians of Natal educational secretary, and relevant documents of de institutions) showed that PDE. Implementation had opposite runnings in the schools studied. In one, as a consequence of bad preparations of its teachers to absorve its methodology, PDE failed. In another way, PDE achieved its goals, especially helping the structure of action plans of the school and the administrative organization making possible several pedagogic activities planned. The work concludes that the main factor the failure or success of PDE relies on the organizational (both political and pedagogical) structure of each school. This discovery implies three important guidelines when comes to formulation of public politicians: a) Constitution of school; b) the local actors who manages the actions; c) the colletive interest in taking part of decisions

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The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

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The Federal Constitution of 1988, when taking care of the economical order, denotes special concern in the abuses of the economical power and the disloyal competition. The mark to mediate of all this is, in fact, the defense and the consumer's protection, once this is final addressee of whatever if it puts at the consumption market. The coming of the Law 8.078/90, Code of Protection and Defense of the Consumer, inaugurates a time of effective concern with the homogeneous individual interests originating from of the consumption relationships. In this point, the focus of main to face of the present work lives, in other words, the protection of the right to the individual property, especially manifests in the exercise of the trade freedom that keeps direct relationship with the respective social function the one that is destined. The code of the consumer's defense doesn't just take care of this, but also of the other star of the relationships of the consumption. When affirming in the interruption VI of the art. 4th that the national politics of those relationships, finds ballast in the prohibition and repression efficient of all of the abuses committed in the consumption relationships, keeping inherent relationship-causality in the economical order, sculpted for the article 170 in the Constitution of 1988. In the generic plan, the mark of the present work is to question concerning the limits of the trade freedom and previsible collisions with protection norms and the consumer's defense, as well as factual convergences of those small systems, especially in what he/she refers to the innate interests to the suppliers. In the specific plan, we aspirated to identify the protection device-commands to the actors of the trade relationship, capable to guarantee the free competition in a global economy of market, seeking especially the Well-being, for soon afterwards, in an analytical perspective, to discover the possible applications that it holds the Federal Constitution, in headquarters of economical freedoms. It was observed that the consumer today doesn't need only of laws that their needs, fruit of the vulnerability that it is him/her meditate innate. He/she lacks, yes, of effective mechanisms that prevent lesions that can be them impinged by the suppliers at the time in that you/they are useful to repair the damages when happened, punishing the author of the damage

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This work aims to show that the protection of the employment relation is one of the determining factors to respect the principle of the human dignity. The goal is initially to show the devaluation of work from antiquity to the early twentieth century, when the constitutions began to standardize protective devices. This way, the consecration of the social labor rights in the Constitution of 1988 represents the culmination of the historical achievements. This work demonstrates that such rights can not be reduced or suppressed by political conveniences, once these rights are included in the list of immutable clauses. It is displayed that to achieve the fundamental right to work is not well advised to encourage the creation of jobs that maculates the worker s dignity. The outsourced work is, therefore, a classic example of the advancement of precarious forms of contemporary labor. It is inferred that the presence of various forms of harassment results in a degradation of working environment, bringing about dire consequences on professional and personal life of the worker. Thus, decent work must be the appropriate benchmark for the creation of new jobs. It is also shown that the flexibilization of the propaganda rights by certain pressure groups has as main goal to reduce or eliminate rights, based on fallacious data depicting an increase of competitiveness and jobs. In addition, the flexibility implies a growth of the precarization of the work - a reality felt by many workers subjected to such a situation due to the unemployment phenomenon whose origin is not in the protectionism of the norms. It is necessary to expand and structure the constitutionally legitimate institutions to monitor and curb the precarized work, as well as all practices that go against the dignity of the worker. It is also shown the loss of power of the sindicates in the last few years as a consequence of the pulverization workes and the capital attacks through the productive restructure whose outsourcings and privatizations are notorious examples

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This work has the main goal on the recognition of the inherent value of nonhuman animals, under the constitutional framework. It is presented the main philosophical formulations of the current pattern of behavior that rules the relationship between man and animals: first those that have excluded animals from moral consideration and then the thinkers which do have included, in some way, in order to elucidate the origin of the anthropocentric thought over the natural world. In this way, the analysis these thinkers that have included animals in moral consideration will contribute to a paradigm change from the anthropocentric view, initiating legal debates. It will be made a simplified analysis of different philosophical and legal points of view that have been demonstrating the posture in which the human beings have been dealing with the environment, with the replacement of the anthropocentric thinking for the biocentric view, in which life becomes the center of existence. Life is life, no matter whether it is human or not, has a value in itself, and must be protected and respected by the legal system. Then, it will be analized the constitutionalization of the nonhuman animal dignity in comparative law; the infraconstitutional legislation which concerning the intrinsic value of all life forms and, finally, the 1988 Constitution. It will be advocated for non-human animals the condition of subjects, presenting some cases that the Habeas Corpus was used in animal defense. In this new Brazilian Habeas Corpus theory of for apes the argument of genetic proximity was used in order to overcome the literal meaning of natural person to achieve hominids in order to assure the fundamental right of physical freedom. It is realized that the fact that the great apes being recognized as a person does not preclude the possibility of other living beings be recognized as subjects of law. In this way, animals can be considered non-human subjects of law, according to the theory of depersonalized entities and may enjoy a legal category that allows a respect for existential minimum, and can hold constitutional fundamental rights

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The Brazilian tax structure has specific characteristics and the performance level of government. The autonomy given to municipalities to manage their activities after the 1988 Constitution, made them highly dependent on intergovernmental transfers of resources, revealing the fragility of the administrative capacity of these entities. The vertical gap revealed by the constitutional structure of the Brazilian fiscal federalism model contributes to the formation of this specific feature that you are eroding the tax base and the ability of municipal own revenues. Although there was a better regulation of these transfers after the enactment of the Fiscal Responsibility Law, it is observed that the amount of resources transferred to the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte is very high and is the main source of revenue of municipalities. In light of the theory of federalism and fiscal decentralization, in particular, the theories related to intergovernmental transfers, we seek to diagnose the transfers from the systematization of information on the origin, destination and value. We used the econometric model of System Dynamic Panel GMM in making the diagnosis and verification of the impact of transfers on public finances of the municipalities of the newborn, associated with a review in light of the theory of fiscal federalism and intergovernmental transfers. The paper presents some proposals for the transfer system and the composition of spending in order to contribute to greater tax efficiency

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The State and Public Administration have gone through several reforms in search of a quick operation and the provision of services with quality. With the democratization of the country and the issue of the Constitution in 1988, further reform of the State and Public Administration, joined the government agenda in 1995 and included among its objectives, the principles of participation and social control. In view of this, it raises the Public Ombudsman in order to be a channel for the participation of users in the management of public affairs, social control, transparency of administrative actions, improving the quality of service and meeting the needs of the community. The aim of this study is to assess whether the Ombudsman of the State Department of Public Health to contribute to the period 2006-2008, for the improvement of specialized consulting services. The research is characterized as descriptive, qualitative approach. The collection technique used was the interview, conducted with 37 service users and two servants of the Ombudsman. The analysis was developed based on the perception of users and servers in the opinion of the Ombudsman. The most relevant results of the research showed that 41% of users search the Ombudsman because they believed that solve the problem presented. However, even with this level of public acceptance, the Ombudsman reached average index of resolvability of 53% in the period. In his role has not developed mechanisms for quality control of services, which is mentioned by 67% of users. It turned out the same fact in relation to popular participation, which is confirmed by 84% of users. For 24% of users, the problems raised were resolved, and of these, 56% believe that the Ombudsman has contributed to the positive outcome. As a result of the search results, it appears that the Ombudsman's SESPA / PA, is not fulfilling its role to ensuring the democratization of articipation in management, social control and has limited contribution to solving the problems of users and to improve the quality of services

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It is verified worldwide an increasing concern with the protection of natural resources in the planet, a fact that became relevant in Brazil since the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988, based on the viewpoint of sustainable development, which seeks to promote economic activities in the country according to the need for conservation and preservation of natural resources for the use of present and future generations. In addition, we seek to reduce the differences that occur in our society by determining as a fundamental objective to be persecuted by the Federative Republic of Brazil the reduction of social and regional inequalities. A value that should also be observed in the context of economic activities developed here, since it is a general principle of financial and economic order of the country. Therefore, considering the exhaustion of world s reserves of fossil fuels, as well as the impacts on the environment, especially for the large emission of greenhouse effect gases, the debate about the need to change the global energy matrix increases while alternative energy sources appears as a bet to fulfill the contemporary aspirations for sustainability, and Brazil emerges in a very favorable position, because it has the essential natural conditions to allow this sector s full development. In this perspective, the work has the scope to analyze how the production of alternative energy sources may act in the search for concretization of constitutional values, to promote sustainable development for present and future generations, and to reduce regional and social inequalities in an attempt to improve the quality of life of the population. It will also be observed the current regulatory framework of alternative energy sources in the national laws to verify the existence of legal and institutional security, which is necessary to guarantee the full development of the sector in the country. And to investigate the expected results, it will be observed through the concrete evaluation of specific practices adopted in the industry, analyzing their actual compliance with the constitutional provisions under analysis, based on the examination of the possibility of using renewable biomass sources for biofuel production, promoting development to the country, indicating the opening lines about how this important sector can act to solve the energy challenge today