O dever de obediência a ordens ilegais na Guarda Nacional Republicana

The Republican National Guard (GNR) is a military structure and hierarchical force where discipline and obedience is a serious matter, but at the same time, the scope of its activity relates to the protection of the rights, freedoms and guarantees of citizens and the primacy of public interest. While security force, GNR ensures democratic law, guarantee the internal security and the rights of citizens. The controversial issue that lies at the heart of this work its related with the balance between the hierarchy and the written law. The hierarchy, also established by law, with given powers, exist to apply the law. However, the rule of law has exceptions. Which institute to prioritize, hierarchy or the law. And within the law, its rules or the exceptions. Who decides? The GNR's officers have to obey the laws and regulations and comply with the accuracy and timeliness determinations, orders and instructions issued by a superior, given in terms of service, as long as does not involve the practice of crime. The GNR´s officer with command tasks exercises power of authority inherent in these functions, and the corresponding disciplinary authority, being responsible for acts by himself or by his order are practiced. Identify situations of exception to law enforcement, the situations in which one must obey illegal orders, is difficult and thankless, it requires conferred authority and raises the weight of responsibility for decisions and orders issued.

A intervenção dos orgãos de polícia criminal em sede de julgamento

Currently, Portugal assumes itself as a democratic rule of substantive law State, sustained by a legal system seeking the right balance between the guarantee of fundamental rights and freedoms constitutional foreseen in Portugal’s Fundamental Law and criminal persecution. The architecture of the penal code lies with, roughly speaking, a accusatory basic structure, “deliberately attached to one of the most remarkable achievements of the civilizational democratic progress, and by obedience to the constitutional commandment”, in balance with the official investigation principle, valid both for the purpose of prosecution and trial. Regarding the principle of non self-incrimination - nemo tenetur se ipsum accusare, briefly defined as the defendant’s right of not being obliged to contribute to the self-incrimination, it should be stressed that there isn’t an explicit consecration in the Portuguese Constitution, being commonly accepted in an implicit constitutional prediction and deriving from other constitutional rights and principles, first and foremost, the meaning and scope of the concept of democratic rule of Law State, embedded in the Fundamental Law, and in the guidelines of the constitutional principles of human person dignity, freedom of action and the presumption of innocence. In any case, about the (in) applicability of the principle of the prohibition of self-incrimination to the Criminal Police Bodies in the trial hearing in Court, and sharing an idea of Guedes Valente, the truth is that the exercise of criminal action must tread a transparent path and non-compliant with methods to obtain evidence that violate the law, the public order or in violation of democratic principles and loyalty (Guedes Valente, 2013, p. 484). Within the framework of the penal process relating to the trial, which is assumed as the true phase of the process, the witness represents a relevant figure for the administration of criminal justice, for the testimonial proof is, in the idea of Othmar Jauernig, the worst proof of evidence, but also being the most frequent (Jauernig, 1998, p. 289). As coadjutant of the Public Prosecutor and, in specific cases, the investigating judge, the Criminal Police Bodies are invested with high responsibility, being "the arms and eyes of Judicial Authorities in pursuing the criminal investigation..." which has as ultimate goal the fulfillment of the Law pursuing the defense of society" (Guedes Valente, 2013, p. 485). It is in this context and as a witness that, throughout operational career, the Criminal Police Bodies are required to be at the trial hearing and clarify the Court with its view about the facts relating to occurrences of criminal context, thus contributing very significantly and, in some cases, decisively for the proper administration of the portuguese criminal justice. With regards to the intervention of Criminal Police Bodies in the trial hearing in Court, it’s important that they pay attention to a set of standards concerning the preparation of the testimony, the very provision of the testimony and, also, to its conclusion. Be emphasized that these guidelines may become crucial for the quality of the police testimony at the trial hearing, thus leading to an improvement of the enforcement of justice system. In this vein, while preparing the testimony, the Criminal Police Bodies must present itself in court with proper clothing, to read before and carefully the case files, to debate the facts being judged with other Criminal Police Bodies and prepare potential questions. Later, while giving his testimony during the trial, the Criminal Police Bodies must, summing up, to take the oath in a convincing manner, to feel comfortable, to start well by convincingly answering the first question, keep an attitude of serenity, to adopt an attitude of collaboration, to avoid the reading of documents, to demonstrate deference and seriousness before the judicial operators, to use simple and objective language, to adopt a fluent speech, to use nonverbal language correctly, to avoid spontaneity responding only to what is asked, to report only the truth, to avoid hesitations and contradictions, to be impartial and to maintain eye contact with the judge. Finally, at the conclusion of the testimony, the Criminal Police Bodies should rise in a smooth manner, avoiding to show relief, resentment or satisfaction, leaving a credible and professional image and, without much formality, requesting the judge permission to leave the courtroom. As final note, it’s important to stress that "The intervention of the Police Criminal Bodies in the trial hearing in Court” encloses itself on a theme of crucial importance not only for members of the Police and Security Forces, who must welcome this subject with the utmost seriousness and professionalism, but also for the proper administration of the criminal justice system in Portugal.

Cumprimento de ordens, obediência hierárquica e disciplina militar versus perpetração (in)voluntária de crimes

Following orders, hierarchical obedience and military discipline are essential values for the survival of the armed forces. Without them, it is not possible to conceive the armed forces as an essential pillar of a democratic state of law and a guarantor of national independence. As issuing orders as well as receiving and following them are inextricably linked to military discipline, and as such injunctions entail the workings of a particular obedience regime within the specific kind of organized power framework which is the Armed Forces, only by analysing the importance of such orders within this microcosm – with its strict hierarchical structure – will it be possible to understand which criminal judicial qualification to ascribe to the individual at the rear by reference to the role of the front line individual (i.e. the one who issues an order vs the one who executes it). That is, of course, when we are faced with the practice of unlawful acts, keeping in mind the organizational framework and its influence over the will of the executor. One thing we take as read, if the orders can be described as unlawful, the boundary line of the duty of obedience, which cannot be overstepped, both because of a legal as well as a constitutional imperative, will have been crossed. And the military have sworn an oath of obedience to the fundamental law. The topic of hierarchical obedience cannot be separated from the analysis of current legislation which pertains to the topic within military institutions. With that in mind, it appeared relevant to address the major norms which regulate the matter within the Portuguese military legal system, and, whenever necessary and required by the reality under analysis, to relate that to civilian law or legal doctrine.

A violência doméstica no seio da relação conjugal e a sua relação com o estatuto da mulher na sociedade

Domestic violence is one of the most serious problems that contemporary society faces. Domestic violence that specifically occurs between spouses is a particular case of domestic violence that has caused a high number of victims - mostly women - putting thus an enormous challenge to states with regard to combating this problem. In this thesis we intend to proceed with the study of this phenomenon in the Angolan context. The objective of this study is trying to understand how such violence is manifested in Angola, what factors may be at it’s source and what effects can be observed on the victims, their families and in society itself. Being the Angolan people strongly linked to traditions and customs, it seemed interesting to also address the issue of domestic violence under customary law. In addition to the problem of the study itself, we proceed to exposure and analysis of how the state and civil society have intervened in this matter. At the end of this study, we conclude that despite the fact that the issue of domestic violence has received more attention in recent years from the public entities and society in general, there is still a long way to go. This path involves not only more actions of the state but also a change of mentality, which can enable the break with social stereotypes in adopting a different behavior over the issue under review and internalizing that human dignity is the basic principle of any state that proclaims democratic rights.

As literaturas contemporâneas espanhola e portuguesa como espaços culturais de memória histórico-política

Nesta dissertação analisamos a forma como quatro obras literárias contemporâneas se podem constituir como espaço cultural de memória histórico-política das décadas que em Portugal e Espanha se seguiram à implantação dos regimes democráticos. O trabalho incide na análise de Os Memoráveis, de Lídia Jorge, Novembro, de Jaime Nogueira Pinto, Las leyes de la frontera, de Javier Cercas, e Romanticismo, de Manuel Longares. Procede-se à análise comparativa dos quatro romances e à forma como cada um problematiza dois períodos fundamentais da história recente dos dois países. São também tratadas as questões relacionadas com o diálogo entre o conhecimento histórico e literário, o lado fictício e imaginário da história e a contribuição da memória para a reconstrução dos processos históricos. Procura-se também entender de que forma a literatura se constitui como uma forma de reflexão catártica e crítica, como suscita a problematização do momento presente, e que marcas pessoais e/ou autobiográficas os autores deixam transparecer nas suas obras.

Fostering e-participation sustainability through a BPM-driven semantic model

According to a recent Eurobarometer survey (2014), 68% of Europeans tend not to trust national governments. As the increasing alienation of citizens from politics endangers democracy and welfare, governments, practitioners and researchers look for innovative means to engage citizens in policy matters. One of the measures intended to overcome the so-called democratic deficit is the promotion of civic participation. Digital media proliferation offers a set of novel characteristics related to interactivity, ubiquitous connectivity, social networking and inclusiveness that enable new forms of societal-wide collaboration with a potential impact on leveraging participative democracy. Following this trend, e-Participation is an emerging research area that consists in the use of Information and Communication Technologies to mediate and transform the relations among citizens and governments towards increasing citizens’ participation in public decision-making. However, despite the widespread efforts to implement e-Participation through research programs, new technologies and projects, exhaustive studies on the achieved outcomes reveal that it has not yet been successfully incorporated in institutional politics. Given the problems underlying e-Participation implementation, the present research suggested that, rather than project-oriented efforts, the cornerstone for successfully implementing e-Participation in public institutions as a sustainable added-value activity is a systematic organisational planning, embodying the principles of open-governance and open-engagement. It further suggested that BPM, as a management discipline, can act as a catalyst to enable the desired transformations towards value creation throughout the policy-making cycle, including political, organisational and, ultimately, citizen value. Following these findings, the primary objective of this research was to provide an instrumental model to foster e-Participation sustainability across Government and Public Administration towards a participatory, inclusive, collaborative and deliberative democracy. The developed artefact, consisting in an e-Participation Organisational Semantic Model (ePOSM) underpinned by a BPM-steered approach, introduces this vision. This approach to e-Participation was modelled through a semi-formal lightweight ontology stack structured in four sub-ontologies, namely e-Participation Strategy, Organisational Units, Functions and Roles. The ePOSM facilitates e-Participation sustainability by: (1) Promoting a common and cross-functional understanding of the concepts underlying e-Participation implementation and of their articulation that bridges the gap between technical and non-technical users; (2) Providing an organisational model which allows a centralised and consistent roll-out of strategy-driven e-Participation initiatives, supported by operational units dedicated to the execution of transformation projects and participatory processes; (3) Providing a standardised organisational structure, goals, functions and roles related to e-Participation processes that enhances process-level interoperability among government agencies; (4) Providing a representation usable in software development for business processes’ automation, which allows advanced querying using a reasoner or inference engine to retrieve concrete and specific information about the e-Participation processes in place. An evaluation of the achieved outcomes, as well a comparative analysis with existent models, suggested that this innovative approach tackling the organisational planning dimension can constitute a stepping stone to harness e-Participation value.

O poder legislativo no processo de consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde

O presente trabalho visa à composição de breve contextualização do histórico em que nasceu a democracia cabo-verdiana e as principais etapas que ao longo dos anos foi vencendo, rumo à almejada consolidação democrática, analisando em pormenor o papel do Legislativo para tanto. Nesse sentido, pretendemos neste estudo responder a seguinte pergunta de partida: “Qual o impacto do papel desempenhado pelo Legislativo no processo de consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde nesses últimos 20 anos?”. Este estudo nasce da necessidade de colmatar um vazio, quase que absoluto, no que diz respeito à análise do funcionamento, organização e estrutura da instituição parlamentar em Cabo Verde. Por isso, ao realizarmos esta investigação pretendemos alcançar dois objectivos principais: Averiguar até que ponto o papel do Parlamento contribuiu para a almejada consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde; Examinar de forma detalhada a evolução longitudinal da Assembleia de Cabo Verde ao longo de sua experiência democrática. Para tal, serão analisadas três áreas importantes do funcionamento desta instituição, de 1991 a 2011: o processo legislativo, os mecanismos de controlo e fiscalização ao governo e a função de legitimação. Todavia, temos a perfeita consciência de que as três dimensões seleccionadas não esgotam os campos de análise de contribuição parlamentar para o reforço da democracia. No entanto, pretendemos com o estudo tentar informar e dar a conhecer, de forma científica e académica, a actuação da instituição parlamentar no processo de consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde, com uma abordagem diferente dos poucos estudos já realizados.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

O regime penal das imunidades dos titulares dos órgãos políticos de soberania

Portugal is one of the countries that has a constitutional regime of immunity. This protects certain individuals in political positions from prosecution under the law. These individuals are said to have a privileged status when compared to ordinary citizens. The purpose of this study is to examine the immunities enjoyed by President, the members of Parliament and the government ministers. The regime of immunities can be found to generate a certain sense of injustice and feelings of mistrust since the individual can not, albeit temporarily, be held criminally responsible for criminal conduct. It is urgent, therefore, to find a consistent justification with the principles and values of the Criminal Law. The Parliament is the place of the exercise of democratic power and, therefore, a member of Parliament assumes a central position in parliamentary activity. For this reason, it will be necessary to determine analysis to determine the meaning the prerogative of criminal irresponsibility. One question that must be asked is to know how the dogmatic plan that the immunities of the political organs of sovereignty must be seen.

Ações encobertas

The global and increasingly technological society requires the States to adopt security measures that can maintain the balance between the freedom, on the one hand, and the security and the respect for fundamental rights of a democratic state, on the other. A State can only achieve this aim if it has an effective judicial system and in particular a criminal procedure adequate to the new criminogenic realities. In this context, the national legislator has adopted, following other international legal systems, special means of obtaining proof more stringent of rights. Within those special means are included the covert actions, that, being a means to use sparingly, is a key element to fight against violent and highly organized crime. Therefore, the undercover agent, voluntary by nature, develops a set of activities that enables the investigation to use other means of taking evidence and/or probationary diligences itself, with the purpose of providing sufficient proof to the case file. In this milieu, given the high risks involved during the investigation, as well as after its completion, the undercover agent can act upon fictitious identity. This measure can be maintained during the evidentiary phase of the trial. Similarly, given the latent threat that the undercover agent suffers by its inclusion in criminal organizations, as well as the need for his inclusion in future covert actions it is crucial that his participation as a witness in the trial is properly shielded. Thus, when the undercover agent provides, exceptionally, statements in the trial, he shall do so always through videoconference with voice and image distortion. This measure can guarantee the anonymity of the undercover agent and concomitantly, that the adversarial principle and the right of the accused to a fair trial is not prejudiced since, in those circumstances, the diligence will be supervised in its entirety (in the audience and with the undercover agent) by a judge.

Weimar and the crisis of political legitimacy in Late Modernity : Max Weber, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt

Através da comparação das ideias de três grandes teóricos da política no conturbado contexto da República de Weimar, esta dissertação pretende reconsiderar a crise da legitimidade política na modernidade tardia. Tal crise é concebida tanto em sentido estrito, enquanto crise das democracias liberais perante os efeitos de rápidas mudanças sociais e a emergência da política de massas, como em sentido lato, ou seja, enquanto crise dos alicerces político-intelectuais da era moderna. Nessa medida, veremos como os juízos de Weber, Kelsen e Schmitt não se limitam a veicular veredictos contrastantes sobre a democracia de massas, o parlamentarismo e os partidos políticos, remetendo também para narrativas distintas sobre o destino do homem moderno – narrativas que oscilam entre o optimismo moderado, a ambivalência e a reacção hostil.

Sistema de segurança interna : a unificação do sistema em Portugal

A aceleração do ritmo de mudança verificado nas sociedades atuais, tem sido impulsionado pela globalização, fenómeno decorrente da evolução das tecnologias da informação, das telecomunicações, das comunicações e transportes e do desaparecimento de fronteiras. Viver na “aldeia global” ou à escala global como o previu Marshall McLuhan (1964) no livro Understanding Media, é hoje uma realidade inquestionável. As consequências desta transformação foram múltiplas quer do ponto de vista dos benefícios, quer do ponto de vista dos problemas gerados. No plano da segurança, face ao multiculturalismo envolvido e ao aumento crescente do crime transfronteiriço, tornou-se essencial a partilha de informação a nível internacional tendo em vista o seu combate não só olhando a situação dos cidadãos como a defesa dos princípios democráticos. Realça-se que os progressos tecnológicos e as facilidades que criam aos seus utilizadores, neste caso os criminosos, fazem com que as ações por estes praticadas sejam cada vez mais meticulosas, imprevisíveis, sofisticadas e complexas o que impõe uma resposta correspondente e adequada. Por essa razão, as políticas de segurança existentes mostraram-se insuficientes e esgotadas requerendo novas respostas capazes de produzir os efeitos desejáveis para uma efetiva prevenção da criminalidade. Pelas dimensões que tem vindo a tomar, a criminalidade tornou-se uma preocupação que ultrapassou o domínio da segurança interna de cada país para ser encarada a nível internacional ou mesmo mundial. Para o efeito urge concertar processos e procedimentos securitários agregando vontades que convirjam e defendam a unificação dos sistemas dos países a nível mundial. A verificar-se tal intento, daí resultariam significativas melhorias da segurança a todos os níveis (nacional, internacional e mundial). Além disso também resultariam ganhos em termos de tempo, redução de custos, impacto na qualidade dos serviços prestados, na gestão das pessoas e na eficiência das organizações. Realça-se que a democracia ao promover a dignidade do homem densificando os seus direitos, liberdades e garantias, criou indiretamente condições para que fosse gerada instabilidade e o desenvolvimento de comportamentos criminosos. Importa, portanto, face à situação existente e à previsível complexidade do crime no futuro, estudar profundamente a nova realidade neste domínio, para tomar as medidas preventivas tendentes a reporem a estabilidade e a promoverem a paz social. Foi neste contexto que a presente investigação, desenvolvida no âmbito académico, mas também suportado na realidade profissional, pretendeu refletir sobre o estado da segurança global e dar o seu contributo nesta matéria.

Continuidade e mudança. O sistema internacional no post‐Guerra Fria

O fim da Guerra Fria é um caso inédito de mudança pacífica da estrutura internacional, em que os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética transcendem a divisão bipolar para decidir os termos da paz no quadro das instituições que definem o modelo de ordenamento multilateral, consolidando a sua legitimidade. Nesse contexto, ao contrário dos casos precedentes de reconstrução internacional no fim de uma guerra hegemónica, o novo sistema do post-Guerra Fria, caracterizado pela unipolaridade, pela regionalização e pela homogeneização, forma-se num quadro de continuidade institucional. A ordem política do post-Guerra Fria é um sistema misto em que as tensões entre a hierarquia unipolar e a anarquia multipolar, a integração global e a fragmentação regional e a homogeneidade e a heterogeneidade política, ideológica e cultural condicionam as estratégias das potências. As crises internacionais vão pôr à prova a estabilidade da nova ordem e a sua capacidade para garantir mudanças pacíficas. A primeira década do post-Guerra Fria mostra a preponderância dos Estados Unidos e a sua confiança crescente, patente nas Guerras do Golfo Pérsico e dos Balcãs, bem como na crise dos Estreitos da Formosa. A reacção aos atentados do "11 de Setembro" revela uma tentação imperial da potência unipolar, nomeadamente com a invasão do Iraque, que provoca uma crise profunda da comunidade de segurança ocidental. A vulnerabilidade do centro da ordem internacional é confirmada pela crise constitucional europeia e pela crise financeira global. Essas crises não alteram a estrutura de poder mas aceleram a erosão da ordem multilateral e criam um novo quadro de possibilidades para a evolução internacional, que inclui uma escalada dos conflitos num quadro de multipolaridade regional, uma nova polarização entre as potências democráticas conservadoras e uma coligação revisionista autoritária, bem como a restauração de um concerto entre as principais potências internacionais.

Cumprimento de ordens, obediência hierárquica e disciplina militar versus perpetração (in)voluntária de crimes

Following orders, hierarchical obedience and military discipline are essential values for the survival of the armed forces. Without them, it is not possible to conceive the armed forces as an essential pillar of a democratic state of law and a guarantor of national independence. As issuing orders as well as receiving and following them are inextricably linked to military discipline, and as such injunctions entail the workings of a particular obedience regime within the specific kind of organized power framework which is the Armed Forces, only by analysing the importance of such orders within this microcosm – with its strict hierarchical structure – will it be possible to understand which criminal judicial qualification to ascribe to the individual at the rear by reference to the role of the front line individual (i.e. the one who issues an order vs the one who executes it). That is, of course, when we are faced with the practice of unlawful acts, keeping in mind the organizational framework and its influence over the will of the executor. One thing we take as read, if the orders can be described as unlawful, the boundary line of the duty of obedience, which cannot be overstepped, both because of a legal as well as a constitutional imperative, will have been crossed. And the military have sworn an oath of obedience to the fundamental law. The topic of hierarchical obedience cannot be separated from the analysis of current legislation which pertains to the topic within military institutions. With that in mind, it appeared relevant to address the major norms which regulate the matter within the Portuguese military legal system, and, whenever necessary and required by the reality under analysis, to relate that to civilian law or legal doctrine.

As Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, 1976-2015

As transformações operadas no mundo contemporâneo, em especial no que respeita às estruturas do poder, à sua maior autonomização e diferenciação, tiveram particulares reflexos ao nível dos Parlamentos e das funções que prosseguem. Desde a sua origem, no passado século XIII, à atualidade, grandes acontecimentos, clivagens e factos históricos estão presentes na sua linha evolutiva. A democratização do regime parlamentar e a legitimidade outorgada através de eleições democráticas e concorrenciais são um marco ímpar na sua história. A complexidade das sociedades hodiernas catapultou o Poder Executivo em detrimento do Parlamento, enquanto órgão legislativo por excelência. Tal circunstancialismo levou, não ao proclamado declínio dos Parlamentos, mas a reformas estruturantes. Outras e mais importantes funções seriam prosseguidas. Se as iniciativas legislativas e a definição das políticas públicas passaram a ser quase um exclusivo do Governo, havia que desenvolver e ampliar, por parte dos Parlamentos, os instrumentos de controlo, fiscalização e escrutínio da ação governativa. Entre os clássicos instrumentos de controlo avulta o Inquérito Parlamentar, materializado em Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito, dotadas de poderes especiais para recolha de informação e para investigação. No seu percurso parlamentar, também as Comissões de Inquérito foram sendo alvo de constantes aperfeiçoamentos, de ordem constitucional, legal e regimental. A excessiva partidarização da atividade parlamentar de outrora e sobretudo a confusão entre o governo e o partido que o sustentava a nível parlamentar, o confronto desequilibrado de meios entre as maiorias e as minorias, levaram a um reposicionamento do inquérito parlamentar enquanto garante do direito das minorias. Não sendo expectável que as grandes iniciativas de controlo sejam tomadas pelo partido maioritário, cabe à oposição esse papel. Em Portugal, diminuta era a tradição do instituto do inquérito parlamentar, razão porque foi efémera e sem resultado a sua utilização no tempo da monarquia constitucional. O regime democrático, abraçado com o 25 de abril de 1974, relançou o órgão de soberania Parlamento e estabeleceu prioridades. Até ao amadurecimento da democracia viveram-se tempos mais conturbados mas de grande aprendizagem. O inquérito Parlamentar, a partir da revisão constitucional de 1982, passou conceptualmente a integrar um dos meios mais relevantes da fiscalização política. É, pois, o levantamento exaustivo e a análise das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, período de 1976-2015, o objetivo a que nos propomos neste estudo.