5 resultados para Diaspora africana

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Memory Meanders is an ethnographic analysis of a postcolonial migrant community, white former Rhodesians, who have emigrated from Zimbabwe to South Africa after Zimbabwe s independence in 1980. An estimated 100 000 whites left the country during the first years of independence. Majority of these emigrants settled in South Africa. In recent years President Mugabe s land redistribution program has inflicted forced expulsions and violence against white farmers and black farm workers, and instigated a new wave of emigration. Concerning the study of Southern Africa, my research is therefore very topical. In recent years there has been a growing concern to study postcolonialism as it unfolds in the lived realities of actual postcolonies. A rising interest has also been cast on colonial cultures and white colonials within complex power relationships. My research offers insight to these discussions by investigating the ways in which the colonial past affects and effects in the present activities and ideas of former colonials. The study also takes part in discussing fundamental questions concerning how diaspora communities socially construct their place in the world in relation to the place left behind, to their current places of dwelling and to the community in dispersal. In spite of Rhodesia s incontestable ending, it is held close by social practices; by thoughts and talks, by material displays, and by webs of meaningful relationships. Such social memory practices, I suggest, are fundamental to how the community understands itself. The vantage points from which I examine how the ex-Rhodesians reminisce about Rhodesia concern ideas and practices related to place, home and commemoration. I first focus on the processes of symbolic investment that go into understanding place and landscape in Rhodesia and ask how the once dwelled-in places, iconic landscapes and experiences within places are reminisced about in diaspora. Secondly, I examine how home both as a mundanely organized sphere of everyday lives and as an idea of belonging is culturally configured, and analyze how and if homes travel in diaspora. In the final ethnographic section I focus on commemorative practices. I first analyze how food and culturally specific festive occasions of commensality are connected to social and sensual memory, considering the unique ways in which food acts as a mnemonic trigger in a diaspora community. The second example concerns the celebration of a centenary of Rhodesia in 1990. Through this case I describe how the mnemonic power of commemoration rests on the fact that culturally meaningful experiences are bodily re-enacted. I show how habitual memory connected to performance is one example of how memory gets passed-on in non-textual ways.

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The present study examines how the landscape of the rural immigrant colony of New Finland (Saskatchewan, Canada) has reflected the Finnish origins of the about 350 settlers and their descendants, their changing ideologies, values, sense of collectiveness and the meanings of the Finnish roots. The study also reveals the reasons and power structures behind the ethnic expressions. Researched time period runs from the beginning of the settlement in 1888 to the turn of the millennium. The research concentrates on buildings, cemeteries, personal names and place names which contain strong visual and symbolic messages and are all important constituents of mundane landscapes. For example, the studied personal names are important identity-political indexes telling about the value of the Finnish nationalism, community spirit, dual Finnish-Canadian identities and also the process of assimilation which, for example, had differences between genders. The study is based on empirical field research, and iconographical and textual interpretations supported by classifications and comparative analyses. Several interviews and literature were essential means of understanding the changing political contexts which influenced the Finnish settlement and its multiple landscape representations. Five historical landscape periods were identified in New Finland. During these periods the meanings and representations of Finnish identity changed along with national and international politics and local power structures. For example, during the Second World War Canada discouraged representations of Finnish culture because Finland and Canada were enemies. But Canada s multicultural policy in the 1980s led to several material and symbolic representations indicating the Finnish settlement after a period of assimilation and deinstitutionalization. The study shows how these representations were indications of the politics of a (selective) memory. Especially Finnish language, cultural traditions and the Evangelical-Lutheran values of the pioneers, which have been passed down to new generations, are highly valued part of the Finnish heritage. Also the work of the pioneers and their participation in the building of Saskatchewan is an important collective narrative. The selectiveness of a memory created the landscape of forgetting which includes deliberately forgotten parts of the history. For example, the occasional disputes between the congregations are something that has been ignored. The results show how the different landscape elements can open up a useful perspective to diaspora colonies or other communities also by providing information which otherwise would be indistinguishable. In this case, for example, two cemeteries close together were a sign of religious distributions among the early settlers.

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The Idea of Community in the Jewish National Thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence The aim of this study is to clarify the idea of community in the Jewish national thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence of the State of Israel in 1948. The method is the community analysis. The values of the culture are studied by two- and threefold dimensions on the arena. On the field of that arena one can find the society of order, the society of pressure, the societies made by mosaics and the societies that are breaking apart. The community way of behaving means, that the individuals voluntarily follow common values. The earliest Jewish ideals elevated the concept of unity among the people. The reality in the society was different especially in Roman times when the religious and national thinking was fragmented into four different main views. During the Diaspora the religious tradition mostly warned against pursuing a Jewish state, but many forms of Anti-Judaism and the new national thinking in the nineteenth century created the Zionist movement. The religious Jewish people did not rely on the earthy nationalism and when some of them later chose Zionism, they stressed the religious aspects in governing the state. The cultural Zionists preferred a slower and more low key spiritual way of change. The Revisionists saw no alternatives but to use military force. Many in the majority, the Labour movement, hoped that the progress brought to the region by Zionism would change the minds of opponents. The general appearance of the proclamation is optimistic. It characterizes national and political unity gathering people who think differently and who come from different factions of the Jewish political and cultural orientation. These people can be placed on different corners in the community analysis. The proclamation concentrates on state and administrative points of view. It aims at a state for the Jews, and the Jewishness of the state is more clearly seen in later legislation. The hope for co-operation from all sides was clearly articulated. The central aim was the security of the Jews. The proclamation has a community quotation because it aimed to build up a net of cooperation. The vision of building a nation of their own is balanced by the collaboration with the Arabs and the international community. In the same roclamation the individual civil rights are side by side with the Prophets thoughts about peace and justice. The Proclamation describes a society of a good order which aims at uniting the people. In the midst of grave difficulties a noble proclamation of national and international co-operation was created. It was not taken for granted that the ideals would be realized. The care of the national homeland could become egocentric nationalism and the attention to the Prophets heritage could turn to emphasizing strict religious rules or to isolation from others. The emphasis of civil rights could turn to assimilation or in other words to other kinds of values in their own country.

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This contribution deals with social and political aspects affecting cultural life in Jalisco (Mexico), during the last forty years. It is, especially, a critical view on the regional deterioration of experimental music, analysing ethnic, religion, gender and other social components in one of the culturally foremost states of Mexico.

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Pro gradu -tutkielmassani tarkastelen diasporia ja niihin kohdistuvaa kansainvälistä sääntelyä. Diasporilla tarkoitan valtion rajojen ulkopuolella asuvia ihmisiä, joilla on jokin, esimerkiksi etninen tai kieliside tuohon valtioon. Valtiolla puolestaan voi olla jokin intressi suhteessa diasporaansa. Diasporiin liittyvät kysymykset ovat ajankohtaisia globaalissa maailmassa, jossa ihmisillä on entistä enemmän mahdollisuuksia pitää siteitä yllä useampaan kuin yhteen valtioon. Diasporien ohella kirjallisuudessa puhutaan myös kin-state -problematiikasta, kun viitataan valtioiden harjoittamaan politiikkaan, joka pyrkii vaikuttamaan toisen valtion alueella asuvien tai oleskelevien ihmisten asemaan. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen viitekehys on englantilaisen koulukunnan ajatus kansainvälisestä yhteisöstä ja sille keskeisistä primaari-instituutioista, kuten valtiosuvereniteetti ja kansainvälinen oikeus. Se, miten valtio politiikassaan suhtautuu instituutioihin, kertoo valtion suhteesta kansainväliseen yhteisöön yleensä. Instituutioita voidaan puolestaan tarkastella tiettyjen kapea-alaisempien normien, sekundaari-instituutioiden, valossa. Edellä mainittuna sekundaari-instituutiona esitellään tutkielmassa se kansainvälinen normisto, joka vaikuttaa diasporien asemaan valtioiden välisessä politiikassa. Normisto perustuu Yhdistyneiden kansakuntien, Euroopan neuvoston ja ETYJ:n sopimuksiin ja suosituksiin. Kansainvälisen oikeuden lähtökohta on, ettei valtio voi puuttua diasporakseen katsomiensa ihmisten asemaan toisessa valtiossa edes ääritapauksessa, jossa asuinvaltio epäonnistuu tehtävässään suojella toisen valtion kansalaisia tai vähemmistöjään. Reagointivastuu on kansainvälisellä yhteisöllä – vaikka interventiota ulkomailla olevien kansalaisten suojelemiseksi onkin suoritettu sekä kylmän sodan aikana että sen jälkeen. Interventiot eivät ole diasporapolitiikan ainoa muoto ja monilla valtioilla onkin niin sanottuja diasporalakeja, joiden puitteissa ne voivat vaikuttaa diasporiensa asemaan. Koulutukseen ja kulttuuriin liittyvä tuki on eurooppalaisissa suosituksissa katsottu hyväksyttäväksi, mutta muiden tukimuotojen ulottamista diasporiin tulee harkita ja soveltaa vain erityistapauksissa, jos politiikalla on valtion toimivallan ulkopuolella vaikuttavia seurauksia. Tutkimus näyttää, että diasporakysymysten sääntely on kansainvälisessä yhteisössä vielä osin määrittelemätöntä sekä altista valtioiden tulkinnoille. Esimerkkinä valtioiden tulkinnoista ja niiden harjoittamasta diasporapolitiikasta tarkastellaan Venäjän federaation politiikkaa, sillä Venäjän ulkopolitiikassa esillä pidetty kiinnostus suojella ulkomailla olevia kansalaisia ja maanmiehiä on herättänyt myös kansainvälistä huomiota. Venäjän politiikan tarkastelu luo kontekstin, jossa tutkielman varsinaista kiinnostuksenkohdetta, Suomen venäläisen diasporan asemaa, on mahdollista tarkastella. Tutkimusaineistoa ovat Venäjän johdon lausunnot liittyen viimeaikaisiin Suomen ja Venäjän välisiin nk. lapsikiistoihin. Teoriaohjaava sisällönanalyysi aineistosta esittää, että vaikka vihjeitä politiikassa yleisesti esiintyvästä nk. suojelupuheesta on havaittavissa myös Suomen venäläisen vähemmistön asemaan liittyen, ei Venäjä lapsikiistoissa kuitenkaan suoraan loukannut Suomen suvereniteettia tai kansainvälistä oikeutta. Tiettyjen puhetapojen ja esimerkiksi lapsiasiamies Astahovin toiminnan voidaan kuitenkin tulkita olevan kansainvälisen normiston vastaisia ja siten myös loukkaavan suvereniteettia ja kansainvälisen oikeuden henkeä. Teoreettisen viitekehyksen tehtävä oli ensisijaisesti antaa näkökulmia aineiston tarkasteluun. Venäjän politiikan suhde suvereniteettiin ja kansainväliseen oikeuteen suhteessa tässä tarkasteltuun politiikkakysymykseen kertoo kuitenkin myös Venäjän asemasta kansainvälisen yhteisön jäsenenä. Diasporanormistoon sitoutuminen osoittaa Venäjän sitoutuneen ainakin periaatteellisella tasolla solidaristiseen, yhteisiä normeja jakavaan kansainväliseen yhteisöön – toisaalta Venäjän viime vuosien politiikka kuitenkin osoittaa Venäjän samalla haastavan myös pluralistisille yhteisöille keskeisiä valtiosuvereniteetin ja kansainvälisen oikeuden noudattamisen periaatteita. Tärkeimmät lähteet: Buzan (2004), Brubakers (1995), Hannikainen (2000), Holsti (2004), Gazzini (2005), Gray (2000), Kántor ym. (2004), Sheffer (2003), Shevel (2010 ja 2011), Turner ja Otsuki (2010) ja Zevelev (2001 ja 2008).