17 resultados para Arendt

em Portal de Revistas Científicas Complutenses - Espanha


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The main purpose of this paper is to analyze Hannah Arendt’s citizenship proposal. The central thesis is that this proposal is possible in contemporary democracies, and it is adequate for developing and strengthening of political action. The work is divided in five sections. In the first, we develop a brief introduction on the studied issue. In the second and third section, we analyze, respec-tively, political and moral conditions that enable democratic citizenship, and the conditions that hinder the exercise of the same, according to Arendt. Then, we reflect critically on Arendt’s citizenship proposal. Finally, we conclude and we propose a set of civic challenges relate to current democracies in light of the above proposal.

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The contribution is explaining the methods and the forms of the undemocratic regime on the example of the communist propaganda in the field of the emigration. The task of the article is to find out how the communist political elite was looking at the people who illegally left the territory of Czechoslovakia, which means of expression it was taking advantage of the characterizing of the political refugees, which types of the emigrants were standing in the centre of attention of the negative propaganda and in which intensity, the emigrants were presented in the communist press. We assume from the hypothesis that the propaganda language of the communists directed against the emigrants did not change in dependence of the rigidity of the communist regime. So, the emigrants were considered to be the mortal enemies of the regime both in the totalitarian condition in the fifties and in the authoritarian period of the eighties. The text is processed in the form of the contents analysis of the period newspaper articles. The article is divided into four parts. In the first theoretical part, the role of the propaganda in the undemocratic regimes is presented. Subsequently, the reasons of the emigration are explained in the investigated period, the object of the communist propaganda is subsequently presented and ultimately, in the last theoretical part, the language level of the propaganda of the Communist Party is analysed.

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There is a significant lack of sociological research in Spain about anti-Semitism. At the same time there are alarming anti-Semitic tendencies and anti-Jewish stereotypes which are above the European average. This article aims to explain this lack of sociological research about anti-Semitism in Spain. Therefore two types of explications are offered: on the one hand side some structural problems will be shown which sociology in general had since its beginnings and which complicate the understanding of anti-Semitism. Furthermore explications regarding the specific social and historic situation in Spain and of Spanish sociology in particular will be exposed. It will be shown that for its rationalistic character and with the exception of very few authors – who are considered marginalized for practical research – sociology in general has had enormous problems in understanding anti-Semitism. The specific historic situation, Francoism, the dispute about the historic memory and the delayed institutionalisation of sociology could also explain the lack of sociological interest in the topic especially in Spain. The article shows that the study of anti-Semitism is not only relevant for struggling against this burden of society in many of its variants. Furthermore, thinking about anti-Semitism can help sociology to recognise its own epistemological problems. It can serve to criticise and improve instruments of sociological research by showing the limitations of the sociological approach and to uncover the importance of interdisciplinary research for understanding specific social phenomena. In that sense, anti-Semitism, far from being a marginal subject, can be considered a key topic in the process of civilisation and it can help us to decipher the contemporary Spanish society.

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El artículo muestra la importancia de la amistad en el contexto de la filosofía política aristotélica. Esta importancia se verifica en su peso específico en comparación con la justicia, puesto que Aristóteles mismo sostiene que la amistad cívica es incluso un objetivo superior al de la búsqueda de la justicia. En concreto, el artículo se centra en la función de la concordia, como tipo especial de amistad cívica, en términos de conservación de la unidad y estabilidad de la polis. Para captar su significación, se plantea el papel de la concordia como complemento a la condición política del ser humano. La concordia es necesaria a la luz de la tendencia a la lucha entre las partes de la ciudad, entre el demos y los oligarcas. Puesto que esta lucha pone en peligro la continuidad de la polis, la concordia entre ciudadanos se convierte en un antecedente privilegiado del principio de fraternidad republicana, el cual todavía no ha gozado de una atención suficiente en el campo de la historia de la filosofía política.

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Este artículo reconstruye la teoría del amor de Pedro Laín Entralgo, en su doble referencia, a la ontología fenomenológica y a la metafísica de Zubiri. El amor representa para Laín el lugar en que se produce la posesión íntima de lo real y, al mismo tiempo, la incursión en el dinamismo y la apertura de la misma realidad. El repaso por las formas y grados que la teoría lainiana distingue en el amor lleva a encontrar en su forma máxima una apertura ontológica de carácter vertical hacia el fundamento metafísico. El artículo esboza finalmente la posibilidad de reinterpretar el amor como relación horizontal con una exterioridad de carácter inmanente.

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This paper starts off asking whether a strictly political approach may be deduced based on Martin Heidegger’ ontological analyses of modernity. His interpretation of the Greek phenomenon of the polis is discussed along with the distinction established therein between this form of community and the modern state, founded according to Heidegger on the metaphysical essence of modernity. To clarify this question regard is had to the proclamation of values observed by Heidegger in the different forms of state organization arising in the age of technical consummation of metaphysics. In this connection, his vision of nihilism is studied and a hypothesis is finally offered as to the form of state that would be consistent with a renunciation of the values required, in his view, by the manifestation of the entity in modernity as a wholly producible object.

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Crisis communication is a widely treated field. There are lot of works and guides which provide helpful information in order to face crisis situations successfully (Alcat, 2005, Benoit, 1997) and articles about case studies (Nespereira, 2014, Blaney y Benoit 2001). Nonetheless, most of times, these guides are focused on business or corporations (Abeler, 2010) and there are not such information about crisis communications in politics (Gaspar e Ibeas, 2015). The field is smaller if we speak about forgiveness as restoration image tool in politics (Harris 2006). Despite all, we live in “forgiveness era” as Krauze said (1998) where people demand to politicians to apologize when they have mistakes (Harris et al. 2006:716). So, we will try to make an approach to forgiveness in politics as a image restoration tool and analyze its capabilities in order to face crisis management.

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Desde la llegada de la revolución bioteconológica en la agricultura mundial, las corporaciones semilleras-agroquímicas han avanzado en el control del mercado internacional de alimentos, a partir de diversos mecanismos, entre ellos el de la legislación de derechos de propiedad intelectual. En América Latina, distintos gobiernos han procurado adecuar la legislación nacional a estas tendencias internacionales, con resultado dispar, ya que se ha generado una fuerte resistencia desde organizaciones populares. Argentina, un país de temprana inserción en el mercado internacional de alimentos y de rápida adopción de los derechos de obtentor, está atravesado hoy por una nueva fase de esta disputa, ante la posible sanción de una nueva Ley de Semillas, en la que empresa estadounidense Monsanto está involucrada. Este trabajo hace un repaso del panorama actual desde un punto de vista geográfico, prestando especial atención a las estrategias de las organizaciones que se oponen a la nueva legislación.

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This article proposes a reflection on what the historian Saul Friedlander called “the limits of representation” of the massacres and genocides, in order to provide evidence to help settle the old debate about the Holocaust unrepresentability. To achieve this, we will carry out a textual analysis of five of the most painful images that the American photographer Lee Miller realized in the Nazi concentration camps of Buchenwald and Dachau, in April 1945. The war correspondent, who had been Man Ray’s assistant photographer, muse and lover, witnessed the horror, and if she knew how to represent it, that was, in a great extent, thanks to its surreal look.

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At all normative levels, family migration law can disproportionally and negatively affect immigrant women’s rights in this field, producing gendered effects. In some cases, such effects are related to the normative and judicial imposition of unviable family-related models (e.g., the ʻgood mother ̕ the one-breadwinner family, or a rigid distinction between productive and reproductive work). In other cases, they are due to family migration law’s overlooking of the specific needs and difficulties of immigrant women, within their families and in the broader context of their host countries’ social and normative framework.To effectively expose and correct this gender bias, in this article I propose an alternative view of immigrant women’s right to family life, as a cluster of rights and entitlements rather than as a mono-dimensional right. As a theoretical approach, this construction is better equipped to capture the complex experiences of immigrant women in the European legal space, and to shed light on the gendered effects generated not by individual norms but by the interaction of norms that are traditionally assigned to separated legal domains (e.g., immigration law and criminal law). As a judicial strategy, this understanding is capable of prompting a consideration by domestic and supranational courts of immigrant women not as isolated individuals, but as ‘individuals in context’. I shall define this type of approach as ‘contextual interpretation’, understood as the consideration of immigrant women in the broader contexts of their families, their host societies and the normative frameworks applicable to them. Performed in a gendersensitive manner, a contextual judicial interpretation has the potential to neutralize the gendered effects of certain family migration norms. To illustrate these points, I will discuss selected judicial examples offered by the European Court on Human Rights, as well as from domestic jurisdictions of countries with a particularly high incidence of immigrant women (Italy and Spain).

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Este artículo introduce los conceptos de relaciones de poder analizados por Michel Foucault, haciendo hincapié en el vínculo del ejercicio del poder en las relaciones internacionales. Por ello, se analizan el marco de relaciones que el ejercicio de dicho poder genera, así como las tipologías de relaciones entre Estados, que igualmente genera el poder. El artículo presenta los paradigmas de las relaciones internacionales y su evolución en el tiempo, estableciendo puentes con las consideraciones de Foucault con respecto al poder, la guerra, la represión o las razas. En este sentido, el concepto de guerra de razas se antoja fundamental para identificar dicha noción como la versión más extrema del paradigma realista. Dicha guerra de razas no constituye una categoría que integre necesariamente el concepto biológico, sino que se refiere al proceso de imposición de la identidad del grupo dominante, la cual puede contener aspectos étnicos, socioculturales y políticos. No obstante, ni el realismo ni su visión extrema son los únicos paradigmas existentes, ya que la evolución de los paradigmas alternativos ha conllevado la génesis del reflectivismo como alternativa al realismo.

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Basado en la evidencia proporcionada por 9 grupos de discusión, este trabajo aborda la semántica social de la crisis en el marco de la hipótesis propuesta por Janet Roitman. En consecuencia propone retratar distintas estrategias narrativas que permiten dar cuenta de la experiencia de la crisis según cuatro ejes de contraposiciones: agencia/paciencia, moralización/poder, coyuntura/cronicidad, destrucción/creación. En su parte final, propone fijar los rasgos fundamentales de los sujetos que aparecen en seno de las tramas narrativas propuestas.

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From the Divercity project, the article reflects on methodology, good practices and indicators useful for community art practices. At first term, social exclusión is defined as well as community art, and which features it presents. Subsequently, the article reviews the indicators that are being used to measure the success or achievement of community arts practice, raising criticism from equality and including indicators that measure the well-being of women.

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This paper deals with the relationship between different sets of archaeological legislation, material culture and communities. First it presents a historical sketch of the heritage legislation in the West and its contemporary uses. Secondly, it shows how alternative archaeological agencies, such as community archaeology, deal with these problems. The discussion is especially relevant in Brazil, where contract archaeology is presently overwhelming, and the issue is raised in the last part of the paper.

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Nowadays, archaeology is trying to redefine its relation with objects. This change is taking place at the same time as the West is breaking once and for all with the generation who did the rural exodus in the mid of the twentieth century. The present paper proposes a revision of the conditions that allow us to both define this rupture and at the same time determine our affinity with materiality. This is done through a reconsideration of the relation between the past and the present and the dynamics marking this difference. We are situated in a moment when the experience of time is shifting and thus so is the integrity of archaeological objects. Under the name of Negative Archaeology, the border between past and present is explored. This border determines the creation of the past in a present which intends to homogenise changes. Archaeology is a unique discipline which could prevent this process, or at least bear witness to the dynamics to which objects seem to be subjected. Obscolescence is introduced as a concept in an attempt to name the aforementioned problem.