A sequential analysis of "nú" and "núna" in Icelandic conversation

This thesis is an empirical study of how two words in Icelandic, "nú" and "núna", are used in contemporary Icelandic conversation. My aims in this study are, first, to explain the differences between the temporal functions of "nú" and "núna", and, second, to describe the non-temporal functions of "nú". In the analysis, a focus is placed on comparing the sequential placement of the two words, on their syntactical distribution, and on their prosodic realization. The empirical data comprise 14 hours and 11 minutes of naturally occurring conversation recorded between 1996 and 2003. The selected conversations represent a wide range of interactional contexts including informal dinner parties, institutional and non-institutional telephone conversations, radio programs for teenagers, phone-in programs, and, finally, a political debate on television. The theoretical and methodological framework is interactional linguistics, which can be described as linguistically oriented conversation analysis (CA). A comparison of "nú" and "núna" shows that the two words have different syntactic distributions. "Nú" has a clear tendency to occur in the front field, before the finite verb, while "núna" typically occurs in the end field, after the object. It is argued that this syntactic difference reflects a functional difference between "nú" and "núna". A sequential analysis of "núna" shows that the word refers to an unspecified period of time which includes the utterance time as well as some time in the past and in the future. This temporal relation is referred to as reference time. "Nú", by contrast, is mainly used in three different environments: a) in temporal comparisons, 2) in transitions, and 3) when the speaker is taking an affective stance. The non-temporal functions of "nú" are divided into three categories: a) "nú" as a tone particle, 2) "nú" as an utterance particle, and 3) "nú" as a dialogue particle. "Nú" as a tone particle is syntactically integrated and can occur in two syntactic positions: pre-verbally and post-verbally. I argue that these instances are employed in utterances in which a speaker is foregrounding information or marking it as particularly important. The study shows that, although these instances are typically prosodically non-prominent and unstressed, they are in some cases delivered with stress and with a higher pitch than the surrounding talk. "Nú" as an utterance particle occurs turn-initially and is syntactically non-integrated. By using "nú", speakers show continuity between turns and link new turns to prior ones. These instances initiate either continuations by the same speaker or new turns after speaker shifts. "Nú" as a dialogue particle occurs as a turn of its own. The study shows that these instances register informings in prior turns as unexpected or as a departure from the normal state of affairs. "Nú" as a dialogue particle is often delivered with a prolonged vowel and a recognizable intonation contour. A comparative sequential and prosodic analysis shows that in these cases there is a correlation between the function of "nú" and the intonation contour by which it is delivered. Finally, I argue that despite the many functions of "nú", all the instances can be said to have a common denominator, which is to display attention towards the present moment and the utterances which are produced prior or after the production of "nú". Instead of anchoring the utterances in external time or reference time, these instances position the utterance in discourse internal time, or discourse time.

Kansanomainen moraali : Tutkimus savolaisista ja pohjalaisista uskomustarinoista

In my research I discuss belief legends as representations of folk morals. Doing wrong is not one s private affair because it can have consequences for the life of a whole community, and therefore, it is in a community s interest to control the conduct of its members. Belief legends have served as a means of instruction for proper behaviour. In this way a community has contributed to the socialization of its members so as to make them comply with common norms and morals. My study is focused on belief legends relating to some type of offence (a crime, an infringement or another kind of misdeed) and its consequences. I try to find out whether there are regional differences and similarities. The material consists of 3120 warning legends that have been recorded in the years 1881‒1981, mainly in Southern Savo and Southern Ostrobothnia, partly in Northern Savo and Northern Ostrobothnia. I have collected the material at the Folklore Archives of the Finnish Literature Society. As a research method I apply discourse analysis to outline the schematic model of the legends, the superstructure, and the substance of the legends, the semantic macrostructure. Also I apply quantitative methods such as cross tabulations in order to establish regional differences and similarities in the concentrated and far abstracted semantic macrostructure of the legends. I look for explanations for the perceptions made in, above all, the cultural context but also with the view of the development of judicial history. Warning legends relating to what is wrong or right are clearly an expression of peasant folklore. The most common types of offences are violations of law and transgressions of Christian traditions and of social conduct. Transgression of Christian traditions is the most frequently committed offence in all geographical areas surveyed. Warning legends have an explicit focus on offence committed by a single person. The most common punishing figure in Southern Savo is the Devil, in Southern Ostrobothnia the Dead, in Northern Savo God, and in Northern Ostrobothnia the Dead or God. The most rigid folk morals are manifested in legends from Northern Savo, where narratives of mortal sin are more frequent than in other areas. The influence of the revivalist movements may be alleged in explanation of this phenomenon. According to these legends people living in Southern Savo are the most tolerant of those included in the study, presumably because of a more liberal revivalist movement in this area, called the Friendship movement. In folk morals women are treated more severely than men. Characteristic of the legends from Ostrobothnia is the emphasis on community, while the legends from Savo lay stress on individuality. The legends from Ostrobothnia manifest a more explicit distinction between the offence committed by a woman and one committed by a man than do legends from Savo. An explanation may be found in the prevailing industries, adherent in the division of labour between the sexes, in this region. The legends are man-centric. Women s occupations are connected with home and family, whereas men s fields of activities are wider. Women moralise each other harsher than do men. Folk morals advise people to be moderate in every sense. Through belief legends people are taught to respect human beings and the rest of creation, to obey the Christian religion and God, and to be moderate in search of wealth.

Att skapa en helhet av fragment Om översättningen av kohesiva element i Sjóns Stålnatt

Abstract (Creating a whole from fragments. On the translation of cohesive elements in Sjón's Steelnight): In this paper, I discuss the Swedish translation of the Icelandic writer Sjón’s debut novel Steelnight: a story (in Swedish Stålnatt – en berättelse). Steelnight is a fragmented novel which is located at the border between poetry and prose. At the beginning of the story, the writer introduces two main plots (with subplots). At first glance, it may seem as though the plots do not share much in common. However, a closer analysis of the text reveals that there are striking parallels between the plots which are created partly by the writer’s use of cohesive elements. Thus, despite the fragmented style, the writer creates cohesion in the text by using stylistic means such as repetition of certain nouns and adjectives and by a frequent use of personal and demonstrative pronouns. This use of cohesive elements creates a challenge for the translator.

Kuoleman voimat : Kirkonväki suomalaisessa uskomusperinteessä

Powers of Death. Church-väki in the Finnish Folk Belief Tradition Folk belief tradition can be defined as a communication system in which the truth value of traditional motifs is judged by their usefulness and applicability. According to the Finnish belief tradition, a substance of power called väki resides in sacred elements and in entities which vitally affect human life. Väki is both ritually avoided and harnessed for beneficial or malevolent purposes. The powers of church and death merge in church-väki, which, in beliefs and narratives, emerges when the boundary between the living and the dead is crossed or violated. In rural societies where the relationship to the dying and the deceased was close, the church-väki tradition was relevant and productive. This study is based on approximately 2700 units of archived material from thel late 19th and early 20th centuries narratives, rite descriptions, and linguistic data. It explicates the concept of church-väki, presents the background of the tradition, and analyses narratives, their meanings, and their role in early modern world view. It also explores how the concept was used when constructing social boundaries and handling otherness in the early modern Finland. The theoretic emphasis is on conceptual and genre analysis, narrativity, as well as the multiple meanings and uses of folklore motifs. Descriptions of church-väki vary from it being an invisible force to a crowd of beings and decomposing corpses. The author defines church-väki as a fuzzy concept with three prototypical cores and several names, most of which are polysemous. Polysemous words connect church-väki with for example ghosts and devils, unkempt people, and vermin, constructing a loose paradigm of supernatural and social otherness. Folklore genres of the studied narratives range from stories of personal experience to fabulates. The taleworlds and their content range from realistic (near) to extraordinary (distant). The distance between the taleworld and reality has concrete (local and temporal), narrative, and normative aspects. Distant taleworlds often follow an ontology different than in real life, although the narratives may be carefully linked to reality. Instead of being fictive, they show what would be expected outside the socially constructed everyday order. Methods of narratology are applied to coherent legends, which locate dramatic events in distant taleworlds. Linguistic genres, based on structure, function here as narrative registers of folklore genres.