17 resultados para Eurooppa

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Soturit olivat keskeinen sosiaalinen ryhmä keskiajan läntisessä Euroopassa ja Meiji-kautta (1868-1912) edeltäneessä Japanissa. Japanin avauduttua 1800-luvun puolivaiheilla maan historiaa alettiin kirjoittaa eurooppalaisen mallin mukaan, ja soturiperinteiden rinnastaminen ja vertailu yleistyivät. Vertailun taustalla vaikuttivat käsitykset alueiden samankaltaisesta feodaalisesta historiasta. Feodalismi on säilynyt keskeisenä teemana vertailuissa ja Japanin-tutkimuksessa, vaikka keskustelu siitä onkin Euroopan keskiajantutkimuksessa pitkälti hiipunut. Myös Japanin-tutkimuksessa on viime aikoina alettu esittää kritiikkiä feodalismi-termin käyttöä, rinnastuksia ja jopa pelkkää Euroopan historiaan vertaamistakin kohtaan. Feodalismin ohella muita keskeisiä vertailuteemoja ovat Japanin modernisoituminen ja sodankäynnin teknologia. Ensimmäiset vertailut olivat etupäässä yksittäisten joskus hyvin ylimalkaisten rinnastusten hakemista. Myös systemaattisia sivilisaatiohistoriallisia vertailuja alettiin tehdä jo varhain. Japanin-tutkimuksen ensisijaiseksi vertailukohteeksi ovat kuitenkin nousseet Euroopan historian sijaan teoriat feodalismista. Tarkastelu keskittyy nykyisin lähinnä eurooppalaisten termien käyttökelpoisuuteen Japanin historiasta kirjoitettaessa. Japanin modernisoitumista käsittelevät vertailut sivuavat keskusteluita feodalismista, mutta sotureiden rooli jää niissä usein hyvin vähäiseksi. Sodankäynnin teknologiaan keskittyvät vertailut ovat ilmiönä varsin tuore, sillä japanilaisen ja eurooppalaisen sodankäynnin pääteknologiat ovat olleet ilmeisen erilaisia lukuunottamatta 1500-luvun jälkipuoliskoa ja 1600-luvun alkua sekä nykyaikaa. Uuden ajan alun Euroopan ja saman ajan Japanin sotateknologiset yhtäläisyydet rajoittuvat jalkaväen tuliaseiden käyttöönoton mukanaan tuomiin muutoksiin maasodankäynnissä ja linnoittamiseen. Merisodankäynnin ja tykistön kehitys oli alueilla erilaista. Ritareiden ja samuraiden historioissa vaikuttavat edellä mainitun varhaisten tuliaseiden aikakauden rinnalla yhtäläisimmiltä kehityskuluilta niin sanotut varhais- ja täysfeodaaliset kaudet. Näistä ensimmäisellä tarkoitetaan Euroopan karolinkivaltakunnan aikaa suhteessa Kamakura-bakufuun (1185-1333) Japanissa. Jälkimmäisellä viitataan puolestaan ensimmäisen vuosituhannen vaihteen tienoille ajoittuvasta murroksesta noin 1300-1400-luvulle ulottuvaan ajanjaksoon Euroopassa ja sisällissotien kauteen 1300-luvun lopulta 1600-luvun alkuun Japanissa. Soturiperinteiden historioissa lähimmin toisiaan vastaavat feodaaliset piirteet ovat sotureiden yhteiskunnallinen asema ja heidän arvomaailmansa. Ilmeisin ongelma Euroopan ja Japanin vertailemisessa on se, että Eurooppa on laajempi ja historialtaan monimuotoisempi kuin Japani. Kuitenkaan tätä mittakaavaongelmaa eikä muitakaan metodologisia kysymyksiä ole vertailuissa juurikaan pohdittu. Osasyynä tähän lienee se, että muutamaa poikkeusta lukuunottamatta vertailijoiden asiantuntemus on keskittynyt vain toisen soturiperinteen historiaan. Sotureiden historiat tarjoavat antoisan vertailuparin. Suurista yhtäläisyyksistä huolimatta ritareita ja samuraita ei tulisi summittaisesti samaistaa toisiinsa, vaan rinnastettaessa tulisi mieluummin käyttää yleisempää soturin käsitettä. Avainsanat: Bushi, feodalismi, Eurooppa - sotahistoria, Japani - historia, ritarit, samurait, soturit

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Tutkin työssäni, miten etnisyys ja ruumiillisuus representoituvat Veronica Pimenoffin romaanissa Maa ilman vettä (1999) ja millaisia merkityksiä nämä representaatiot saavat suhteessa kysymyksiin vallasta, väkivallasta, sukupuolesta, seksuaalisuudesta, hyvinvoinnista ja sairaudesta. Tutkimukseni teoreettisena viitekehyksenä on jälkikoloniaalinen teoria. Romaanissa on keskeisellä tavalla kyse konfliktista: nuoruudenystävykset, suomalainen Kristiina ja mosambikilainen Sofia Elena, kohtaavat jälkimmäisen kuolinvuoteella ja käyvät kiivasta kamppailua aatteista ja arvoista. Olen tulkinnut romaanin päähenkilöt allegorisiksi hahmoiksi, jotka edustavat kotimaitaan ja -mantereitaan. Näihin henkilöhahmoihin kiteytyy ominaisuuksia, jotka tavataan hahmottaa stereotyyppisiksi Euroopalle ja Afrikalle. Etnisyys representoituu paitsi Kristiinan ja Sofia Elenan tyypitellyissä luonteenpiirteissä ja käyttäytymismalleissa myös heidän ulkonäkönsä kuvauksessa. Kristiina kuvataan korostetun vaaleana ja Sofia Elena korostetun mustana, minkä voi tulkita kommentoivan imperialistiseen diskurssiin liittyvää binaarista ajattelua. Myös romaanin miehet ovat tulkittavissa allegorisiksi hahmoiksi: Kristiinan mies Otto edustaa vaimonsa tavoin vaurasta Eurooppaa, amerikkalainen pohatta Mark Hunter Yhdysvaltoja ja sen mahtia ja Kristiinan nuoruudenrakastettu Abdel läntistä kuvitelmaa eksoottisesta Orientista. Ruumiillisuus korostuu romaanissa seksuaalisuuden, sairauden ja väkivallan kuvauksissa. Kristiina on seksuaalinen toteuttaja, jonka kokemus omasta ruumiista määräytyy pitkältä eroottisten kokemusten perusteella. Sofia Elenaa taas ei kuvata seksuaalisena hahmona, vaan hänen kehonsa kuvausta hallitsee sairaus. Koska Sofia Elena on allegorinen hahmo, hänen ruumiinsa voi rinnastaa mantereeseen ja sitä riuduttava sairaus prosesseihin, jotka tunkeutuvat yhteiskuntien rakenteisiin ja nakertavat niitä sisältäpäin: hallitsemattomaan kansainväliseen muuttoliikkeeseen, rikollisuuteen ja terrorismiin. Sofia Elenalla on kokemusta myös väkivallasta: hän on sotinut ja pitää väkivaltaa ainoana keinona taistella Länttä vastaan. Romaani välittää kuitenkin pessimistisen kuvan väkivallan mahdollisuudesta vapauttaa (kolmannen maailman) naiset. Pessimistinen kuva välittyy myös ensimmäisen ja kolmannen maailman naisten mahdollisuuksista ymmärtää toisiaan. Nais-Afrikka ja nais-Eurooppa jäävät romaanissa etäälle toisistaan sekä henkisesti että fyysisesti.

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Europe was declared malaria free in 1975. The disappearance of malaria has traditionally been attributed to numerous deliberate actions like vector control, the screening of houses, more efficient medication etc. Malaria, however, disappeared from many countries like Finland before any counter measures had even started. The aim of this thesis is to study the population ecology of P. vivax and its interaction with the human host and the vector. By finding the factors that attributed to the extinction of vivax malaria it might be possible to improve the modern strategy against P. vivax. The parasite was studied with data from Finland, which provides the longest time series (1749-2008) of malaria statistics in the world. The malaria vectors, Anopheles messeae and A. beklemishevi are still common species in the country. The eradication of vivax malaria is difficult because the parasite has a dormant stage that can cause a relapse long after a primary infection. It was now shown that P. vivax is able to detect the presence of a potential vector. A dormant stage is triggered even from a bite of an uninfected Anopheles mosquito. This optimizes the chances for the Plasmodium to reach a mosquito vector for sexual reproduction. The longevity of the dormant stage could be shown to be at least nine years. The parasite spends several years in its human host and the behaviour of the human carrier had a profound impact on the decline of the disease in Finland. Malaria spring epidemics could be explained by a previous warm summer. Neither annual nor summer mean temperature had any impact on the long term malaria trend. Malaria disappeared slowly from Finland without mosquito control. The sociological change from extended families to nuclear families led to decreased household size. The decreased household size correlated strongly with the decline of malaria. That led to an increased isolation of the subpopulations of P. vivax. Their habitat consisted of the bedrooms in which human carriers slept together with the overwintering vectors. The isolation of the parasite ultimately led to the extinction of vivax malaria. Metapopulation models adapted to local conditions should therefore be implemented as a tool for settlement planning and socio-economic development and become an integrated part of the fight against malaria.

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Most countries of Europe, as well as many countries in other parts of the world, are experiencing an increased impact of natural hazards. It is often speculated, but not yet proven, that climate change might influence the frequency and magnitude of certain hydro-meteorological natural hazards. What has certainly been observed is a sharp increase in financial losses caused by natural hazards worldwide. Eventhough Europe appears to be a space that is not affected by natural hazards to such catastrophic extents as other parts of the world are, the damages experienced here are certainly increasing too. Natural hazards, climate change and, in particular, risks have therefore recently been put high on the political agenda of the EU. In the search for appropriate instruments for mitigating impacts of natural hazards and climate change, as well as risks, the integration of these factors into spatial planning practices is constantly receiving higher attention. The focus of most approaches lies on single hazards and climate change mitigation strategies. The current paradigm shift of climate change mitigation to adaptation is used as a basis to draw conclusions and recommendations on what concepts could be further incorporated into spatial planning practices. Especially multi-hazard approaches are discussed as an important approach that should be developed further. One focal point is the definition and applicability of the terms natural hazard, vulnerability and risk in spatial planning practices. Especially vulnerability and risk concepts are so many-fold and complicated that their application in spatial planning has to be analysed most carefully. The PhD thesis is based on six published articles that describe the results of European research projects, which have elaborated strategies and tools for integrated communication and assessment practices on natural hazards and climate change impacts. The papers describe approaches on local, regional and European level, both from theoretical and practical perspectives. Based on these, passed, current and future potential spatial planning applications are reviewed and discussed. In conclusion it is recommended to shift from single hazard assessments to multi-hazard approaches, integrating potential climate change impacts. Vulnerability concepts should play a stronger role than present, and adaptation to natural hazards and climate change should be more emphasized in relation to mitigation. It is outlined that the integration of risk concepts in planning is rather complicated and would need very careful assessment to ensure applicability. Future spatial planning practices should also consider to be more interdisciplinary, i.e. to integrate as many stakeholders and experts as possible to ensure the sustainability of investments.

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Being at the crossroads of the Old World continents, Western Asia has a unique position through which the dispersal and migration of mammals and the interaction of faunal bioprovinces occurred. Despite its critical position, the record of Miocene mammals in Western Asia is sporadic and there are large spatial and temporal gaps between the known fossil localities. Although the development of the mammalian faunas in the Miocene of the Old World is well known and there is ample evidence for environmental shifts in this epoch, efforts toward quantification of habitat changes and development of chronofaunas based on faunal compositions were mostly neglected. Advancement of chronological, paleoclimatological, and paleogeographical reconstruction tools and techniques and increased numbers of new discoveries in recent decades have brought the need for updating and modification of our level of understanding. We under took fieldwork and systematic study of mammalian trace and body fossils from the northwestern parts of Iran along with analysis of large mammal data from the NOW database. The data analysis was used to study the provinciality, relative abundance, and distribution history of the closed- and open-adapted taxa and chronofaunas in the Miocene of the Old World and Western Asia. The provinciality analysis was carried out, using locality clustering, and the relative abundance of the closed- and open-adapted taxa was surveyed at the family level. The distribution history of the chronofaunas was studied, using faunal resemblance indices and new mapping techniques, together with humidity analysis based on mean ordinated hypsodonty. Paleoichnological studies revealed the abundance of mammalian footprints in several parts of the basins studied, which are normally not fossiliferous in terms of body fossils. The systematic study and biochronology of the newly discovered mammalian fossils in northwestern Iran indicates their close affinities with middle Turolian faunas. Large cranial remains of hipparionine horses, previously unknown in Iran and Western Asia, are among the material studied. The initiation of a new field project in the famous Maragheh locality also brings new opportunities to address questions regarding the chronology and paleoenvironment of this classical site. Provinciality analysis modified our previous level of understandings, indicating the interaction of four provinces in Western Asia. The development of these provinces was apparently due to the presence of high mountain ranges in the area, which affected the dispersal of mammals and also climatic patterns. Higher temperatures and possibly higher co2 levels in the Middle Miocene Climatic Optimum apparently favored the development of the closed forested environments that supported the dominance of the closed-adapted taxa. The increased seasonality and the progressive cooling and drying of the midlatitudes toward the Late Miocene maintained the dominance of open-adapted faunas. It appears that the late Middle Miocene was the time of transition from a more forested to a less forested world. The distribution history of the closed- and open-adapted chronofaunas shows the presence of cosmopolitan and endemic faunas in Western Asia. The closed-adapted faunas, such as the Arabian chronofauna of the late Early‒early Middle Miocene, demonstrated a rapid buildup and gradual decline. The open-adapted chronofaunas, such as the Late Miocene Maraghean fauna, climaxed gradually by filling the opening environments and moving in response to changes in humidity patterns. They abruptly declined due to demise of their favored environments. The Siwalikan chronofauna of the early Late Miocene remained endemic and restricted through all its history. This study highlights the importance of field investigations and indicates that new surveys in the vast areas of Western Asia, which are poorly sampled in terms of fossil mammal localities, can still be promising. Clustering of the localities supports the consistency of formerly known patterns and augments them. Although the quantitative approach to relative abundance history of the closed- and open-adapted mammals harks back to more than half a century ago, it is a novel technique providing robust results. Tracking the history of the chronofaunas in space and time by means of new computational and illustration methods is also a new practice that can be expanded to new areas and time spans.

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The study explores new ideational changes in the information strategy of the Finnish state between 1998 and 2007, after a juncture in Finnish governing in the early 1990s. The study scrutinizes the economic reframing of institutional openness in Finland that comes with significant and often unintended institutional consequences of transparency. Most notably, the constitutional principle of publicity (julkisuusperiaate), a Nordic institutional peculiarity allowing public access to state information, is now becoming an instrument of economic performance and accountability through results. Finland has a long institutional history in the publicity of government information, acknowledged by law since 1951. Nevertheless, access to government information became a policy concern in the mid-1990s, involving a historical narrative of openness as a Nordic tradition of Finnish governing Nordic openness (pohjoismainen avoimuus). International interest in transparency of governance has also marked an opening for institutional re-descriptions in Nordic context. The essential added value, or contradictory term, that transparency has on the Finnish conceptualisation of governing is the innovation that public acts of governing can be economically efficient. This is most apparent in the new attempts at providing standardised information on government and expressing it in numbers. In Finland, the publicity of government information has been a concept of democratic connotations, but new internationally diffusing ideas of performance and national economic competitiveness are discussed under the notion of transparency and its peer concepts openness and public (sector) information, which are also newcomers to Finnish vocabulary of governing. The above concepts often conflict with one another, paving the way to unintended consequences for the reforms conducted in their name. Moreover, the study argues that the policy concerns over openness and public sector information are linked to the new drive for transparency. Drawing on theories of new institutionalism, political economy, and conceptual history, the study argues for a reinvention of Nordic openness in two senses. First, in referring to institutional history, the policy discourse of Nordic openness discovers an administrative tradition in response to new dilemmas of public governance. Moreover, this normatively appealing discourse also legitimizes the new ideational changes. Second, a former mechanism of democratic accountability is being reframed with market and performance ideas, mostly originating from the sphere of transnational governance and governance indices. Mobilizing different research techniques and data (public documents of the Finnish government and international organizations, some 30 interviews of Finnish civil servants, and statistical time series), the study asks how the above ideational changes have been possible, pointing to the importance of nationalistically appealing historical narratives and normative concepts of governing. Concerning institutional developments, the study analyses the ideational changes in central steering mechanisms (political, normative and financial steering) and the introduction of budget transparency and performance management in two cases: census data (Population Register Centre) and foreign political information (Ministry for Foreign Affairs). The new policy domain of governance indices is also explored as a type of transparency. The study further asks what institutional transformations are to be observed in the above cases and in the accountability system. The study concludes that while the information rights of citizens have been reinforced and recalibrated during the period under scrutiny, there has also been a conversion of institutional practices towards economic performance. As the discourse of Nordic openness has been rather unquestioned, the new internationally circulating ideas of transparency and the knowledge economy have entered this discourse without public notice. Since the mid 1990s, state registry data has been perceived as an exploitable economic resource in Finland and in the EU public sector information. This is a parallel development to the new drive for budget transparency in organisations as vital to the state as the Population Register Centre, which has led to marketization of census data in Finland, an international exceptionality. In the Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the post-Cold War rhetorical shift from secrecy to performance-driven openness marked a conversion in institutional practices that now see information services with high regards. But this has not necessarily led to the increased publicity of foreign political information. In this context, openness is also defined as sharing information with select actors, as a trust based non-public activity, deemed necessary amid the global economic competition. Regarding accountability system, deliberation and performance now overlap, making it increasingly difficult to identify to whom and for what the public administration is accountable. These evolving institutional practices are characterised by unintended consequences and paradoxes. History is a paradoxical component in the above institutional change, as long-term institutional developments now justify short-term reforms.

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The study analyses European social policy as a political project that proceeds under the guidance of the European Commission. In the name of modernisation, the project aims to build a new idea for the welfare state. To understand the project, it is necessary to distance oneself from both the juridical competence of the European Union and the traditional national welfare state models. The question is about sharing problems, as well as solutions to them: it is the creation and sharing of common views, concepts and images that play a key role in European integration. Drawing on texts and speeches produced by the European Commission, the study throws light on the development of European social policy during the first years of the 2000s. The study "freeze-frames" the welfare debate having its starting points in the nation states in the name of the entity of Europe. The first article approaches the European social model as a story in itself, a preparatory, persuasive narrative that concerns the management of change. The article shows how the audience can be motivated to work towards a set target by using discursive elements in a persuasive manner: the function of a persuasive story is to convince the target audience of the appropriateness of the chosen direction and to shape their identity so that they are favourably disposed to the desired political targets. This is a kind of "intermediate state" where the story, despite its inner contradictions and inaccuracies, succeeds in appearing as an almost self-evident path towards a modern social policy that Europe is currently seen to be in need of. The second article outlines the European social model as a question of governance. Health as a sector of social policy is detached from the old political order, which was based on the welfare state, and is closely linked to economy. At the same time the population is primarily seen as an economic resource. The Commission is working towards a "Europe of Health" that grapples with the problem of governance with the help of the "healthisation" of society, healthy citizenship and health economics. The way the Commission speaks is guided by the Union's powerful interest to act as "Europe" in the field of welfare policy. At the same time, the traditional separateness of health policy is effaced in order to be able to make health policy reforms a part of the Union's wider modernisation targets. The third article then shows the European social policy as its own area of governance. The article uses an approach based on critical discourse analysis in examining the classification systems and presentation styles adopted by Commission communications, as well as the identities that they help build. In analysing the "new start" of the Lisbon strategy from the perspective of social policy, the article shows how the emphasis has shifted from the persuasive arguments for change with necessary common European targets in the early stages of the strategy towards the implementation of reforms: from a narrative to a vision and from a diagnosis to healing. The phase of global competition represents "the modern" with which European society with its culture and ways of life now has to be matched. The Lisbon strategy is a way to direct this societal change, thus building a modern European social policy. The fourth article describes how the Commission uses its communications policy to build practices and techniques of governance and how it persuades citizens to participate in the creation of a European project of change. This also requires a new kind of agency: agents for whom accountability and responsibilities mean integration into and commitment to European society. Accountability is shaped into a decisive factor in implementing the European Union's strategy of change. As such it will displace hierarchical confrontations and emphasise common action with a view to modernising Europe. However, the Union's discourse cannot be described as being a political language that would genuinely rouse and convince the audience at the level of everyday life. Keywords: European social policy, EU policy, European social model, European Commission, modernisation of welfare, welfare state, communications, discoursiveness.

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The economic, political and social face of Europe has been changing rapidly in the past decades. These changes are unique in the history of Europe, but not without challenges for the nation states. The support for the European integration varies among the countries. In order to understand why certain developments or changes are perceived as threatening or as desired by different member countries, we must consider the social representations of the European integration on the national level: how the EU is represented to its citizens in media and in educational systems, particularly in the curricula and textbooks. The current study is concerned with the social representations of the European integration in the curricula and school textbooks in five European countries: France, Britain, Germany, Finland and Sweden. Besides that, the first volume of the common Franco-German history textbook was analyzed, since it has been seen as a model for a common European history textbook. As the collective representations, values and identities are dominantly mediated and imposed through media and educational systems, the national curricula and textbooks make an interesting starting point for the study of the European integration and of national and European identities. The social representations theory provides a comprehensive framework for the study of the European integration. By analyzing the curricula and history and civics textbooks of major educational publishers, the study aimed to demonstrate what is written on the European integration and how it is portrayed how the European integration is understood, made familiar and concretized in the educational context in the five European countries. To grasp the phenomenon of the European integration in the textbooks in its entirety, it was investigated from various perspectives. The two analysis methods of content analysis, the automatic analysis with ALCESTE and a more qualitative theory-driven content analysis, were carried out to give a more vivid and multifaceted picture of the object of the research. The analysis of the text was complemented with the analysis of visual material. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative methods, the contents, processes, visual images, transformations and structures of the social representations of European integration, as well as the communicative styles of the textbooks were examined. This study showed the divergent social representations of the European integration, anchored in the nation states, in the five member countries of the European Union. The social representations were constructed around different central core elements: French Europe in the French textbooks, Ambivalent Europe in the British textbooks, Influential and Unifying EU in the German textbooks, Enabling and Threatening EU in the Finnish textbooks, Sceptical EU in the Swedish textbooks and EU as a World Model in the Franco-German textbook. Some elements of the representations were shared by all countries such as peace and economic aspects of the European cooperation, whereas other elements of representations were found more frequently in some countries than in others, such as ideological, threatening or social components of the phenomenon European integration. The study also demonstrated the linkage between social representations of the EU and national and European identities. The findings of this study are applicable to the study of the European integration, to the study of education, as well as to the social representation theory.

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Pientalobarometri 2/2008 ennustaa omakotitalorakentamisen jatkavan laskuaan rakentamiskustannusten kasvamisesta, kaavoituksesta, tonttitarjonnasta ja talouden tilasta johtuen. Kustannusten odotetaan edelleen nousevan mm. energia­tehokkuuden kohentumisen myötä. Työ- ja elinkeinoministeriön Puutalojen ja rakennuspuusepäntuotteiden valmistus –toimialaraportissa 2008 oletetaan myös, että lämmöneristysvaatimukset ovat saattaneet lisätä massiivihirsitalojen kysyntää, koska uusien määräysten voimaantulon jälkeen niitä ei mahdollisesti enää tehdä. Kehityksen voidaan olettaa johtavan rakennusten koon ja varustetason järkevöittämiseen. Oma­koti­talorakentamisen tarpeeksi pientalobarometri laskee 20 000 asuntoaloitusta, mutta toimialaraportissa määrän arvioidaan vuonna 2008 jäävän 12 500 oma­kotitalon aloitukseen. Avaimet käteen –rakentaminen on kasvusuunnassa ja talo­paketit ovat kehittymässä selvemmiksi rakennusosakokonaisuuksiksi. Pientalobarometri kertoo suomalaisten toivovan yksilöllisyyttä. Talotehtaiden toimituksista yksilöllisiä suunnitteluratkaisuja on kolmannes ja tyyppimuunnoksia puolet. Valmisosatalojen osuus asunnoista on noin 68 % ja teollisen hirren osuus valmisosatalojen markkinoista on nyt kutakuinkin samoissa 10 % lukemissa kuin 20 vuotta sitten. Korkeimmillaan teollisen hirren osuus valmisosataloista kävi 17 % tasolla kymmenen vuotta sitten, vuosina 1995 ja 1996. Siporex-, betoni,- tiili- ja harkkotalojen osuus on noussut kahdessakymmenessä vuodessa 4 %:sta 12 %:iin ja precut-talojen osuus 2 %:sta 16 %:iin, kun taas puuelementtien osuus on laskenut 85 %:sta 62 %:iin. Talopaketin keskimääräinen kuluttajahinta on Toimialaraportin mukaan noin 83 000 euroa ja niitä valmistuu vuodessa alle 10 000. Talopakettimarkkinat ovat Pientalobarometrin mukaan vuonna 2008 hieman laskeneet vuosien 2006 ja 2007 huippulukemista alle 800 miljoonan euron. Teollisten hirsivalmistajien liikevaihto laski myös vuodesta 2007 alle 350 miljoonan. Toimialaraportin mukaan puutalojen valmistus työllistää vajaa 4000 henkeä 251 toimipaikassa (2006). Alan liikevaihto vuonna 2006 oli 812 miljoonaa euroa ja viennin arvo 178 miljoonaa euroa. Viennin kasvun todettiin riippuvan hirsitaloteollisuudesta. Viennin kannalta tärkeitä alueita ovat Keski-Eurooppa, Venäjä, Japani ja Pohjoismaat. Puutalojen vienti on Toimialaraportin mukaan kohonnut 90-luvun alun noin 30 miljoonasta yli 200 miljoonaan euroon, josta hirsitalojen viennin arvo ylittää 160 miljoonaa. Tutkimus- ja kehittämiskuluiksi arvioidaan puutalon valmistajilla 0–2 % tuotannon arvosta. Puutalojen mediaanikäyttökate oli Toimialaraportin mukaan vuonna 2006 noin 6 % kun teollisuuden vastaava luku on 10 %. Finnveran tilastointi hirsitalojen kustannusrakenteesta ja kannattavuudesta ei poikkea tästä, vaan hirsitalojen käyttökatteeksi ilmoitetaan 6,4 % ja kokonaistulokseksi 3,4 % vuonna 2007. Toimialaraportin mukaan teollisuuden omavaraisuusaste on noin 43 % kun taas puutaloteollisuuden omavaraisuusaste jää 26,5 %:iin ja hirsitalojen Finnveran mukaan 27,7 %:iin. Hirsitaloja valmistaa Toimialaraportin mukaan noin 150 yritystä. Alan kahden suurimman yrityksen osuus on lähes puolet koko alan liikevaihdosta.

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Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on selvittää mitä kiista Vuosaaren sataman rakentamisesta 1990- ja 2000-luvuilla kertoo eurooppalaisesta kollektiivisesta toiminnasta. Mikä on EU:n suhde ylirajaiseen kollektiiviseen toimintaan, joka syntyy unionin vaikutuksesta? Ympäristöjärjestöt Suomen Luonnonsuojeluliiton johdolla kantelivat satamahankkeesta Euroopan komissiolle ja tekivät vetoomuksen Euroopan parlamentille, koska suunnitellun sataman vieressä sijaitsi alue, joka kuului Natura 2000 –luonnonsuojeluverkostoon. Myös eurooppalaiset kattojärjestöt osallistuivat toimintaan. Aineistona on ympäristöjärjestötoimijoiden ja heidän kanssaan tekemisissä olleiden tahojen haastatteluja, asiakirjoja, sähköpostiviestejä sekä tiedotus- ja lehtimateriaalia. Satamakiistaa tutkitaan yhteiskunnallisten liikkeiden tutkimuksen perinteestä käsin. Kirjallisuudesta keskitytään erityisesti koalitionmuodostukseen, johon osallistuivat ympäristöjärjestöjen lisäksi myös Euroopan parlamentin vihreät, sekä ylirajaisen kollektiivisen toiminnan luonteen käsitteellisempään hahmottamiseen. Tapauksessa sinällään kotimainen konflikti ulkoistettiin viemällä se EU-tasolle. Bumerangi-ilmiössä valtioon yritettiin vaikuttaa EU-instituutioiden kautta. Tämän ulkoistamisen myötä syntyi ylirajainen kampanjakoalitio, joka perustui osin jäsenjärjestö-kattojärjestö-suhteeseen. Koalitiota voidaan vetoomusvaiheessa kuvailla parlamentin vihreiden mukanaolon myötä sisä- ja ulkopiiriläisten koalitioksi (insider-outsider coalition). Toiminnalla oli joitain samoja piirteitä edistämisverkostojen (transnational advocacy networks) kanssa. Syy sekä kansallisten ympäristöjärjestöjen että kattojärjestöjen aktiivisuudelle oli tapauksen oikeudellinen ennakkotapausmerkitys, joten protestikeinojen hyöty olisi ollut vähäinen. Natura pitkälti loi ympäristöjärjestöille merkityksellisen kiistan. Koska haluttiin vaikuttaa lainkäyttöön, itse tapaus oli keino, ja kantelut olivat keinon ominaisuus. Ylipäätään valittamisen mahdollistavan EU-mahdollisuusrakenteen vuoksi järjestöt pystyivät tietyllä tapaa uudelleenpolitisoimaan kansallisesti jo oikeusistuinvaiheeseen siirtyneen kiistan viemällä asian vähemmän oikeudellisille areenoille. Tapauksessa politiikka juridisoitui ja juridiikka myös politisoitui. Kantelujen voidaan kuvata olevan osa eurooppalaista yhteiskuntaa, mutta prosessin edetessä ja vetoomuksen myötä ylirajainen kollektiivinen toiminta vähitellen monipuolistui ja syveni siten, että tapauksesta voidaan hahmottaa myös eurooppalainen kansalaisyhteiskunta.

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Suomi on ollut Euroopan unionin jäsen vuodesta 1995 lähtien. Tuona aikana maamme on osallistunut neljiin Euroopan parlamentin vaaleihin vuosina 1996, 1999, 2004 ja 2009. Kussakin vaalissa kahdeksan Suomen suurinta puoluetta on julkaissut eurovaaliohjelman, joihin on tiivistetty puolueiden tärkeimmät eurooppapoliittiset kannat. Tutkielma selvittää, kuinka EU-tasolla jatkuvasti suositummiksi teemoiksi nousevat, nykyään ”sosiaalisen Euroopan” (aiemmin sosiaalinen ulottuvuus tai malli) käsitteeseen kytkeytyvät näkemykset ovat olleet esillä suurimpien suomalaisten puolueiden eurovaaliohjelmissa ja mitä puolueet ovat käsitettä käyttäessään sillä tarkoittaneet. Tutkimuksen aineistona toimivat puolueiden eurovaaliohjelmat vuosilta 1996–2009 ja aineistoa täydentävät haastatteluin kerätyt asiantuntijalausunnot liittyen puolueiden suhtautumiseen sosiaalista Eurooppaa kohtaan. Tutkimusmenetelmänä on käytetty teoriaohjaavaa sisällönanalyysiä, jossa taustalla vaikuttaa niin koti- kuin ulkomainenkin teoreettinen tutkimus Euroopan unionin sosiaalipolitiikasta, mutta jossa aikaisemman tiedon merkitys ei ole teoriaa testaava, vaan ennen kaikkea uusia ajatuksia luova. Tutkimus hahmottaa suomalaisten puolueiden EU-tasoisen sosiaalipolitiikan ajattelua ja selventää sosiaalisen Euroopan käsitettä poliittisissa puheissa esiintyvänä iskusanana. Sosiaalisen Euroopan käsite on laaja ja väljä, sisältäen eri politiikkoja ihmisen elinkaaren lapsuudesta vanhuuteen asti. Vaaliohjelmien perusteella käsite rajautuu pääasiassa työelämään liittyvään puheeseen ja muut sosiaalisen Euroopan teemat, kuten koulutuspolitiikka tai tasaarvokysymykset esiintyvät ohjelmissa mainintojen tasolla. Tutkielmassa esitellyt puolueiden EU-tasoiset sosiaalipoliittiset näkemykset ovat muuttuneet ajallisesti Suomen EU-jäsenyyden aikana ratkaisevasti vasta vuoden 2009 eurovaaleissa, joissa sosiaalisen Euroopan teemat olivat läsnä edeltäneitä vaaleja vahvemmin. Puolueet eroavat toisistaan selvimmin siinä, kuinka halukkaita ne ovat olleet sosiaalista Eurooppaa edistämään ja toisaalta, mille ihmisryhmille kunkin puolueen sosiaalinen Eurooppa on ollut inklusoiva. Suomalaisten puolueiden vaaliohjelmista oli löydettävissä paljon sisäisiä samankaltaisuuksia ja pääasiassa puolueiden näkemys sosiaalisesta Euroopasta esittäytyi tasapainoiluna kahden pohdinnan välillä: kaikki puolueet kannattivat suomalaisen hyvinvointivaltion säilyttämistä ja tukemista, lisäksi puolueet olivat joko myöntyväisiä tai vastustivat lähtemistä mukaan eurooppalaisen sosiaalipolitiikan standardien harmonisointiin. Näin ollen EU:n toimivallan kasvattamista sosiaalipolitiikan alueella tietyissä rajoissa kannatettiin tai vieroksuttiin. Sosiaalinen Eurooppa voi tarkoittaa yhtäältä kaikkia niitä politiikan aloja ja käytännön toimia niihin liittyen, joita tässä tutkielmassa on esitetty, mutta toisaalta sen voidaan myös nähdä olevan suurempi ideologinen siirtymä kohti sosiaalisempaa Euroopan unionia, jossa talouden lainalaisuuksien ohella inhimillinen näkökulma kulkee vahvasti mukana kaikessa unionin politiikassa. Tällöin sosiaalisen Euroopan käsite on ennemmin puheen kuin käytännön tasoinen eurooppalaista yhtenäisyyttä rakentamaan pyrkivä käsite.

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Embryonic stem cells offer potentially a ground-breaking insight into health and diseases and are said to offer hope in discovering cures for many ailments unimaginable few years ago. Human embryonic stem cells are undifferentiated, immature cells that possess an amazing ability to develop into almost any body cell such as heart muscle, bone, nerve and blood cells and possibly even organs in due course. This remarkable feature, enabling embryonic stem cells to proliferate indefinitely in vitro (in a test tube), has branded them as a so-called miracle cure . Their potential use in clinical applications provides hope to many sufferers of debilitating and fatal medical conditions. However, the emergence of stem cell research has resulted in intense debates about its promises and dangers. On the one hand, advocates hail its potential, ranging from alleviating and even curing fatal and debilitating diseases such as Parkinson s, diabetes, heart ailments and so forth. On the other hand, opponents decry its dangers, drawing attention to the inherent risks of human embryo destruction, cloning for research purposes and reproductive cloning eventually. Lately, however, the policy battles surrounding human embryonic stem cell innovation have shifted from being a controversial research to scuffles within intellectual property rights. In fact, the ability to obtain patents represents a pivotal factor in the economic success or failure of this new biotechnology. Although, stem cell patents tend to more or less satisfy the standard patentability requirements, they also raise serious ethical and moral questions about the meaning of the exclusions on ethical or moral grounds as found in European and to an extent American and Australian patent laws. At present there is a sort of a calamity over human embryonic stem cell patents in Europe and to an extent in Australia and the United States. This in turn has created a sense of urgency to engage all relevant parties in the discourse on how best to approach patenting of this new form of scientific innovation. In essence, this should become a highly favoured patenting priority. To the contrary, stem cell innovation and its reliance on patent protection risk turmoil, uncertainty, confusion and even a halt on not only stem cell research but also further emerging biotechnology research and development. The patent system is premised upon the fundamental principle of balance which ought to ensure that the temporary monopoly awarded to the inventor equals that of the social benefit provided by the disclosure of the invention. Ensuring and maintaining this balance within the patent system when patenting human embryonic stem cells is of crucial contemporary relevance. Yet, the patenting of human embryonic stem cells raises some fundamental moral, social and legal questions. Overall, the present approach of patenting human embryonic stem cell related inventions is unsatisfactory and ineffective. This draws attention to a specific question which provides for a conceptual framework for this work. That question is the following: how can the investigated patent offices successfully deal with patentability of human embryonic stem cells? This in turn points at the thorny issue of application of the morality clause in this field. In particular, the interpretation of the exclusions on ethical or moral grounds as found in Australian, American and European legislative and judicial precedents. The Thesis seeks to compare laws and legal practices surrounding patentability of human embryonic stem cells in Australia and the United States with that of Europe. By using Europe as the primary case study for lessons and guidance, the central goal of the Thesis then becomes the determination of the type of solutions available to Europe with prospects to apply such to Australia and the United States. The Dissertation purports to define the ethical implications that arise with patenting human embryonic stem cells and intends to offer resolutions to the key ethical dilemmas surrounding patentability of human embryonic stem cells and other morally controversial biotechnology inventions. In particular, the Thesis goal is to propose a functional framework that may be used as a benchmark for an informed discussion on the solution to resolving ethical and legal tensions that come with patentability of human embryonic stem cells in Australian, American and European patent worlds. Key research questions that arise from these objectives and which continuously thread throughout the monograph are: 1. How do common law countries such as Australia and the United States approach and deal with patentability of human embryonic stem cells in their jurisdictions? These practices are then compared to the situation in Europe as represented by the United Kingdom (first two chapters), the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Patent Office decisions (Chapter 3 onwards) in order to obtain a full picture of the present patenting procedures on the European soil. 2. How are ethical and moral considerations taken into account at patent offices investigated when assessing patentability of human embryonic stem cell related inventions? In order to assess this part, the Thesis evaluates how ethical issues that arise with patent applications are dealt with by: a) Legislative history of the modern patent system from its inception in 15th Century England to present day patent laws. b) Australian, American and European patent offices presently and in the past, including other relevant legal precedents on the subject matter. c) Normative ethical theories. d) The notion of human dignity used as the lowest common denominator for the interpretation of the European morality clause. 3. Given the existence of the morality clause in form of Article 6(1) of the Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 July 1998 on the legal protection of biotechnological inventions which corresponds to Article 53(a) European Patent Convention, a special emphasis is put on Europe as a guiding principle for Australia and the United States. Any room for improvement of the European morality clause and Europe s current manner of evaluating ethical tensions surrounding human embryonic stem cell inventions is examined. 4. A summary of options (as represented by Australia, the United States and Europe) available as a basis for the optimal examination procedure of human embryonic stem cell inventions is depicted, whereas the best of such alternatives is deduced in order to create a benchmark framework. This framework is then utilised on and promoted as a tool to assist Europe (as represented by the European Patent Office) in examining human embryonic stem cell patent applications. This method suggests a possibility of implementing an institution solution. 5. Ultimately, a question of whether such reformed European patent system can be used as a founding stone for a potential patent reform in Australia and the United States when examining human embryonic stem cells or other morally controversial inventions is surveyed. The author wishes to emphasise that the guiding thought while carrying out this work is to convey the significance of identifying, analysing and clarifying the ethical tensions surrounding patenting human embryonic stem cells and ultimately present a solution that adequately assesses patentability of human embryonic stem cell inventions and related biotechnologies. In answering the key questions above, the Thesis strives to contribute to the broader stem cell debate about how and to which extent ethical and social positions should be integrated into the patenting procedure in pluralistic and morally divided democracies of Europe and subsequently Australia and the United States.

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