28 resultados para Legislative Action Committee

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Finnish education policy, educational legislation and the entire education system changed significantly during the 1990s as part of a general restructuring of public administration. There has been a clear divergence from the former tradition of a system of regulation, founded on detailed legislation and the principle of equality. The new governance, which is based more on individual choice, efficiency and evaluation, emphasizes that the development of a high standard of education is a necessity in the light of global competition. This study explores the legislative process regarding education policy in the Finnish Parliament during the 1990s, and highlights in particular how the international discourse on education policies was restructured in the context of Finnish legislation. The research material consists of all the public parliamentary documents relating to education, including government proposals, minutes from the discussions in the chamber and archive material (final protocols, reports and statements) for the Committee for Education and Culture. The discourse on the process of drafting and passing education legislation is modelled on three interrelated policy technologies (market, management and performance), which are understood here as mechanisms connecting general political ideas to normative legislation. The changes in the regulation of education were part of a general public administration reform instigated during the mid 1980s. The research results will prove that during the left-right coalition cabinet of PM Harri Holkeri, new policy technologies affected the parliamentary discourse on education policy. This was particularly influenced by a change in the preconditions for the management of education that was created as a result of the numerous demands to deregulate and delegate decision-making authority to the local and school levels while rendering the whole education system more effective. At the turn of the decade, market-type mechanisms were more indirectly manifested in the forms of individuality and freedom of choice, which were reflected, for example, in proposals to “lower the hurdles” by separating general from vocational secondary education with a view to encouraging students to select courses from other educational establishments, in addition to relaxing the requirements for establishing private schools and abolishing a hundred-year-old strict national catchment-area system. Later, in the course of the 1990s, after the subjects, players, and methods of evaluation had been more precisely defined, evaluation based on performance would result in the active measurement of the attainment of set objectives. In the spring of 1991, from the outset of PM Esko Aho's right-centre coalition cabinet, the education budget suffered cutbacks as a result of a global recession and this influenced the legislative work of, and discourses in, parliament. Representatives of the parties in power regarded the recession solely as an external factor that was remote from the political arena. In their view, the education system should rise to the challenge by ensuring the efficient and innovative use of the resources available and by developing new forms of indicators for evaluating results. Representatives of the opposition opposed the cabinet’s standpoint as a result of the recession, criticized the measures taken by pointing out the harmful effect of constantly cutting the budget and argued that the government had made political capital out of the recession by using it as an opportunity to give more room to market, management and performance technologies within the Finnish education system. Criticism of the new education policy became even stronger during PM Paavo Lipponen's first “rainbow” coalition cabinet with critical views being expressed not only from the opposition but also from representatives within the government. Representatives from the left demanded legislative restrictions and the instigation of measures to relieve the presumed negative effects of market, management and performance in the name of educational equality. The new management by results steering method within the university sector and the introduction of commercial education services in compulsory education were fiercely criticized. The argument over “setting outer limits” including, for example, the demands for more detailed legislation and earmarked state subsidies was characteristic of Parliament’s legislative discourse in the latter part of the 1990s. Keywords: education policy, education legislation, Parliament of Finland

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This study examines boundaries in health care organizations. Boundaries are sometimes considered things to be avoided in everyday living. This study suggests that boundaries can be important temporally and spatially emerging locations of development, learning, and change in inter-organizational activity. Boundaries can act as mediators of cultural and social formations and practices. The data of the study was gathered in an intervention project during the years 2000-2002 in Helsinki in which the care of 26 patients with multiple and chronic illnesses was improved. The project used the Change Laboratory method that represents a research assisted method for developing work. The research questions of the study are: (1) What are the boundary dynamics of development, learning, and change in health care for patients with multiple and chronic illnesses? (2) How do individual patients experience boundaries in their health care? (3) How are the boundaries of health care constructed and reconstructed in social interaction? (4) What are the dynamics of boundary crossing in the experimentation with the new tools and new practice? The methodology of the study, the ethnography of the multi-organizational field of activity, draws on cultural-historical activity theory and anthropological methods. The ethnographic fieldwork involves multiple research techniques and a collaborative strategy for raising research data. The data of this study consists of observations, interviews, transcribed intervention sessions, and patients' health documents. According to the findings, the care of patients with multiple and chronic illnesses emerges as fragmented by divisions of a patient and professionals, specialties of medicine and levels of health care organization. These boundaries have a historical origin in the Finnish health care system. As an implication of these boundaries, patients frequently experience uncertainty and neglect in their care. However, the boundaries of a single patient were transformed in the Change Laboratory discussions among patients, professionals and researchers. In these discussions, the questioning of the prevailing boundaries was triggered by the observation of gaps in inter-organizational care. Transformation of the prevailing boundaries was achieved in implementation of the collaborative care agreement tool and the practice of negotiated care. However, the new tool and practice did not expand into general use during the project. The study identifies two complementary models for the development of health care organization in Finland. The 'care package model', which is based on productivity and process models adopted from engineering and the 'model of negotiated care', which is based on co-configuration and the public good.

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Acute heart failure syndrome represents a prominent and growing health problem all around the world. Ideally, medical treatment for patients admitted to hospital because of this syndrome, in addition to alleviating the acute symptoms, should also prevent myocardial damage, modulate neurohumoral and inflammatory activation, and preserve or even improve renal function. Levosimendan is a cardiac enhancer having both inotropic and vasodilatory effects. It is approved for the short-term treatment of acutely decompensated chronic heart failure, but it has been shown to have beneficial clinical effects also in ischemic heart disease and septic shock as well as in perioperative cardiac support. In the present study, the mechanisms of action of levosimendan were studied in isolated guinea-pig heart preparations: Langendorff-perfused heart, papillary muscle and permeabilized cardiomyocytes as well as in purified phosphodiesterase isoenzyme preparations. Levosimendan was shown to be a potent inotropic agent in isolated Langendorff-perfused heart and right ventricle papillary muscle. In permeabilized cardiomyocytes, it was demonstrated to be a potent calcium sensitizer in contrast to its enantiomer, dextrosimendan. It was additionally shown to be a very selective phosphodiesterase (PDE) type-3 inhibitor, the selectivity factor for PDE3 over PDE4 being 10000 for levosimendan. Irrespective of this very selective PDE3 inhibitory property in purified enzyme preparations, the inotropic effect of levosimendan was demonstrated to be mediated mainly through calcium sensitization in the isolated heart as well as the papillary muscle preparations at clinically relevant concentrations. In the isolated Lagendorff-perfused heart, glibenclamide antagonized the levosimendan-induced increase in coronary flow (CF). Therefore, the main vasodilatory mechanism in coronary veins is believed to be the opening of the ATP-sensitive potassium (KATP) channels. In the paced hearts, CF did not increase in parallel with oxygen consumption (MVO2), thus indicating that levosimendan had a direct vasodilatory effect on coronary veins. The pharmacology of levosimendan was clearly different from that of milrinone, which induced an increase in CF in parallel with MVO2. In conclusion, levosimendan was demonstrated to increase cardiac contractility by binding to cardiac troponin C and sensitizing the myofilament contractile proteins to calcium, and further to induce coronary vasodilatation by opening KATP channels in vascular smooth muscle. In addition, the efficiency of the cardiac contraction was shown to be more advantageous when the heart was perfused with levosimendan in comparison to milrinone perfusion.

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A national church, freedom of religion, and the state The interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland in reference to the relationship between the Church and the state from 1963 to 2003 This paper discusses the interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland during the years 1963-2003. The effect of these formulations and decisions made by the Synod on the relationship between the Church and the state is also discussed as the relationship has been a central issue in the debate about freedom of religion in Finland. Active co-operation with the state caused a dispute in the Church during this period. Another cause for concern for the Synod, a strong defender of the national church, was the weakening position of the Church in a society undergoing many changes. As the Synod of 1963 discussed the status of the Church, the Church began to reflect upon its identity as a national church, and to evaluate freedom of religion in the country, as well as the relationship between the Church and the state. Some of the radicals of the 1960s and 1970s presented the Church as an obstacle to freedom of religion. The Synod was keen to emphasize that, in accordance with international agreements on human rights, freedom of religion means the freedom to have and follow a religion, and also that freedom of religion was a right of the majority in Finnish society. As an active guardian of the rights of its members, the Synod defended such issues as the teaching of religion in schools. Throughout the dispute, the Church focused on its right to act freely and, according to its identity, to express spirituality in the society. At the end of the 1960s, several efforts to reform the law on the freedom of religion and the relationship between the Church and the state gained favour in the Synod. These formulations of the Church were the basis for the work of a parliamentary committee in the 1970s, but no significant changes resulted. Instead, freedom of religion in Finland was judged to be fairly good. The committee paper did, however, lead to preparations for greater independence of the Church. The Synod at the time chose to react to the changes presented to it, but it was not before the 1990s that the Synod became an active force of reform in these matters. Though the Synod, particularly from the 1970s onwards, began clearly to favour the improvement of the position of other religious communities in Finland, it felt it had reason to be cautious as each church and religious community had the freedom to decide individually its relationship with the state. Any changes that would have weakened the position of the Church in Finnish society were met with disapproval in the Synod. Even though some theological concerns regarding the national identity of the Church were raised, the Synod emphasized issues of church policy. Keen to preserve and protect its legal status in society, the Synod judged that this status supported the freedom of action enjoyed by the Church as well as the freedom of religion.

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A national church, freedom of religion, and the state The interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland in reference to the relationship between the Church and the state from 1963 to 2003 This paper discusses the interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland during the years 1963-2003. The effect of these formulations and decisions made by the Synod on the relationship between the Church and the state is also discussed as the relationship has been a central issue in the debate about freedom of religion in Finland. Active co-operation with the state caused a dispute in the Church during this period. Another cause for concern for the Synod, a strong defender of the national church, was the weakening position of the Church in a society undergoing many changes. As the Synod of 1963 discussed the status of the Church, the Church began to reflect upon its identity as a national church, and to evaluate freedom of religion in the country, as well as the relationship between the Church and the state. Some of the radicals of the 1960s and 1970s presented the Church as an obstacle to freedom of religion. The Synod was keen to emphasize that, in accordance with international agreements on human rights, freedom of religion means the freedom to have and follow a religion, and also that freedom of religion was a right of the majority in Finnish society. As an active guardian of the rights of its members, the Synod defended such issues as the teaching of religion in schools. Throughout the dispute, the Church focused on its right to act freely and, according to its identity, to express spirituality in the society. At the end of the 1960s, several efforts to reform the law on the freedom of religion and the relationship between the Church and the state gained favour in the Synod. These formulations of the Church were the basis for the work of a parliamentary committee in the 1970s, but no significant changes resulted. Instead, freedom of religion in Finland was judged to be fairly good. The committee paper did, however, lead to preparations for greater independence of the Church. The Synod at the time chose to react to the changes presented to it, but it was not before the 1990s that the Synod became an active force of reform in these matters. Though the Synod, particularly from the 1970s onwards, began clearly to favour the improvement of the position of other religious communities in Finland, it felt it had reason to be cautious as each church and religious community had the freedom to decide individually its relationship with the state. Any changes that would have weakened the position of the Church in Finnish society were met with disapproval in the Synod. Even though some theological concerns regarding the national identity of the Church were raised, the Synod emphasized issues of church policy. Keen to preserve and protect its legal status in society, the Synod judged that this status supported the freedom of action enjoyed by the Church as well as the freedom of religion.

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For Independent Finland. The Military Committee 1915–1918 In the course of the First World War, several organizations were founded with the purpose of making Finland independent or, at least, restoring her autonomous status. The Military Committee was the most significant active independence organization in Finland in the First World War, in addition to the activist student movement, i.e., the Jaeger Movement. The Military Committee was an organization founded in 1915 by officers who had attended the Hamina Cadet School, with the goal of creating a national army for a liberation war against the Russian troops. It was believed that the liberation war should succeed only with the help of the German Army. With the situation in society continually tensing up in the autumn 1917, the Military Committee also had to figure on the possibility of a Civil War. The activities of the Military Committee started in the early part of 1915 when they were still small-scale, but they gained significant momentum after the Russian Revolution in March 1917. In January 1918, the Military Committee formed the general staff for the White Army, the Senate’s troops. The independence-related activities of the Hamina cadets in the years of the First World War were more extensive and multifaceted than has been believed heretofore. The work of the Military Committee was divided into preparations for a liberation war in Finland, on one hand, and in Stockholm and Berlin, on the other hand. In Finland, the Military Committee took part in intelligence gathering for Germany and in supporting the recruiting Jaegers, and later in founding the civil guard organization, in solving the law and order authorities issue, and finally in selecting the Commander-in-Chief for the Senate’s troops. The member of the Military Committee, especially Captain Hannes Ignatius of the Cavalry contributed greatly to the drafting of the independence activists’ national action plan in Stockholm in May 1917. This plan preceded the formation of the civil guard organization. The Military Committee’s role in founding the civil guards was initially minor, but in the fall of 1917, the Military Committee started to finance the activities of the civil guards, named several former officers as commanders of the civil guards and finally overtook the entire civil guard movement. In Stockholm and Berlin, the representatives of the Military Committee were in active contact with both the high command of the German Army and with the representatives of the Swedish Army. Colonel Nikolai Mexmontan, who was a representative of the Military Committee, collaborated with Swedish officers and Jaeger officers in Stockholm in coming up with comprehensive and detailed plans for starting the Liberation War. Under Mexmontan’s leadership, there were serious negotiations to enter into a confederation with Germany. Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Thesleff, on the other hand, became the commander of the Jaeger Battalion 27. The influence and importance of the Military Committee came to the forefront in independent and conflict-torn Finland. The Military Committee became a Senate committee on the 7th of January 1918, with its chairman, for all practical purposes, as the Commander-in-Chief in an eventual war. Lieutenant General Claes Charpentier was the chairman of the Military Committee from mid-December 1917 onwards, but on the 15th of January 1918 he had to resign in favour of Lieutenant General Gustaf Mannerheim. Soon after that, Mannerheim got an order from the chairman of the Senate P. E. Svinhufvud to organize and assume the leadership of the law and order authorities. The chairman of the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief of the Senate troops in January 1918, and the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief’s general staff. The Military Committee had turned from a clandestine organization into the first general staff of the independent Finnish Army.

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Neuronal plasticity is a well characterized phenomenon in the developing and adult brain. It refers to capasity of a single neuron to modify morphology, synaptic connections and activity. Neuronal connections and capacity for plastic events are compromised in several pathological disorders, such as major depression. In addition, neuronal atrophy has been reported in depressive patients. Neurotrophins are a group of secretory proteins functionally classified as neuronal survival factors. Neurotrophins, especially brain derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF), have also been associated with promoting neuronal plasticity in dysfunctional neuronal networks. Chronic antidepressant treatment increases plastic events including neurogenesis and arborization and branching of neurites in distinct brain areas, such as the hippocampus. One suggested mode of action is where the antidepressants elevate the synaptic levels of BDNF thus further activating several signaling cascades via trkB-receptor. In our studies we have tried to clarify the mechanisms of action for antidepressants and to resolve the role of BDNF in this process. We found that chronic antidepressant treatment increases amount of markers of neuronal plasticity in both hippocampus and in the medial prefrontal cortex, both of which are closely linked to the etiology of major depression. Secondary actions of antidepressants include rapid activation of the trkB receptor followed by a phosphorylation of transcription factor CREB. In addition, activation of CREB by phosphorylation appears responsible for the regulation of the expression of the BDNF gene. Using transgenic mice we found that BDNF-induced trkB-mediated signaling proved crucial for the behavioral effects of antidepressants in the forced swimming test and for the survival of newly-born neurons in the adult hippocampus. Antidepressants not only increased neurogenesis in the adult hippocampus but also elevated the turnover of hippocampal neurons. During these studies we also discovered that another trkB ligand, NT-4, is involved in morphine-mediated anti-nociception and tolerance. These results present a novel role for trkB-mediated signaling in plastic events present in the opioid system. This thesis evaluates neuronal plasticity and trkB as a target for future antidepressant treatments.

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Wound healing is a complex process that requires an interplay between several cell types. Classically, fibroblasts have been viewed as producers of extracellular matrix, but more recently they have been recognized as orchestrators of the healing response, promoting and directing, inflammation and neovascularization processes. Compared to those from healthy tissue, inflammation-associated fibroblasts display a dramatically altered phenotype and have been described as sentinel cells, able to switch to an immunoregulatory profile on cue. However, the activation mechanism still remains largely uncharacterized. Nemosis is a model for stromal fibroblast activation. When normal human primary fibroblasts are deprived of growth support they cluster, forming multicellular spheroids. Clustering results in upregulation of proinflammatory markers such as cyclooxygenase-2 and secretion of prostaglandins, proteinases, cytokines, and growth factors. Fibroblasts in nemosis induce wound healing and tumorigenic responses in many cell types found in inflammatory and tumor microenvironments. This study investigated the effect of nemotic fibroblasts on two components of the vascular system, leukocytes and endothelium, and characterized the inflammation-promoting responses that arose in these cell types. Fibroblasts in nemosis were found to secrete an array of chemotactic cytokines and attract leukocytes, as well as promote their adhesion to the endothelium. Nuclear factor-kB, the master regulator of many inflammatory responses, is activated in nemotic fibroblasts. Nemotic fibroblasts are known to produce large amounts of hepatocyte growth factor, a motogenic and angiogenic factor. Also, as shown in this study, they produce vascular endothelial growth factor. These two factors induced migratory and sprouting responses in endothelial cells, both required for neovascularization. Nemotic fibroblasts also caused a decrease in the expression of adherens and tight junction components on the surface of endothelial cells. The results allow the conclusion that fibroblasts in nemosis share many similarities with inflammation-associated fibroblasts. Both inflammation and stromal fibroblasts are known to be involved in tumorigenesis and tumor progression. Nemosis may be viewed as a model for stromal fibroblast activation, or it may correlate with cell-cell interactions between adjacent fibroblasts in vivo. Nevertheless, due to nemosis-derived production of proinflammatory cytokines and growth factors, fibroblast nemosis may have therapeutic potential as an inducer of controlled tissue repair. Knowledge of stromal fibroblast activation gained through studies of nemosis, could provide new strategies to control unwanted inflammation and tumor progression.

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In the post-World War II era human rights have emerged as an enormous global phenomenon. In Finland human rights have particularly in the 1990s moved from the periphery to the center of public policy making and political rhetoric. Human rights education is commonly viewed as the decisive vehicle for emancipating individuals of oppressive societal structures and rendering them conscious of the equal value of others; both core ideals of the abstract discourse. Yet little empirical research has been conducted on how these goals are realized in practice. These factors provide the background for the present study which, by combining anthropological insights with critical legal theory, has analyzed the educational activities of a Scandinavian and Nordic network of human rights experts and PhD students in 2002-2005. This material has been complemented by data from the proceedings of UN human rights treaty bodies, hearings organized by the Finnish Foreign Ministry, the analysis of different human rights documents as well as the manner human rights are talked of in the Finnish media. As the human rights phenomenon has expanded, human rights experts have acquired widespread societal influence. The content of human rights remains, nevertheless, ambiguous: on the one hand they are law, on the other, part of a moral discourse. By educating laymen on what human rights are, experts act both as intermediaries and activists who expand the scope of rights and simultaneously exert increasing political influence. In the educational activities of the analyzed network these roles were visible in the rhetorics of legality and legitimacy . Among experts both of these rhetorics are subject to ongoing professional controversy, yet in the network they are presented as undisputable facts. This contributes to the impression that human rights knowledge is uncontested. This study demonstrates how the network s activities embody and strengthen a conception of expertise as located in specific, structurally determined individuals. Simultaneously its conception of learning emphasizes the adoption of knowledge by students, emphasizing the power of experts over them. The majority of the network s experts are Nordic males, whereas its students are predominantly Nordic females and males from East-European and developing countries. Contrary to the ideals of the discourse the network s activities do not create dialogue, but instead repeat power structures which are themselves problematic.