Ministers as strategic political leaders? : Strategic political steering after NPM reforms in Finland

This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.

Governmental rationalities and the local dimension of European politics. A study of the Interreg IV programme "Alpenrhein-Bodensee-Hochrhein"

The thesis aims at investigating the local dimension of the EU cohesion policy through the utilization of an alternative approach, which aims at the analysis of discourse and structures of power. The concrete case under analysis is the Interreg IV programme “Alpenrhein-Bodensee-Hochrhein”, which is conducted in the border region between Germany, Switzerland, Austria and the principality of Liechtenstein. The main research question is stated as such: What governmental rationalities can be found at work in the field of EU cross-border cooperation programmes? How is directive action and cooperation envisioned? How coherent are the different rationalities, which are found at work? The theoretical framework is based on a Foucaultian understanding of power and discourse and utilizes the notion of governmentalities as a way to de-stabilize the understanding of directive action and in order to highlight the dispersed and heterogeneous nature of governmental activity. The approach is situated within the general field of research on the European Union connected to basic conceptualisations such as the nature of power, the role of discourse and modes of subjectification. An approach termed “analytics of government”, based on the work of researchers like Mitchell Dean is introduced as the basic framework for the analysis. Four dimensions (visiblities, subjectivities, techniques/practices, problematisations) are presented as a set of tools with which governmental regimes of practices can be analysed. The empirical part of the thesis starts out with a discussion of the general framework of the European Union's cohesion policy and places the Interreg IV Alpenrhein-Bodensee-Hochrhein programme in this general context. The main analysis is based on eleven interviews which were conducted with different individuals, participating in the programme on different levels. The selection of interview partners aimed at maximising heterogeneity through including individuals from all parts of the programme region, obtaining different functions within the programme. The analysis reveals interesting aspects pertaining to the implementation and routine aspects of work within initiatives conducted under the heading of the EU cohesion policy. The central aspects of an Interreg IV Alpenrhein-Bodensee-Hochrhein – governmentality are sketched out. This includes a positive perception of the work atmosphere, administrative/professional characterisation of the selves and a de-politicization of the programme. Characteristic is the experience of tensions by interview partners and the use of discoursive strategies to resolve them. Negative perceptions play an important role for the specific governmental rationality. The thesis contributes to a better understanding of the local dimension of the European Union cohesion policy and questions established ways of thinking about governmental activity. It provides an insight into the working of power mechanisms in the constitution of fields of discourse and points out matters of practical importance as well as subsequent research questions.

Kehittävän kuntoutuksen mahdollisuudet. : Tutkimus Aslak -kuntoutuksen työkytkennän ja asiakkuuden rakentumisesta.

The possibilities of developmental rehabilitation. A study on the construction of work relatedness and the customer in Aslak rehabilitation The challenge of work-related rehabilitation is to anticipate the factors threatening work ability and to affect them. The purpose of this study was to analyze how work-related rehabilitation is constructed in practice and what are the challenges and, at the same time, the possibilities of an innovative transformation of rehabilitation when trying to achive this goal. The theoretical basis is cultural-historical activity theory and developmental work research. Based on a historical analysis, I studied rehabilitation activity empirically using the data gathered from one Aslak programme (Aslak = occupationally oriented medical rehabilitation) over two years. I described and analysed the construction of Aslak using ethnographic data and interviews. The data includes audio- and video-recordings of the Aslak course, fieldnotes, documents and other materials used in the course. The study aimed to reveal rehabilitation practices from different perspectives carried out by different stakeholders and participants in the Aslak course. It focused on the Aslak trajectory produced by a multiorganizational subject. I analyzed the rehabilitation activity using the method of ethnographic analysis of infrastructure. The method of analyzing the construction of the object of rehabilititation the customer was a membership categorization analysis (MCD) based on the ethnomethodological research tradition. I analyzed the meanings denoting customers given by different parties during one Aslak process and the relations between the meanings. Based on this analysis, I studied the disturbances, ruptures, and innovations in the rehabilitation activity. The results of the study show that the infrastructure of Aslak has different basic ideas. Aslak is constructed most explicitly on the infrastructure of medical rehabilitation. The second layer has been provided with some tools of identifying and preventing well-defined occupation-specific load factors. However, it has failed to perform a new structure, as Aslak has encountered, at the same time, rapid changes in working life. The study identified some promising markers representing new kinds of work-related rehabilitation ideas, but they proved to be incomplete and fragile. As a consequence of the multilayered infrastructure, the contents of the Aslak course were split into fragmented phases and disconnected themes, which were blocked in by the master idea of medical orientation. Its relationship to work remained weak and obscure. The categorizations of customers in Aslak were manifold and contradictory. According to the results, the possibilities for transforming work-related rehabilitation lie both in changing the orientation to the customer to be more relevant to changing working life and forging the infrastructural innovations related to this change. The results showed that a new work-relatedeness would be difficult but possible to construct. What is needed is the construction of an infrastructure that will support a coherent master idea of work-related rehabilitation over the entire trajectory of a process. A shared idea of a rehabilitation object must be constructed in close collaboration between different stakeholders, such as Kela (the Social Insurance Institution of Finland), occupational health services, work organizations, and rehabilitation institutes. Key words: Aslak rehabilitation, work-related rehabilitation, development of rehabilitation, customer of rehabilitation, developmental work research, analysis of infrastructure, membership category analysis

Pre-maps : An Educational Programme for Reading Tactile Maps

It is demanding for children with visual impairment to become aware of the world beyond their immediate experience. They need to learn to control spatial experiences as a whole and understand the relationships between objects, surfaces and themselves. Tactile maps can be an excellent source of information for depicting space and environment. By means of tactile maps children can develop their spatial understanding more efficiently than through direct travel experiences supplemented with verbal explanations. Tactile maps can help children when they are learning to understand environmental, spatial, and directional concepts. The ability to read tactile maps is not self-evident; it is a skill, which must be learned. The main research question was: can children who are visually impaired learn to read tactile maps at the preschool age if they receive structural teaching? The purpose of this study was to develop an educational program for preschool children with visual impairment, the aim of which was to teach them to read tactile maps in order to strengthen their orientation skills and to encourage them to explore the world beyond their immediate experience. The study is a multiple case study describing the development of the map program consisting of eight learning tasks. The program was developed with one preschooler who was blind, and subsequently the program was implemented with three other children. Two of the children were blind from birth, one child had lost her vision at the age of two, and one child had low vision. The program was implemented in a normal preschool. Another objective of the pre-map program was to teach the preschooler with visual impairment to understand the concept of a map. The teaching tools were simple, map-like representations called pre-maps. Before a child with visual impairment can read a comprehensive tactile map, it is important to learn to understand map symbols, and how a three-dimensional model changes to a two-dimensional tactile map. All teaching sessions were videotaped; the results are based on the analysis of the videotapes. Two of the children completed the program successfully, and learned to read a tactile map. The two other children felt happy during the sessions, but it was problematic for them to engage fully in the instruction. One of the two eventually completed the program, while the other developed predominantly emerging skills. The results of the children's performances and the positive feedback from the teachers, assistants and the parents proved that this pre-map program is appropriate teaching material for preschool children who are visually impaired. The program does not demand high-level expertise; also parents, preschool teachers, and school assistants can carry out the program.

Helicobacter pylori in Vammala, Finland: seroepidemiological studies and a population-based ‘screen-and-treat’ programme

Helicobacter pylorin (helikobakteeri) tartunta saadaan yleensä lapsena ja tauti jää tavallisesti pysyväksi ilman täsmähoitoa. Onnistunut hoito parantaa pysyvästi helikobakteerista aiheutuvan mahan haavataudin ja näyttää ehkäisevän mahalaukun pahanlaatuisten muutosten kehittymistä. Aloitimme Vammalassa terveyskeskuksessa toteutetun kansainvälisesti ainutlaatuisen väestöpohjaisen helikobakteeritulehduksen seulonta- ja hoito-ohjelman pilottitutkimuksella 1994. 1996 kaikki 15-40-vuotiaat ja 1997-2000 15- ja 45-vuotiaat vammalalaiset kutsuttiin verinäyteseulontaan. Yhteensä 4626 henkilöä (75% kutsutuista) osallistui seulontaan. Vasta-ainepositiivisille tarjottiin helikobakteeritulehduksen lopettava lääkekuuri. Toiminnan seurauksena helikobakteeritulehduksen esiintyvyyden laskettiin vähentyneen 12%:sta 4%:iin 15-40-vuotiaiden ikäryhmässä. Tutkimme myös helikobakteerivasta-ainepositiivisten ja -negatiivisten eroja sekä helikobakteeritulehduksen riskitekijöitä kyselytutkimuksella. Lapsuudenkodin asumisahtauden, äidin matalan koulutusasteen, tupakoinnin, alkoholinkäytön, huonojen asunto-olojen ja ylävatsavaivoista johtuvien sairauslomien todettiin liittyvän helikobakteeritulehdukseen monimuuttuja-analyysissa. Tutkimme seulontaohjelmassa käyttämiemme IgG- ja IgA-luokan helikobakteeri-vasta-ainetestien luotettavuutta eri ikäryhmissä ottaen huomioon atrofisen gastriitin esiintyvyyden. 561 kliinisin perustein gastroskopoidun potilaan aineistossa IgG-testi osoittautui erittäin herkäksi kaikissa ikäryhmissä (99%). Tarkkuus oli myös vanhemmissa ikäryhmissä hyvä (97-93%), kun atrofista gastriittia sairastavat suljettiin pois. IgA- ja CagA-helikobakteerivasta-aineiden on todettu liittyvän lisääntyneeseen mahahaava- ja mahasyöpäriskiin. Analysoimme 560 henkilön pariseeruminäytteet, jotka oli otettu kahden vuosikymmenen välein, ja totesimme, että IgA-vasta-aineiden esiintyvyyden lisääntyyminen iän myötä johtuu paitsi syntymäajankohdasta ja uusista infektioista myös IgA-vasta-ainetasojen kohoamisesta helikobakteeritulehduksen aikana. Selvitimme myös CagA-vasta-ainetasojen muuttumista analysoimalla seeruminäytteet, jotka oli otettu kahden vuosikymmenen välein. Totesimme, että samanaikaisesti kun helikobakteerin esiintyvyys väestössä on alentunut, erityisesti CagA-positiiviset infektiot ovat vähentyneet. Tutkimuksemme osoittaa, että Suomessa terveyskeskuksen yhteydessä voidaan toteuttaa näin laajamittainen seulonta- ja hoito-ohjelma, johon suomalaiset osallistuvat aktiivisesti. Nähtäväksi jää, kuinka paljon ohjelma kykeni vähentämään helikobakteeritulehdukseen liittyviä myöhäisseuraamuksia.

Foreign Capital and Finland : Central government's first period of reliance on international financial markets, 1862-1938

The main objective of the study is to evaluate the Finnish central government s foreign borrowing between the years 1862 and 1938. Most of this period was characterised by deep capital market integration that bears resemblance to the liberal world financial order at the turn of the millennium. The main aim is to analyse the credit risk associated with the state and its determination by evaluating the world financial market centres perception of Finland. By doing this, the study is also expected to provide an additional dimension to Finland s political and economic history by incorporating into the research the assessments of international capital markets regarding Finland during a period that witnessed profound political and economic changes in Finnish society. The evaluation of the credit risk mainly relies on exchange-rate risk free time series of the state s foreign bonds. They have been collected from quotations in the stock exchanges in Helsinki, Hamburg, Paris and London. In addition, it investigates Finland s exposure to short-term debt and Moody s credit ratings assigned to Finland. The study emphasises the importance of the political risk. It suggests that the hey-day of the state s reliance on foreign capital markets took place during last few decades of the 19th century when Finland enjoyed a wide autonomy in the Russian Empire and prudently managed its economy, highlighted in Finland s adherence to the international gold standard. Political confrontations in Finland and, in particular, in Russia and the turbulence of the world financial system prevented the return of this beneficial position again. Through its issuance of foreign bonds the state was able to import substantial amounts of foreign capital, which was sorely needed to foster economic development in Finland. Moreover, the study argues that the state s presence in the western capital markets not only had economic benefits, but it also increased the international awareness of Finland s distinct and separate status in the Russian Empire and later underlined its position as an independent republic.

Randomised Evaluation of New Technologies within the Population‐Based Cervical Cancer Screening Programme in Finland: Cross‐Sectional Performance and Validity

A randomised and population-based screening design with new technologies has been applied to the organised cervical cancer screening programme in Finland. In this experiment the women invited to routine five-yearly screening are individually randomised to be screened with automation-assisted cytology, human papillomavirus (HPV) test or conventional cytology. By using the randomised design, the ultimate aim is to assess and compare the long-term outcomes of the different screening regimens. The primary aim of the current study was to evaluate, based on the material collected during the implementation phase of the Finnish randomised screening experiment, the cross-sectional performance and validity of automation-assisted cytology (Papnet system) and primary HPV DNA testing (Hybrid Capture II assay for 13 oncogenic HPV types) within service screening, in comparison to conventional cytology. The parameters of interest were test positivity rate, histological detection rate, relative sensitivity, relative specificity and positive predictive value. Also, the effect of variation in performance by screening laboratory on age-adjusted cervical cancer incidence was assessed. Based on the cross-sectional results, almost no differences were observed in the performance of conventional and automation-assisted screening. Instead, primary HPV screening found 58% (95% confidence interval 19-109%) more cervical lesions than conventional screening. However, this was mainly due to overrepresentation of mild- and moderate-grade lesions and, thus, is likely to result in overtreatment since a great deal of these lesions would never progress to invasive cancer. Primary screening with an HPV DNA test alone caused substantial loss in specificity in comparison to cytological screening. With the use of cytology triage test, the specificity of HPV screening improved close to the level of conventional cytology. The specificity of primary HPV screening was also increased by increasing the test positivity cutoff from the level recommended for clinical use, but the increase was more modest than the one gained with the use of cytology triage. The performance of the cervical cancer screening programme varied widely between the screening laboratories, but the variation in overall programme effectiveness between respective populations was more marginal from the very beginning of the organised screening activity. Thus, conclusive interpretations on the quality or success of screening should not be based on performance parameters only. In the evaluation of cervical cancer screening the outcome should be selected as closely as possible to the true measure of programme effectiveness, which is the number of invasive cervical cancers and subsequent deaths prevented in the target population. The evaluation of benefits and adverse effects of each new suggested screening technology should be performed before the technology becomes an accepted routine in the existing screening programme. At best, the evaluation is performed randomised, within the population and screening programme in question, which makes the results directly applicable to routine use.

Interculturality in Theory and Practice in the Master's Programme of Intercultural Bilingual Education in Bolivia

Tämän tutkielman aiheena on kulttuurienvälisyys kulttuurienvälisessä kaksikielisessä opetuksessa (Educación Intercultural Bilingüe, EIB) Boliviassa ja erityisesti kulttuurienvälisen kaksikielisen koulutuksen maisteriohjelmassa (Maestría en Educación Intercultural Bilingüe), jota koordinoi PROEIB Andes -järjestö yhteistyössä Cochabamban Universidad Mayor de San Simónin kanssa. Tutkielman tarkoituksena on selvittää, miten kulttuurienvälisyys määritellään ja mitä se käytännössä merkitsee opetuksen eri osa-alueilla: sisällöissä, opetusmetodeissa ja -materiaaleissa sekä arvioinnissa. Koska kulttuurienvälisen kaksikielisen opetuksen toteutus ja tutkiminen eri Latinalaisen Amerikan maissa on tähän asti painottunut lähes yksinomaan perusopetukseen, pyrin työssäni keskittymään kulttuurienvälisyyden ilmentymiin nimenomaan bolivialaisessa korkeakoulukontekstissa. Tutkielman aineistona on käytetty kahdeksaa EIB -asiantuntijoiden teemahaastattelua, jotka FM Eila Isotalus on tehnyt Boliviassa vuonna 2004. Haastatteluaineisto analysoitiin teoriasidonnaista eli abduktiivista sisällönanalyysiä käyttäen. Tutkielman teoriatausta koostuu yhtäältä kulttuurienvälisyyteen ja monikulttuurisuuteen liittyvien käsitteiden määrittelystä, ja toisaalta kulttuurienväliseen opetukseen liittyvien mallien esittelystä. Aineiston analyysissä avuksi on ollut etenkin James A. Banksin teoria monikulttuurisen opetuksen viidestä ulottuvuudesta, joiden kautta on voitu pohtia kulttuurienvälisyyden toteutumista opetuksen eri osa-alueilla ja nostaa esille bolivialaisen kulttuurienvälisen opetuksen erityispiirteitä. Aineiston analyysissä ilmenee, että kulttuurienvälisyyden käsitteen määrittely on vahvasti kontekstisidonnainen ja jatkuva prosessi, johon vaikuttavat eri toimijoiden näkemykset ja vaatimukset. EIB -asiantuntijoiden esittämät määrittelyt voidaan jakaa makro- ja mikrososiaaliseen kategoriaan sen mukaan, nähdäänkö kulttuurienvälisyys ensisijaisesti yhteiskunnallisena vai yksilötason käsitteenä. Aineistossa korostuu ajatus latinalaisamerikkalaisesta kulttuurienvälisyydestä poliittisena käsitteenä, jonka keskiössä on vaatimus yhteiskunnallisten valtasuhteiden muutoksesta. Yksi suurimmista haasteista kulttuurienvälisyyden toteuttamisessa bolivialaisessa korkeakouluopetuksessa ovat akateemiseen kulttuuriin liittyvät perinteet, jotka vaikeuttavat uusien toimintatapojen omaksumista. Kulttuurienvälisyys opetuksessa on toistaiseksi tarkoittanut etupäässä sisältöjen monipuolistamista lisäämällä opetusohjelmiin elementtejä paikallisista kulttuureista. Tärkeänä askeleena EIB:n kehityksessä voidaan pitää painopisteen siirtymistä sisältökysymyksistä kulttuurienvälisten opetusmetodien luomiseen. Näiden opetusmenetelmien tulisi pohjautua ymmärrykseen oppimisesta kokonaisvaltaisena, yhteisöllisenä prosessina ja siten kuroa umpeen kuilua koulun ja yhteisöjen arkielämän välillä. Opetusmenetelmien ja -materiaalien suhteen keskeinen kulttuurienvälisyyteen liittyvä kysymys on intiaanikansojen suullisen kulttuurin ja tiedon jakamisen perinteiden hyödyntäminen opetuksessa. Maisteriohjelman opiskelijoiden arvioinnissa pyritään huomioimaan yksilön kokonaisvaltainen kehitys pelkkien opintosuoritusten sijasta, mutta arvosanoihin pohjautuvasta arvostelukäytännöstä ei ole toistaiseksi voitu luopua yliopiston vaatimusten vuoksi. Kaiken kaikkiaan kulttuurienvälisyyden toteuttaminen EIB:ssä ja maisteriohjelmassa on pitkän tähtäimen prosessi, joka vaatii perinteisten opetuskäytäntöjen kyseenalaistamista ja korkeakouluopetuksessa myös akateemisen kulttuurin haastamista. On oleellisen tärkeää, että prosessiin osallistuvat asiantuntijoiden ohella myös esimerkiksi opiskelijat, intiaaniyhteisöt ja -järjestöaktiivit.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Encouragement and discouragement : Essays on taxation and government expenditure

This thesis consists of an introduction to a topic of optimal use of taxes and government expenditure and three chapters analysing these themes more in depth. Chapter 2 analyses to what extent a given amount of subsidies affects the labour supply of parents. Municipal supplement to the Finnish home care allowance provides exogenous variation to labour supply decision of a parent. This kind of subsidy that is tied to staying at home instead of working is found to have fairly large effect on labour supply decisions of parents. Chapter 3 studies theoretically when it is optimal to provide publicly private goods. In the set up of the model government sets income taxes optimally and provides a private good, if it is beneficial to do so. The analysis results in an optimal provision rule according to which the good should be provided when it lowers the participation threshold into labour force. Chapter 4 investigates what happened to prices and demand when hairdressers value added tax was cut in Finland from 22 per cent to 8 per cent. The pass-through to prices was about half of the full pass-through and no clear indication of increased demand for the services or better employment situation in the sector is found.

"Ni sit mä tajusin, et on muitakin kuin minä" : Suomenuskoisten sosiaalinen identiteetti

Työ on uskontososiologian tutkimusalaan lukeutuva laadullinen tapaustutkimus, joka perustuu argumentatiiviseen haastatteluaineistoon ja sosiaalisen identiteetin teoriaan. Tutkimuskysymys liittyy sosiaalisen identiteettiin. Miten suomenuskoinen hahmottaa oman yhteisönsä ja sen jäsenyyden? Mitä merkitystä yhteisöllä on suomenuskoiselle? Tutkimuksen aihepiiri on suomalainen uuspakanuus ja sen eräs suuntaus, suomenusko. Työn eräänä tarkoituksena on määritellä suomenuskon käsitettä ja sijoittaa suomenuskoinen suuntaus nykyajan suomalaisen uuspakanuuden kentälle. Hypoteesin mukaan suomenusko on uusiin uskontoihin lukeutuva uuspakanallinen liike. Se kuuluu ásatrún tavoin etnopakanuuden luokkaan, eli kansallisista muinaisperinteistä inspiraationsa ammentaviin suuntauksiin. Suomenuskolle on omalaatuista esikristillisten suomalaisten uskontoperinteiden sekä suomalaisen kansanuskon korostaminen lähteinä. Suomenuskon muut ominaispiirteet vastaavat tyypillistä uuspakanuutta: Luonnon ja perinteiden kunnioitus sekä epädogmaattisuus ja tasavertaisuus ovat keskeisiä arvoja. Työ tehtiin puolistrukturoituna haastattelututkimuksena. Seitsemää suomenuskoista haastateltiin laadullisen asennetutkimuksen menetelmän mukaisesti. Menetelmä on uudehko ja kiinnostava. Se perustuu argumentatiivisen haastatteluaineiston tuottamiseen väittämäkorttien avulla. Analyysissä haastatteluaineistosta paikannetaan asenteita, eli subjektin ilmaisemaa jonkin kohteen arvottamista. Asenteista pyrittiin löytämään ulkoryhmiin kohdistuvia vertailuja ja retorisia erottautumisia. Työn teoreettisena tukirankana on Henri Tajfelin ja John C. Turnerin kehittämä sosiaalisen identiteetin teoria. Teorian mukaan sosiaalista identiteettiä on mahdollista tutkia ainoastaan sosiaalisten ryhmien keskinäisen vertailun asetelmassa. Omia sisäryhmiä vertaillaan aina ulkoryhmiin siten, että oma ryhmä näyttäytyy voittajana. Tämä takaa yksilölle myönteisen omanarvontunnon. Karmela Liebkindin mukaan vähemmistöryhmät vertailevat itseään valtakulttuurin enemmistöryhmiin. Heikki Pesosen ja Elina Huhdan mukaan vähemmistöuskonnot pyrkivät oikeuttamaan omaa uskontoaan tekemällä omalle ryhmälle suotuisia vertailuja. Tutkimuksessa havaittiin haastateltavien tekemiä retorisia erottautumisia ulkoryhmistä sekä heidän ilmaisemiaan asenteita, jotka liittyvät suomenuskoisten sisäryhmän dynamiikkaan. Tulosten perusteella haastatellut suomenuskoiset erottautuvat ryhmänä muusta uuspakanuudesta ja vielä selvemmin New Agesta ja satanismista, jotka eivät ole uuspakanuutta. Lisäksi haastateltavat korostavat eroa dogmaattisiin valtauskontoihin, varsinkin evankelis-luterilaisen valtionkirkon enemmistöryhmään. Suomenuskoisten yhteisöön liittymisen prosessin havaittiin muistuttavan sosiaalista itsekategorisointia yhteisön jäsenyydessä ratkaiseva tekijä on oman jäsenyyden tajuaminen itse. Teorian mukaan tämä johtaa sosiaalisen identiteetin muodostumiseen ja siten ryhmäkäyttäytymiseen. Haastateltavilla oli havaittavissa vahva sosiaalinen identiteetti. Uuspakanuuden kenttään suhteutettuna se oli poikkeuksellisen yhtenäinen. Lisäksi selvisi, että suomenuskoiset suunnittelevat uskonnolliseksi yhdyskunnaksi rekisteröitymistä.