Häiritsevän erilaiset : Työnvieroksunta Helsingissä 1946 - 1948

Tutkielma käsittelee viime sotien jälkeisiä sosiaalisia ongelmia niin sanotun pinnarilain kautta. Laki työtä vieroksuvien henkilöiden määräämisestä työhön tai erikoistyölaitokseen oli voimassa 1946–1948. Tutkielma selvittää, miten viranomaiset sovelsivat pinnarilakia Helsingissä ja avaa työnvieroksunta-käsitteen sisältöä ja määrittelyä. Tutkielman näkökulma pohjautuu kontekstikonstruktivismiin. Erilaisuuden ja sosiaalisten ongelmien määrittely on jatkuvan keskustelun ja kiistelyn alainen aihepiiri, sillä kyseisissä ilmiöissä ja niiden hallinnassa törmäävät erilaiset intressit ja tavoitteet. Sosiaalisen ongelman määrittely on tulosta aktiivisesta kollektiivisesta määrittelyprosessista, johon osallistuu useita toimijoita. Koska itse laki määritteli työnvieroksunta-käsitteen ja rajasi lain soveltamisalan hyvin väljästi, paikalliset viranomaiset saivat laajat toimintavaltuudet. Tämän vuoksi on tärkeä tutkia, millaiset henkilöt koettiin ongelmallisiksi, ”häiritsevän erilaisiksi”. Tärkein lähdemateriaali työssä on kunnallisen työasiainlautakunnan laatimat henkilöaktit työnvieroksujina käsitellyistä henkilöistä. Henkilöaktit sisältävät lautakunnan omien merkintöjen lisäksi poliisin huolto-osaston, huoltolautakunnan ja lääkäreiden asiakirjoja. Systemaattisen otannan avulla akteista on koottu noin 350 henkilöaktin otos. Nämä henkilöt on jaettu neljään ryhmään sen perusteella, mitkä syyt ovat johtaneet henkilön päätymiseen pinnarikäsittelyyn. Näin muodostuneen neljän ryhmän nimet ovat rikolliset, alkoholiongelmaiset, irtolaisnaiset ja ”kunnon kansalaiset”. Ryhmiä analysoidaan vertailun ja tilastollisten menetelmien avulla. Pinnarilaki oli yhtä aikaa työmarkkina-, sosiaali- ja kontrollipolitiikkaa. Sen soveltamisessa tulivat ilmi valtion työvoimapoliittiset intressit jälleenrakentavassa ja työvoimapulasta kärsivässä maassa. Työnvieroksujien joukkoon päätyi niin yhteiskunnan syrjässä roikkuvia moniongelmaisia kuin työkyvyttömyydestä tai työn puutteesta kärsiviä tavallisia kansalaisia. Pinnarilaki sai sovellettaessa ”kaatoluokka”-luonteen: sen avulla viranomaisten kynnys puuttua epäilyttävinä pitämiensä henkilöiden elämään madaltui, sillä esimerkiksi alkoholisti- ja irtolaislainsäädännön soveltamisala oli rajatumpi. Sotatoimien päätyttyä viranomaiset kävivät taistoon yhteiskunnan sisäisiä vihollisia, kohonnutta rikollisuutta, muuttuneita moraalikäsityksiä ja lisääntynyttä päihteidenkäyttöä, vastaan. Tässä taistelussa pinnarilaki oli viranomaisten tärkein ase ja kontrollikeino.

Trust, participation and health among ageing people : A cross-sectional cohort study of men and women born in 1926-30, 1936-40, and 1946-50 in the Lahti region, southern Finland

The purpose of the present study was to explore the associations between good self-rated health and economic and social factors in different regions among ageing people in the Päijät-Häme region in southern Finland. The data of this study were collected in 2002 as part of the research and development project Ikihyvä 2002 2012 (Good Ageing in Lahti region GOAL project). The baseline data set consisted of 2,815 participants born in 1926 30, 1936 40, and 1946 50. The response rate was 66 %. According to the previous studies, trust in other people and social participation as the main aspects of social capital are associated with self-rated health. In addition, socioeconomic position (SEP) and self-rated health are associated, but all SEP indicators do not have identical associations with health. However, there is a lack of knowledge of the health associations and regional differences with these factors, especially among ageing people. Regarding these questions, the present study gives new information. According to the results of this study, self-perceived adequacy of income was significantly associated with good self-rated health, especially in the urban areas. Similar associations were found in the rural areas, though education was also considered an important factor. Adequacy of income was an even stronger predictor of good health than the actual income. Women had better self-rated health than men only in the urban areas. The youngest respondents had quite equally better self-rated health than the others. Social participation and access to help when needed were associated with good self-rated health, especially in the urban area and the sparsely populated rural areas. The result was comparable in the rural population centres. The correlation of trust with self-rated health was significant in the urban area. High social capital was associated with good self-rated health in the urban area. The association was quite similar in the other areas, though it was statistically insignificant. High social capital consisted of co-existent high social participation and high trust. The association of traditionalism (low participation and high trust) with self-rated health was also substantial in the urban area. The associations of self-rated health with low social capital (low participation and low trust) and the miniaturisation of community (high participation and low trust) were less significant. From the forms of single participation, going to art exhibitions, theatre, movies, and concerts among women, and studying and self-development among men were positively related to self-rated health. Unexpectedly, among women, active participation in religious events and voluntary work was negatively associated with self-rated health. This may indicate a coping method with ill-health. As a whole, only minor variations in self-rated health were found between the areas. However, the significance of the factors associated with self-rated health varied according to the areas. Economic factors, especially self-perceived adequacy of income was strongly associated with good self-rated health. Also when adjusting for economic and several other background factors social factors (particularly high social capital, social participation, and access to help when needed) were associated with self-rated health. Thus, economic and social factors have a significant relation with the health of the ageing, and improving these factors may have favourable effects on health among ageing people.

The Roman Republican Navy : from the sixth century to 167 BC

Työ käsittelee Rooman laivaston kehitystä, toimintaa ja osallistumista laajenemispolitiikkaan, jossa Rooma kasvoi kaupunkivaltiosta Välimeren hallitsijaksi. Rooma on aikaisemmissa tutkimuksissa nähty maavaltiona vailla kiinnostusta merenkulkuun. On katsottu, että ainoa merkittävä merisota Rooman historiassa on ensimmäinen puunilaissota (264-241 eKr.) ja että siinäkin roomalaiset (jotka historioitsija Polybius kuvaa vasta-alkajiksi) menestyivät Karthagoa vastaan turvautumalla laskusiltoihin, joiden avulla he saattoivat muuttaa meritaistelun maataisteluksi. Polybiuksen kuvaukseen on aina tähän asti luotettu. On katsottu että Roomalla ei ollut laivastoa ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa ja että Rooma kaikissa sodissaan panosti merisodankäyntiin mahdollisimman vähän. Tämä työ pyrkii kumoamaan nämä käsitykset. Laivasto oli osallisena ja ehdottoman välttämätön kaikissa Rooman laajenemispolitiikan käänteissä. Arkeologian tiedot osoittavat, että ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa Rooma kehittyi ja siitä tuli merkittävä kaupunki nimenomaan kaupankäynnin ja ulkomaisten kontaktien seurauksena. Se ei siis ollut puhdas agraarivaltio. Roomalaisilla oli laivasto jo viimeistään 500-luvulta lähtien eKr. ja sitä käytettiin Rooman laajentaessa valtaansa Italiassa. Näin ollen ensimmäisessä puunilaissodassa läntisen Välimeren herruudesta kilpaili kaksi merivaltiota, Rooma ja Karthago. Toinen puunilaissota (218-201) tunnetaan yleensä Hannibalin tulosta Alppien yli Italiaan, mutta se oli myöskin merkittävä merisota ja karthagolaiset hävisivät sen nimenomaan merellä. Rooma osallistui kilpailuun itäisen Välimeren hallinnasta ja kukisti Makedonian ja Syyrian laivastot, jotka eivät olleet mitenkään Rooman laivaston veroisia. Kaikista Rooman vastustajista Karthagolla olisi ollut suurin mahdollisuus pysäyttää Rooman laivaston voittokulu toisessa puunilaissodassa. Laivastoa käytettiin moniin eri tarkoituksiin. Suuret meritaistelut eivät ole ainoa osoitus laivastojen mukanaolosta ja merkityksestä, vaan on myös otettava huomion sotalaivojen rakenne ja toimintaedellytykset. Sotalaivat oli rakennettu taisteluita varten ja niissä oli hyvin niukasti säilytystilaa. Niiden oli päästävä laskemaan maihin aina kun miehistö tarvitsi vettä, ruokaa ja lepoa. Laivastot saattoivat toimia vain niiden rannikoiden tuntumassa, joiden satamiin ja laskupaikkoihin niillä oli turvallinen pääsy. Roomalaiset olivat hyvin tietoisia tästä. Suuret merentakaiset sotaretket Afrikkaan, Espanjaan, Kreikkaan ja Vähän-Aasian rannikolle perustuivat kaikki siihen, että Rooman laivasto hallitsi purjehdusreittejä ja sopivia laskupaikkoja ja saattoi huolehtia joukkojen ja varusteiden kuljettamisesta kaukana taisteleville armeijoille. Samalla Rooman laivasto kävi itsenäistä sotaa merellä ja haastoi ja kukisti kaikki Välimeren merivaltiot. 130-luvulle eKr. tultaessa se oli lyönyt vihollisensa ja riisunut aseista liittolaisensa; Rooman laivasto hallitsi Välimerta yksin.

Measuring attitudes in translation: a study of Nokia business reports

Background Contemporary Finnish, spoken and written, reveals loanwords or foreignisms in the form of hybrids: a mixture of Finnish and foreign syllables (alumiinivalua). Sometimes loanwords are inserted into the Finnish sentence in their raw form just as they are found in the source language (pulp, after sales palvelu). Again, sometimes loanwords are calques, which appear Finnish but are spelled and pronounced in an altogether foreign manner (Protomanageri, Promenadi kampuksella). Research Questions What role does Finnish business translation play in the migration of foreignisms into Finnish if we consider translation "as a construct of solutions determined by the ideological constraints and conflicts characterizing the target culture" (Robyns 1992: 212)? What attitudes do the Finns display toward the presence of foreignisms in their language? What socio-economic or ideological conditions (Bassnett 1994: 321) are responsible for these attitudes? Are these conditions dynamic? What tools can be used to measure such attitudes? This dissertation set out to answer these and similar questions. Attitudes are imperialist (where otherness is both denied and transformed), defensive (where otherness is acknowledged, transformed, and vilified), transdiscursive (a neutral attitude to both otherness and transformation), or finally defective (where alien migration is acknowledged and "stimulated") (Robyns 1994: 60). Methodology The research method follows Rose's schema (1984: 8): (a) take an existing theory, (b) develop from it a proposition specific enough to be tested, (c) devise a scheme that tests this proposition, (d) carry through the scheme in practice, (e) draw up results and discuss conclusions in relation to the original theory. In other words, the method attempts an explanation of a Finnish social phenomenon based on systematic analyses of translated evidence (Lewins 1992: 4) whereby what really matters is the logical sequence that connects the empirical data to the initial research questions raised above and, ultimately to its conclusion (Yin 1984: 29). Results This research found that Finnish translators of the Nokia annual reports used a foreignism whenever possible such as komponentin instead of rakenneosa, or investoida instead of sijoittaa, and often without any apparent justification (Pryce 2003: 203-12) more than the translator's personal preference. In the old documents (minutes of meetings of the Board of Directors of Osakeyhtio H. Saastamoinen, Ltd. dated 5 July 1912-1917, a NOPSA booklet (1932), Enzo-Gutzeit-Tornator Oy document (1938), Imatra Steel Oy Annual Report 1964, and Nokia Oy Annual Report 1946), foreignisms under Haugen's (1950: 210-31) Classification #1 occurred an average of 0.6 times, while in the new documents (Nokia 1998 translated Annual Reports) they occurred an average of 6.5 times. That big difference, suggests transdiscursive and defective attitudes in Finnish society toward the other. In the 1850s, Finnish attitudes toward alien persons and cultures were hardened, intolerant and prohibitive because language politics were both nascent and emerging, and Finns adopted a defensive stance (Paloposki 2002: 102 ff) to protect their cultural and national treasures such as language and folklore. Innovation The innovation here is that no prior doctoral level research measured Finnish attitudes toward foreignisms using a business translation approach. This is the first time that Haugen's classification has been modified and applied in target language analysis. It is hoped that this method would be replicated in similar research in the future. Applications For practical applications, researchers with interest in languages, language development, language influences, language ideologies, and power structures that affect national language policies will find this thesis useful, especially the model for collecting, grouping, and analyzing foreignisms that has been demonstrated here. It is intended to document for posterity current attitudes of Finns toward the other as revealed in business translations from 1912-1964, and in 1998. This way, future language researchers would be able to explore a time-line of Finnish language development and attitudes toward the other. Communication firms may also find this research interesting. In future, could the model we adopted be used to analyze literary texts or religious texts for example? Future Trends Though business documents show transdiscursive attitudes, other segments of Finnish society may show defensive or imperialist attitudes. When the ideology of industrialization changes in the future, will Finnish attitudes toward the other change as well? Will it then be possible to use the same kind of analytical tools to measure Finnish attitudes? More broadly, will linguistic change continue in the same direction of transdiscursive attitudes, or will the change slow down or even reverse into xenophobic attitudes? Is this our model culture-specific or can it be used in the context of other cultures? Conclusion There is anger against foreignisms in Finland as newspaper publications and television broadcasts show, but research shows that a majority of Finns consider foreignisms and the languages from which they come as sources of enrichment for Finnish culture (Laitinen 2000, Eurobarometer series 41 of July 1994, 44 of Spring 1996, 50 of Autumn 1998). Ideologies of industrialization and globalization in Finland have facilitated transdiscursive tendencies. When Finland's political ideology was intolerant toward foreign influences in the 1850s because Finland was in the process of consolidating her nascent country and language, attitudes toward the importation of loanwords also became intolerant. Presently, when industrialization and globalization became the dominant ideologies, we see a shift in attitudes toward transdiscursive tendencies. Ideology is usually unseen and too often ignored by translation researchers. However, ideology reveals itself as the most powerful factor affecting language attitudes in a target culture. Key words Finnish, Business Translation, Ideology, Foreignisms, Imperialist Attitudes, Defensive Attitudes, Transdiscursive Attitudes, Defective Attitudes, the Other, Old Documents, New Documents.

Irish Folklore Commission 1935-1970 : history, ideology, methodology

Between 1935 and 1970 the state-funded Irish Folklore Commission (Coimisiún Béaloideasa Éireann) assembled one of the great folklore collections of the world under the direction of Séamus Ó Duilearga (James Hamilton Delargy). The aim of this study is to recount and assess the work and achievement of this commission. The cultural, linguistic, political and ideological factors that had a bearing on the establishment and making permanent of the Commission and that impinged on many aspects of its work are here elucidated. The genesis of the Commission is traced and the vision and mission of Séamus Ó Duilearga are outlined. The negotiations that preceded the setting up of the Commission in 1935 as well as protracted efforts from 1940 to 1970 to place it on a permanent foundation are recounted and examined at length. All the various collecting programmes and other activities of the Commission are described in detail and many aspects of its work are assessed. This study also deals with the working methods and conditions of employment of the Commission s field and Head Office staff as well as with Séamus Ó Duilearga s direction of the Commission. In executing this work extensive use has been made of primary sources in archives and libraries in Ireland, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, and North America. This is the first major study of this world-famous institute, which has been praised in passing in numerous publications, but here for the first time its work and achievement are detailed comprehensively and subjected to scholarly scrutiny. This study should be of interest not only to students of Irish oral tradition but to folklorists everywhere. The history of the Irish Folklore Commission is a part of a wider history, that of the history of folkloristics in Europe and North America in particular. Moreover, this work has relevance for many areas of the developing world today, where conditions are not dissimilar to those that pertained in Ireland in the 1930's when this great salvage operation was funded by the young, independent Irish state. It is also hoped that this work will be of practical assistance to scholars and the general public when utilising these collections, and that furthermore it will stimulate research into the assembling of other national collections of folklore as well as into the history of folkloristics in other countries, subjects which in recent years are beginning to attract more and more scholarly attention.

Kokoomus, Kekkonen ja NKP:n luottamus : Kansallisen Kokoomuksen toiminta hallitusaseman saavuttamiseksi 1969-1981

Tutkielmani käsittelee Kokoomuksen suhdetta presidentti Urho Kekkoseen ja Neuvostoliiton Kommunistiseen puolueeseen NKP:hen. Tutkielmassa selvitetään, mitä kokoomuslaiset poliitikot tekivät näiden suhteiden kehittämiseksi ja puolueensa hallitusaseman saavuttamiseksi vuosina 1969-1981. Suomi solmi toisen maailmansodan jälkeen yya-sopimuksen Neuvostoliiton kanssa ja sitoutui noudattamaan ystävällismielistä politiikkaa Neuvostoliittoa kohtaan. Presidentti J. K. Paasikiven kaudella (1946-56) aloitettu ystävyyspolitiikka oli kehittynyt varsin pitkälle 1960-luvun loppuun mennessä. Vuonna 1956 presidentiksi valitun Urho Kekkosen johdolla hyvistä neuvostosuhteista muodostui Suomessa huipputason politiikan teon edellytys. Kekkonen vaati ehdotonta kuuliaisuutta Paasikivi-Kekkosen ulkopoliittiselle linjalle, niin puolueilta kuin yksittäisiltä poliitikoiltakin. Tämän linjan noudattaminen merkitsi Neuvostoliiton arvostelusta pidättäytymistä ja sitä kautta luottamusta Kekkosen ja NKP:n piirissä. Suomettumisen kaudeksi kutsuttuna aikana 1960-70-luvuilla Kokoomuksen asema oli erityisen vaikea, sillä tietyt puolueen poliitikot jatkoivat Kekkosen ja NL:n arvostelua. Muut keskeiset puolueet olivat päässeet Kekkosen ja Neuvostoliiton suosioon, mutta Kokoomusta ei näiden taholta hyväksytty hallituspuolueeksi vuoden 1966 jälkeen. Suurista puolueista SDP lunasti ulkopoliittisen luottamuksen Kekkoselta ja NKP:ltä 1966, eikä Kokoomusta enää välttämättä tarvittu enemmistöhallituksiin Keskustapuolueen pariksi. Kokoomuksen nuorempi polvi ymmärsi, että vaalimenestyksestä riippumatta hallitusasemaa ei enää saavuteta ilman Kekkosen ja NKP:n luottamusta. Vanhempi polvi puolestaan vastusti Urho Kekkosta ja hänen johdollaan kehittynyttä poliittista kulttuuria. Kokoomuksessa alkoi vuonna 1969 taistelu suhtautumisesta Kekkosen presidenttiyteen ja toiminta puolueen neuvostosuhteiden parantamiseksi. Tutkielma perustuu Porvarillisen Työn Arkiston lähdemateriaaliin, aiheesta julkaistuun kirjallisuuteen, Urho Kekkosen päiväkirjoihin ja arkistomateriaaliin sekä henkilöhaastatteluihin.

Vilijonkka ikkunassa - Tove Janssonin muumiteosten kuva, sana ja liike

Tove Jansson (1914--2001) was a Finnish illustrator, author, artist, caricaturist and comic artist. She is best known for her Moomin Books, written in Swedish, which she illustrated herself, and published between 1945 and 1977. My study focuses on the interweaving of images and words in Jansson s picturebooks, novels and short stories situated in the fantasy world of Moomin Valley. In particular, it concentrates on Jansson s development of a special kind of aesthetics of movement and stasis, based upon both illustration and text. The conventions of picturebook art and illustration are significant to both Jansson s visual art and her writing, and she was acutely conscious of them. My analysis of Jansson s work begins by discussing her first published picturebooks and less familiar illustrations (before she began her Moomin books) and I then proceed to discuss her three Moomin picturebooks, The Book about Moomin, Mymble and Little My; Who Will Comfort Toffle?, and The Dangerous Journey. The discussion moves from images to words and from words to images: Barthes s (1982) concept of anchoring and, in particular, what he calls relaying , form a point of reading and viewing Moomin texts and illustrations in a complementary relation, in which the message s unity occurs on a higher level: that of the story, the anecdote, the diegesis . The eight illustrated Moomin novels and one collection of short stories are analysed in a similar manner, taking into account the academic discourse about picturebooks which was developed in the last decade of the 20th century and beginning of the 21st century by, among others, scholars such as Nodelman, Rhedin, Doonan, Thiele, Stephens, Lewis, Nikolajeva and Scott. In her Moomin books, Jansson uses a wide variety of narrative and illustrative styles which are complementary to each other. Each book is different and unique in its own way, but a certain development or progression of mood and representation can be seen when assessing the series as a whole. Jansson s early stories are happy and adventurous but her later Moomin novels, beginning from Moominland Midwinter, focus more on the interiority of the characters, placing them in difficult situations which approximate social reality. This orientation is also reflected in the representation of movement and space. The books which were published first include more obviously descriptive passages, exemplifying the tradition of literary pictorialism. Whereas in Jansson s later work, the space develops into something that is alive which can have an enduring effect on the characters personalities and behaviour. This study shows how the idea of an image a dynamic image -- forms a holistic foundation for Jansson s imagination and work. The idea of central perspective, or frame, for instance, provided inspiration for whole stories or in the way that she developed her characters, as in the case of the Fillyjonk, who is a complex female figure, simultaneously frantic and prim. The idea of movement is central to the narrative art of picturebooks and illustrated texts, particularly in relation to the way that action is depicted. Jansson, however, also develops a specific choreography of characters in which poses and postures signify action, feelings and relationships. Here, I use two ideas from modern dance, contraction and release (Graham), to characterise the language of movement which is evident in Jansson s words and images. In Jansson s final Moomin novels and short stories, the idea of space becomes more and more dynamic and closely linked with characterisation. My study also examines a number of Jansson s early sketches for her Moomin novels, in which movement is performed much more dramatically than in those illustrations which appeared in the last novels to be published.

Rauta ja Ristilukki : Vilho Helasen salapoliisiromaanisarja

Vilho Helanen (1899 1952) was a right-wing opinion leader in interwar Finland. But following the Second World War, the political situation in the country changed dramatically, and Helanen lost his job as well as his influential social station. He began to write detective fiction, and between 1946 and 1952 published seven novels (one had already been published in 1941). The novels protagonist is Kaarlo Rauta, a lawyer who acts as a private investigator. This doctoral dissertation analyzes the Rauta series from three different points of view. It investigates the extent to which the author s life and his strong political background appears in the series. The study also situates the series within Finnish society during and after the war. Finally, the study examines the Rauta series in terms of the genre conventions of detective fiction, that is, the study compares the Rauta series with other Finnish crime fiction and international crime fiction written during the 1940s. The Iron and The Cross Spider uses the term citizenship education when analyzing how Helanen implicitly continued his political teaching when writing crime fiction. The series includes a didactic register, which instructs the middle class in appropriate behaviour and manners, and the social roles entailed by gender. A special area of focus in this didacticism are norms of correct masculinity and femininity. The study devotes specific attention to the status of character in the series. The masculine detective and his beautiful wife are prominent, as is the fictive community and the tensions that criss-cross it. After the war, the Rauta series takes on a positive tone. Men can earn their place in society by fighting at the front, and after the war a homosocial bond exists between all the former soldiers. Women are shut out of the war experience. The detective hero has served in the war, but he is physically and psychologically untouched by it. The community is threatened by artists and immoral bohemians, but not the working class. Artists have affairs outside of marriage and abnormal sexual habits. The members of the upper class are also described as immoral in the series. Sadistic sexuality is often characteristic of the criminals, who are mostly femme fatales in the fashion of hard-boiled detective stories and film noir. Also, strong feelings have a negative connotation in the series, and showing them is forbidden behaviour. Men become criminals when they are insufficiently masculine or when they have not carried out their duty by fighting in the war. Helanen portrayed the communists, his political opponents from the 1930s, as criminals in his post-war series, but they were not openly represented as Russians or communists. Instead, Helanen used the cross spider as their symbol, a symbol which the readers of the time would recognize.

Genus i östra Nyland : från dialektutjämning till dialektmarkör

Gender in eastern Nyland – from dialect levelling to identity marking The study of dialect leveling in eastern Nyland focuses on variation and change in the Swedish dialects of Nyland (Fi. Uusimaa) on the south coast of Finland. During the last century the grammatical gender system of the dialects in the area has been reduced from a three-gender system to a two-gender system (cf. Corbett 1991). The present study is based on five linguistic variables in the gender system: the anaphoric pronouns (han, hon, den) when used for inanimates; the neuter pronouns he(t) and de(t) – when used anaphorically or as expletives; and three different types of morphological postposed definite articles. For all these variables, both dialect variants and standard variants are used in the dialects. Within the study of processes of variation and change, the work focuses on the mechanisms of leveling, simplification and reallocation; cf. Trudgill (1986) and Hinskens, Auer Kerswill (2005). With regard to the reductions of the gender system, the possibility that some of these variables might have turned into becoming dialect markers (Labov 1972) in the modern varieties of eastern Nyland is given special attention. The primary data consist of tape recordings with 25 informants done in the 1960s and 1970s. The informants were born in 1881–1913. In addition, recent changes were investigated in detail in tape recordings from 2005–2008 with 15 informants, who were born in the period 1927–1947 or 1976–1988. The study combines quantitative and qualitative methods in the systematic analysis of the data. Theoretically and methodologically the study relies on methods and results from variation studies and socio-dialectology, as well as on methods and results from traditional dialectology; cf. Ahlbäck (1946) and the dictionary of Swedish dialects, Ordbok över Finlands svenska folkmål, (1976–). The results show that there are different strategies among the informants in their use of the features studied. In the modern varieties of the dialects, most of the informants use only two genders, uter and neuter. Of the variables, the masculine pronoun for inanimates, the traditional neuter pronoun he(t) and some variants of the traditional definite articles have received a new function as dialect markers in my data. These changes first affect the gender distinctions, and the function of marking gender is lost; gradually the features then get new functions as dialect markers through processes of dialect leveling and reallocation. These processes are connected to changes taking place in the communities in eastern Nyland because of urbanization. When the dialect speakers experience that the traditional values of both the dialects and the culture are threatened, they begin to mark their dialectal identity by using dialect markers in their speech.

Hur och värför ändras Mumin med tiden? : Adaptationer i Tove Janssons muminböcker

Tutkimuksessa olen tarkastellut Tove Janssonin muumikirjojen adaptaatioita, eli uudelleen kirjoitettuja muumikirjoja. Työn tavoitteena on ollut selvittää, miten ja miksi Tove Jansson on muokannut alkuperäisiä muumikirjojaan. Lisäksi työssä on pohdittu, onko uudelleen kirjoittamisella ollut tietty tavoite eli, ovatko muutokset samansuuntaisia kaikissa uudelleen kirjoitetuissa muumikirjoissa. Aineistona minulla on ollut neljä Tove Janssonin alkuperäistä ja neljä uudelleenkirjoitettua muumikirjaa: Kometjakten (1946) ja uudelleen kirjoitettu Kometen kommer (1968), Trollkarlens hatt (1948, 1968), Muminpappans Bravader (1950) ja uudelleen kirjoitettu Muminpappans memoarer (1968) sekä Farlig midsommar (1954, 1969). Olen tarkastellut, millaisia kielellisiä ja kuvallisia eroja alkuperäisten ja uudelleen kirjoitettujen muumikirjojen välillä on. Koska materiaali on niin laaja, olen rajannut tutkimustani. Uudelleen kirjoitetut Farlig midsommar (1969) ja Trollkarlens hatt (1968) eivät sisällä yhtä paljon adaptaatioita kuin kirjat Muminpappans memoarer (1968) ja Kometen kommer (1968). Sen vuoksi olen käyttänyt kirjojen analysoinnissa erilaista tutkimusmenetelmää. Kirjoja Farlig midsommarja Trollkarlens hatt olen tutkinut kokonaisuudessaan. Kirjojen Kometen kommer sekä Muminpappans memoarer kohdalla olen puolestaan käyttänyt kvalitatiivista metodia. Kyseisten kirjojen kohdalla olen ottanut otoksia kirjojen alusta, keskeltä ja lopusta. Kaikkien kielellisten adaptaatioden kuvaamisessa, vertailussa ja analysoimisessa olen käyttänyt apuna sanakirjoja ja aikasempaa tutkimusta. Kuvatutkimuksesa olen keskittynyt tarkastelemaan kuvien näkyvyyttä muumikirjoissa. Olen tarkastellut kuvien sijoittelua, kokoa, määrää ja osittain sisältöä alkuperäisten ja uudelleen kirjoitettujen muumikirjojen välillä. Kielelliset adaptaatiot on jaettu niiden pituuden ja rakenteen mukaan kolmeen luokkaan: parafraasit, lisäykset ja poistot. Jaottelu perustuu osittain omiin havaintoihini materiaalista ja osittain aiempaan tutkimukseen. Tutkimuksessa kävi ilmi, että Tove Jansson on tehnyt samankaltaisia muutoksia kaikissa uudelleen kirjoittamissaan muumikirjoissa. Kaikki uudelleen kirjoitetut kirjat sisältävät niin parafraaseja, lisäyksiä kuin poistojakin. Muutoksilla onmyös samankaltaisia funktioita kaikissa kirjoissa. Parafraasit tekevät kirjoista muun muassa ajanmukaisia ja helppolukuisia. Lisäyksillä on ennen kaikkea selittävä funktio. Poistojen avulla taas lastenkirjallisuuteen soveltumattomia sanoja ja tapahtumia on karsittu. Myös kuvien muutokset ovat samankaltaisia kaikissa uudelleenkirjoitetuissa muumikirjoissa. Ensinnäkin kuvien sijoittelun muutokset ovat parantaneet kuvan ja tekstin vuorovaikutusta kaikissa uudelleen kirjoitetuissa muumikirjoissa. Muokatuissa muumikirjoissa teksti ja kuvat ovat keskimäärin lähempänä toisiaan ja vastaavat tarkemmin toisiaan kuin alkuperäisissä muumikirjoissa. Toiseksi kuvien koon ja lukumäärään muutokset tekevät uudelleen kirjoitetut kirjat visuaalisesti nautittavammiksi kuin alkuperäiset kirjat. Kaiken kaikkiaan adaptaatiot uudenaikaistavat muumikirjoja ja tekevät ne uudelle kohderyhmälle paremmin soveltuviksi. Adaptaatioiden avulla Tove Jansson on luonut jatkumon muumikirjojensa välille, minkä ansiosta ensimmäiset muumikirjat ja myöhemmin kirjoitetut muumikirjat eivät ole ristiriitaisia, vaan ne ovat yhtenäisiä niin sisällön, henkilöiden, kirjoitustyylin ja kuvituksen suhteen. Vaikuttaa siltä, että adaptaatiot ovat hyvin yleinen kielellinen ilmiö. Lähes jokainen kirjoittaja joutuu jossain vaiheessa muokkaamaan omaa tekstiään. Uusien versioiden julkaiseminen on kuitenkin harvinaisempaa. Ottaen huomioon, kuinka kielteisesti adaptaatioihin yleisesti suhtaudutaan, on mielenkiintoista, että nimenomaan uudelleen kirjoitetut muumikirjat ovat saaneet "aitojen" muumikirjojen aseman. Moni ei todennäköisesti tiedä lukevansa muokattua muumikirjaa. Mielenkiintoista onkin, että suomenkieliset käännökset on käännetty ainoastaan alkuperäisistä muumikirjoista. Pohdittavaksi jääkin, millainen kuva suomenkielisellä lukijalla on esimerkiksi muumikirjojen yhtenäisyydestä. Kun jo lähdeteoksia on muokattu niin paljon kuin tämä työ on osoittanut, olisi ehkä käännöksiäkin jo korkea aika päivittää.

Suomi ja Euroopan kirkollinen jälleenrakentaminen 1945-1948

The international aid that the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland received between 1945 and 1948 is the topic of this historical study, in which the process of reconstruction of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland is examined in a European context. The key questions are related not only to the achievements of the reconstruction programs but also to the purposes and objectives of the donating churches. The study pays particular attention to the changes in the ecclesiastical, political and economic fields after the Second World War and asks how the tense political atmosphere of a divided world affected the reconstruction programs of the churches. It is possible to distinguish three periods within the European church reconstruction process. To begin with, the year 1945 was, in general, the year of organization. Many churches had started planning reconstruction work already during the war, but only after the conflict in Europe had ceased did they have a chance to renew contacts, assess the damage and begin operations. The years 1946 and 1947 were the main years of the work. Large reconstruction organizations from American churches donated money, food, clothes and vitamins worth millions of dollars to the European churches. The work started to diminish as early as 1948, partly because Marshall Plan aid and the rising standard of living had reduced the need for material assistance in many countries and partly because other problems overshadowed the reconstruction work of the World Council of Churches: for example, most WCC resources at this time were directed to refugee programs and to Third World churhces. The most important donors from the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland's point of view were the American Section of the Lutheran World Federation, the World Council of Churches and the Churches of Denmark, Sweden and England. The amount of money and value of goods received by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland totaled approximately 2.5 million dollars, from which about 60 per cent came from the Lutheran churches of America. The importance of the Lutheran World Federation was even greater because of the productive financial arrangements that increased the American Lutheran funds. In addition the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland imported hundreds of tons of tax-free coffee and sold this to Finns. The money gained was used mostly to rebuild destroyed church buildings and to support the work of different ecclesiastical organizations. Smaller amounts were used for scholarship programs, youth work, and supporting sick and disabled church workers.

"Toisen" kanssa naimisiin : Ryhmärajojen merkitys Suomen Lähetysseuran naislähettien avioituessa ulkomaalaisten kanssa

Tutkimuksen tehtävänä oli selvittää, miten eri yhteisöt ovat suhtautuneet avioliittoihin, jotka Suomen Lähetysseuran naislähetit ovat solmineet ulkomaalaisen kanssa sekä mitä merkitystä suhtautumisella on ollut näille naisille. Keskeisinä tarkasteltavina yhteisöinä olivat Suomen Lähetysseuran johto, lähettiyhteisöt, työalueiden paikalliset yhteisöt sekä molempien aviopuolisoiden perheet ja suvut. Tutkimuksen ajanjaksoksi rajattiin vuodet 1946-1998, jotta olisi mahdollista tarkastella myös sitä, miten suhtautuminen on muuttunut. Aineiston keruussa ja analysoinnissa käytettiin laadullisia menetelmiä. Lähteet muodostuivat Lähetysseuran johtokunnan ja lähettien kokousten pöytäkirjoista, lähettien ohjeista ja säännöistä, Suomen Lähetyssanomien vuosikerroista sekä avioituneiden naislähettien haastatteluista ja heidän kirjoittamistaan esseistä. Tutkimuksen kohderyhmään kuului 49 avioliiton solminutta naislähettiä, joista tutkimukseen osallistui 26. Aineiston analyysia kehystivät ryhmärajojen, toiseuden ja sosiaalisen etäisyyden käsitteet. Suomen Lähetysseuran johdon suhtautuminen avioitumiseen näyttää muuttuneen eniten tutkimusjakson aikana. Muutos näkyy selkeimmin avioliiton solmineiden lähettien työsuhdejärjestelyissä. Lähetyssanomissa on korostettu uskon merkitystä kulttuuristen erojen ylittäjänä, ja artikkelit ovat olleet myönteisiä. Myös paikallisen yhteisön suhtautuminen on ollut koko tutkimusjakson ajan pääosin positiivista. Erityisesti afrikkalaisten yhteisöjen suhtautuminen on koettu 1990-luvulla hyvin myönteiseksi. Sen sijaan lähettiyhteisöt ja perheet ovat vastustaneet osaa avioliitoista 1960-luvulta 1990-luvulle asti. Näissä yhteisöissä suhtautuminen yksittäisiin avioliittoihin on kuitenkin saattanut muuttua ajan myötä. Eron yhteisöjen välillä voidaan tulkita johtuvan muun muassa siitä, miten läheinen suhde yhteisöillä on ollut avioituviin naislähetteihin. Ryhmärajoilla on myös ollut suuri merkitys naislähettien avioituessa ulkomaalaisen kanssa. Tutkimuksen perusteella naisten aviopuolisot voidaan jakaa kahteen ryhmään: paikallisiin sekälähetystyöntekijöihin ja muihin länsimaalaisiin. Suomalaisissa yhteisöissä paikalliset on usein nähty ulkoryhmän jäseninä, kun taas länsimaalaisten on katsottu kuuluvan sisäryhmään. Kuitenkin kirkkokunta on synnyttänyt ryhmärajoja myös länsimaalaisten keskuudessa. Erityisesti avioliitot, jotka naislähetit ovat solmineet paikallisen kanssa, näyttävät hämärtäneen ryhmärajoja. Yhteisöt ovat suhtautuneet avioliiton solmimiseen eri tavoin riippuen siitä, mikä on ollut niiden asema ryhmähierarkiassa. Jos ryhmän jäsenen on katsottu avioituneen hierarkkisesti alempaan ryhmään kuuluvan kanssa, suhtautuminen on usein ollut negatiivista. Sen sijaan "ylöspäin" avioituminen on nähty merkkinä ryhmäsuhteiden tasavertaistumisesta, mihin on suhtauduttu positiivisesti. Avainsanat: Suomen Lähetysseura, lähetystyöntekijät, seka-avioliitto

Reconstruction of past UV radiation

Solar ultraviolet (UV) radiation has a broad range of effects concerning life on Earth. Soon after the mid-1980s, it was recognized that the stratospheric ozone content was declining over large areas of the globe. Because the stratospheric ozone layer protects life on Earth from harmful UV radiation, this lead to concern about possible changes in the UV radiation due to anthropogenic activity. Initiated by this concern, many stations for monitoring of the surface UV radiation were founded in the late 1980s and early 1990s. As a consequence, there is an apparent lack of information on UV radiation further in the past: measurements cannot tell us how the UV radiation levels have changed on time scales of, for instance, several decades. The aim of this thesis was to improve our understanding of past variations in the surface UV radiation by developing techniques for UV reconstruction. Such techniques utilize commonly available meteorological data together with measurements of the total ozone column for reconstructing, or estimating, the amount of UV radiation reaching Earth's surface in the past. Two different techniques for UV reconstruction were developed. Both are based on first calculating the clear-sky UV radiation using a radiative transfer model. The clear-sky value is then corrected for the effect of clouds based on either (i) sunshine duration or (ii) pyranometer measurements. Both techniques account also for the variations in the surface albedo caused by snow, whereas aerosols are included as a typical climatological aerosol load. Using these methods, long time series of reconstructed UV radiation were produced for five European locations, namely Sodankylä and Jokioinen in Finland, Bergen in Norway, Norrköping in Sweden, and Davos in Switzerland. Both UV reconstruction techniques developed in this thesis account for the greater part of the factors affecting the amount of UV radiation reaching the Earth's surface. Thus, they are considered reliable and trustworthy, as suggested also by the good performance of the methods. The pyranometer-based method shows better performance than the sunshine-based method, especially for daily values. For monthly values, the difference between the performances of the methods is smaller, indicating that the sunshine-based method is roughly as good as the pyranometer-based for assessing long-term changes in the surface UV radiation. The time series of reconstructed UV radiation produced in this thesis provide new insight into the past UV radiation climate and how the UV radiation has varied throughout the years. Especially the sunshine-based UV time series, extending back to 1926 and 1950 at Davos and Sodankylä, respectively, also put the recent changes driven by the ozone decline observed over the last few decades into perspective. At Davos, the reconstructed UV over the period 1926-2003 shows considerable variation throughout the entire period, with high values in the mid-1940s, early 1960s, and in the 1990s. Moreover, the variations prior to 1980 were found to be caused primarily by variations in the cloudiness, while the increase of 4.5 %/decade over the period 1979-1999 was supported by both the decline in the total ozone column and changes in the cloudiness. Of the other stations included in this work, both Sodankylä and Norrköping show a clear increase in the UV radiation since the early 1980s (3-4 %/decade), driven primarily by changes in the cloudiness, and to a lesser extent by the diminution of the total ozone. At Jokioinen, a weak increase was found, while at Bergen there was no considerable overall change in the UV radiation level.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.