42 resultados para 1500

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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The present research is an investigation into the corpus of personal names and titles that are found in sources from the Middle Mongolian period, that is the time from the 13th to the beginning of the 15th century. The entry for every name or title has been divided into three parts: occurence(s) of a given name in Middle Mongolian sources (primary sources), etymology, and occurence(s) in sources other than Middle Mongolian (secondary sources). Culturally and lingistically the corpus can be divided into six sub-groups: Mongolian, Turkic (Old, Middle and Modern), Arabo-Persian (Islamic), Indo-Iranian and Tibetan (Buddhist), as well as Chinese. Among these, the largest group is formed by Mongolian and Turkic, followed by Chinese (mostly titles), Indo-Iranian, Arabo-Persian and Tibetan. With regard to the primary and secondary occurences the research is based mainly on primary sources including text-publications and dictionaries. Every name or title is documented as completely as possible within a Central Asian framework. However, due to the divergency of the sources available as well as diachronical importance, each sub-group has been dealt with slightly differently, but consistently. The corpus of investigated names and titles gives a fairly correct picture of the multi-ethnical composition of the Mongolian world-empire. It also shows the foreign influences on Mongolian names and titles, being in this respect a mirror of the influences that are visible in other parts of the Middle Mongolian culture too. Furthermore, the investigated corpus reflects the transitory stage of the 13th to 15th century in Central Asian history, and includes thus material from the past (Indo-Iranian, Old and Middle Turkic), and material that points to the future (Arabo-Persian, Tibetan, Modern Turkic).

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This study reports a diachronic corpus investigation of common-number pronouns used to convey unknown or otherwise unspecified reference. The study charts agreement patterns in these pronouns in various diachronic and synchronic corpora. The objective is to provide base-line data on variant frequencies and distributions in the history of English, as there are no previous systematic corpus-based observations on this topic. This study seeks to answer the questions of how pronoun use is linked with the overall typological development in English and how their diachronic evolution is embedded in the linguistic and social structures in which they are used. The theoretical framework draws on corpus linguistics and historical sociolinguistics, grammaticalisation, diachronic typology, and multivariate analysis of modelling sociolinguistic variation. The method employs quantitative corpus analyses from two main electronic corpora, one from Modern English and the other from Present-day English. The Modern English material is the Corpus of Early English Correspondence, and the time frame covered is 1500-1800. The written component of the British National Corpus is used in the Present-day English investigations. In addition, the study draws supplementary data from other electronic corpora. The material is used to compare the frequencies and distributions of common-number pronouns between these two time periods. The study limits the common-number uses to two subsystems, one anaphoric to grammatically singular antecedents and one cataphoric, in which the pronoun is followed by a relative clause. Various statistical tools are used to process the data, ranging from cross-tabulations to multivariate VARBRUL analyses in which the effects of sociolinguistic and systemic parameters are assessed to model their impact on the dependent variable. This study shows how one pronoun type has extended its uses in both subsystems, an increase linked with grammaticalisation and the changes in other pronouns in English through the centuries. The variationist sociolinguistic analysis charts how grammaticalisation in the subsystems is embedded in the linguistic and social structures in which the pronouns are used. The study suggests a scale of two statistical generalisations of various sociolinguistic factors which contribute to grammaticalisation and its embedding at various stages of the process.

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Valency Realization in Short Excerpts of News Text. A Pragmatics-funded analysis This dissertation is a study of the so-called pragmatic valency. The aim of the study is to examine the phenomenon both theoretically by discussing the research literature and empirically based on evidence from a text corpus consisting of 218 short excerpts of news text from the German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. In the theoretical part of the study, the central concepts of the valency and the pragmatic valency are discussed. In the research literature, the valency denotes the relation among the verb and its obligatory and optional complements. The pragmatic valency can be defined as modification of the so-called system valency in the parole, including non-realization of an obligatory complement, non- realization of an optional complement and realization of an optional complement. Furthermore, the investigation of the pragmatic valency includes the role of the adjuncts, elements that are not defined by the valency, in the concrete valency realization. The corpus study investigates the valency behaviour of German verbs in a corpus of about 1500 sentences combining the methodology and concepts of valency theory, semantics and text linguistics. The analysis is focused on the about 600 sentences which show deviations from the system valency, providing over 800 examples for the modification of the system valency as codified in the (valency) dictionaries. The study attempts to answer the following primary question: Why is the system valency modified in the parole? To answer the question, the concept of modification types is entered. The modification types are recognized using distinctive feature bundles in which each feature with a negative or a positive value refers to one reason for the modification treated in the research literature. For example, the features of irrelevance and relevance, focus, world and text type knowledge, text theme, theme-rheme structure and cohesive chains are applied. The valency approach appears in a new light when explored through corpus-based investigation; both the optionality of complements and the distinction between complements and adjuncts as defined in the present valency approach seem in some respects defective. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that the adjuncts outside the valency domain play a central role in the concrete realization of the valency. Finally, the study suggests a definition of pragmatic valency, based on the modification types introduced in the study and tested in the corpus analysis.

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Approximately 125 prehistoric rock paintings have been found in the modern territory of Finland. The paintings were done with red ochre and are almost without exception located on steep lakeshore cliffs associated with ancient water routes. Most of the sites are found in the central and eastern parts of the country, especially on the shores of Lakes Päijänne and Saimaa. Using shore displacement chronology, the art has been dated to ca. 5000 – 1500 BC. It was thus created mainly during the Stone Age and can be associated with the so-called ‘Comb Ware’ cultures of the Subneolithic period. The range of motifs is rather limited, consisting mainly of schematic depictions of stick-figure humans, elks, boats, handprints and geometric signs. Few paintings include any evidence of narrative scenes, making their interpretation a rather difficult task. In Finnish archaeological literature, the paintings have traditionally been associated with ’sympathetic’ hunting magic, or the belief that the ritual shooting of the painted animals would increase hunting luck. Some writers have also suggested totemistic and shamanistic readings of the art. This dissertation is a critical review of the interpretations offered of Finnish rock art and an exploration of the potentials of archaeological and ethnographic research in increasing our knowledge of its meaning. Methods used include ’formal’ approaches such as archaeological excavation, landscape analysis and the application of neuropsychological research to the study of rock art, as well as ethnographically ’informed’ approaches that make use of Saami and Baltic Finnish ethnohistorical sources in interpretation. In conclusion, it is argued that although North European hunter-gatherer rock art is often thought to lie beyond the reach of ‘informed’ knowledge, the exceptional continuity of prehistoric settlement in Finland validates the informed approach in the interpretation of Finnish rock paintings. The art can be confidently associated with shamanism of the kind still practiced by the Saami of Northern Fennoscandia in the historical period. Evidence of similar shamanistic practices, concepts and cosmology are also found in traditional Finnish-Karelian epic poetry. Previous readings of the art based on ‘hunting magic’ and totemism are rejected. Most of the paintings appear to depict experiences of falling into a trance, of shamanic metamorphosis and trance journeys, and of ‘spirit helper’ beings comparable to those employed by the Saami shaman (noaidi). As demonstrated by the results of an excavation at the rock painting of Valkeisaari, the painted cliffs themselves find a close parallel in the Saami cult of the 'sieidi', or sacred cliffs and boulders worshipped as expressing a supernatural power. Like the Saami, the prehistoric inhabitants of the Finnish Lake Region seem to have believed that certain cliffs were ’alive’ and inhabited by the spirit helpers of the shaman. The rock paintings can thus be associated with shamanic vision quests, and the making of ‘art’ with an effort to socialize the other members of the community, especially the ritual specialists, with trance visions. However, the paintings were not merely to be looked at. The red ochre handprints pressed on images of elks, as well as the fact that many paintings appear ’smeared’, indicate that they were also to be touched – perhaps in order to tap into the supernatural potency inherent in the cliff and in the paintings of spirit animals.

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The aim of this study is to define and analyse the symbolism hidden in the gamelan music of the Central Javanese, especially in the Yogyakartanese wayang kulit shadow theatre. This dissertation is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the theory, history and practice of Central Javanese shadow theatre. It also presents the tone symbol theory on which this study is based of B. Y. H. Sastrapustaka, the court servant and musician of the sultan s palace of Yogyakarta. For historical comparison, other theories and phenomena that seem to have some connections with the previously mentioned tone symbol theory are presented here as well as the equipment of the shadow theatre, its music, musical instruments and the shadow theatre in general in literature. The theoretic-methodological basis of the study is an enlarged model of research of cultural music, in which a person in the centre of the model with his/her concepts and by his/her behaviour creates a work of art and receives criticism through feedback, while the process of reciprocal action dynamically affects the whole development of the culture in question. In connection with the concepts of the work of art, the manner of approach of this study is also semiotic as the tone symbol theory gives a particular meaning to each musical note. Thus the purpose of this study is to find answers to how the tone symbol theory manifests itself in practical music making, what its origin is, if it is well known or not, and whether shadow theatre music supports this theory. The second part of this dissertation deals with material collected through interviews and observations as well as representative samples of musical pieces for shadow theatre and their analyses. In relation to this a special tool for analysing gamelan music, developed for the purpose of this study, is also presented. Sufficiently versatile material on the essence and meaning of the shadow theatre collected from many puppet masters of an older generation, many of whom are no longer with us, constitutes an important part of this study. This study proves that the tone symbol theory of Sastrapustaka is of tantristic tradition from the Hindu-Javanese period before the 16th century and before the appearance of Islam in Java. The variants of the previously mentioned theory can be found also in other fields of Javanese advanced civilization, such as architecture and dance. But it seems that knowledge about the tone symbolism connected to the shadow theatre especially has only been preserved in the sultan s palace of Yogyakarta and its intimate circles. The outsider puppet masters surely follow the theory, but they do not necessarily know its origin. As a result of the musical analysis, it is obvious that the musical pieces used for the shadow theatre bear different kinds of symbolic meanings which only an initiated person can feel and understand. These meanings are closely related to the plot of the play at the moment.

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The study is an examination of how the distant national past has been conceived and constructed for Finland from the mid-sixteenth century to the Second World War. The author argues that the perception and need of a national 'Golden Age' has undergone several phases during this period, yet the perceived Greatness of the Ancient Finns has been of great importance for the growth and development of the fundamental concepts of Finnish nationalism. It is a question reaching deeper than simply discussing the Kalevala or the Karelianism of the 1890s. Despite early occurrences of most of the topics the image-makers could utilize for the construction of an Ancient Greatness, a truly national proto-history only became a necessity after 1809, when a new conceptual 'Finnishness' was both conceived and brought forth in reality. In this process of nation-building, ethnic myths of origin and descent provided the core of the nationalist cause - the defence of a primordial national character - and within a few decades the antiquarian issue became a standard element of the nationalist public enlightenment. The emerging, archaeologically substantiated, nationhood was more than a scholarly construction: it was a 'politically correct' form of ethnic self-imaging, continuously adapting its message to contemporary society and modern progress. Prehistoric and medieval Finnishness became even more relevant for the intellectual defence of the nation during the period of Russian administrative pressure 1890-1905. With independence the origins of Finnishness were militarized even further, although the 'hot' phase of antiquarian nationalism ended, as many considered the Finnish state reestablished after centuries of 'dependency'. Nevertheless, the distant past of tribal Finnishness and the conceived Golden Age of the Kalevala remained obligating. The decline of public archaeology is quite evident after 1918, even though the national message of the antiquarian pursuits remained present in the history culture of the public. The myths, symbols, images, and constructs of ancient Finnishness had already become embedded in society by the turn of the century, like the patalakki cap, which remains a symbol of Finnishness to this day. The method of approach is one of combining a broad spectrum of previously neglected primary sources, all related to history culture and the subtle banalization of the distant past: school books, postcards, illustrations, festive costumes, drama, satirical magazines, novels, jewellery, and calendars. Tracing the origins of the national myths to their original contexts enables a rather thorough deconstruction of the proto-historical imaginary in this Finnish case study. Considering Anthony D. Smith's idea of ancient 'ethnies' being the basis for nationalist causes, the author considers such an approach in the Finnish case totally misplaced.

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The Turku castle, founded c. 1300, has changed over the centuries from a medieval defensive structure into a Renaissance palace and from a derelict jailhouse in the late 19th century into a prime example of the Medieval built heritage in Finland. Today, it is first and foremost a monument to the Medieval and Renaissance heyday of the castle. This is apparent in the architectural forms that have been carefully restored and reconstructed. It also becomes clear in all kinds of narratives, both visual (like the set of miniatures about the different stages of the construction of the castle) and textual (as during the guided tours). For the first time in the architectural history of the Turku castle, the Medieval, the Renaissance, the Modern, and the Present as architecturally constructed or reconstructed spaces can all be visited within the same hour. As a result, the monumental Turku castle may even be deemed anachronistic or inauthentic. In this study I look at the ways in which the Turku castle is, indeed, anachronistic and inauthentic. My main objective, however, is to find ways in which the anachronisms and inauthenticities are overcome in a positive way. I base my analysis of the Turku castle on three theoretical standpoints. First, I am studying the castle as space, described by Michel de Certeau as a practiced place (de Certeau 2002). Second, I am approaching the numerous narrative aspects of the castle following Paul Ricoeur s analysis of narrative as a threefold mimetic process (Ricoeur 1990). From these two theoretical settings I have summoned the concept of narrative space. The life and work at the castle are based on expectations and understandings of the historical surroundings. My third theoretical choice is to study this applied knowledge of the place as the management of blocks of knowledge in communication (Robert de Beaugrande 1980). Combining the theoretical starting points of space and narrative , I am approaching the castle as if it were an evolving set of narratives, narrated in space but also through space. Seeing e.g. the restoration teams of the mid-20th century and the present day tour guides as creative narrators, I am looking beyond the dilemma of the anachronistic spaces. What transpires is an inter-connected web of texts and spaces, tangible and intangible narratives. My analytical key to these narrative relationships is the threefold mimetic process of pre-figuration, con-figuration, and re-figuration, inspired by the writings of Paul Ricoeur (1990). This way, the past can be seen as a pool of endless possibilities to emplot place, time, and action into a narrative space. The narratives convey images of the past that may be contested by other images, and the power to narrate in the first place can be challenged and re-distributed.

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The prominent roles of birds, often mentioned in historical sources, are not well reflected in archaeological research. Absence or scarcity of bird bones in archaeological assemblages has been often seen as indication of a minor role of birds in the prehistoric economy or ideology, or explained by taphonomic loss. Few studies exist where birds form the basis for extensive archaeological interpretation. In this doctoral dissertation bird bone material from various Stone Age sites in the Baltic Sea region is investigated. The study period is approximately 7000-3400 BP, comprising mainly Neolithic cultures. The settlement material comes from Finland, Åland, Gotland, Saaremaa and Hiiumaa. Osteological materials are used for studying the economic and cultural importance of birds, fowling methods and principal fowling seasons. The bones were identified and earlier identifications partially checked with help of a reference material of modern skeletons. Fracture analysis was used in order to study the deposition history of bones at Ajvide settlement site. Birds in burials at two large cemeteries, Ajvide on Gotland and Zvejnieki in northern Latvia were investigated in order to study the roles of birds in burial practices. My study reveals that the economic importance of birds is at least seasonally often more prominent than usually thought, and varies greatly in different areas. Fowling has been most important in coastal areas, and especially during the breeding season. Waterbirds and grouse species were generally the most important groups in Finnish Stone Age economy. The identified species composition shows much resemblance to contemporary hunting with species such as the mallard and capercaillie commonly found. Burial materials and additional archaeological evidence from Gotland, Latvia and some other parts of northern Europe indicate that birds –e.g., jay, whooper swan, ducks – have been socially and ideologically important for the studied groups (indicating a place in the belief system, e.g. clan totemism). The burial finds indicate that some common ideas about waterbirds (perhaps as messengers or spirit helpers) might have existed in the northern European Stone Age.

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The object of this study is Jacopo Bassano (c. 1510 1592) as a fresco painter and the significance of frescoes in his late production. The research focuses on the only surviving cycle of frescoes of his later years in the Cartigliano parish church, bearing the date 1575. The other cycle studied here was painted for the 16th century parish church of Enego. It contained one of the most extensive fresco decorations executed by Jacopo Bassano together with his eldest son Francesco. However, nothing has survived of the fresco cycle and the ceiling paintings of the church, nor is any visual documentation of them left. Only the small altarpiece attributed to Jacopo Bassano and depicting Saints Justine, Sebastian, Anthony Abbott, and Roch (dated to c. 1555/1560) has been preserved. I have suggested that the frescoes of the Cartigliano parish church should be examined in the interpretational context of the spirituality of the post-Tridentine period. This period frames the historical context for the frescoes and functions as a basis for the iconographical interpretation that I have proposed. I have shown that the iconographic programme of the frescoes in the choir of the Cartigliano parish church has obvious points of contact with the Catholic doctrines reconfirmed by the Council of Trent (1545 1563). I also argue that the fresco cycle and the ceiling paintings of the Enego church should be placed in the same interpretational context as the frescoes of Cartigliano. I present a reconstruction of the frescoes in the choir attributed to Jacopo Bassano and of those on the walls of the nave attributed to his son Francesco Bassano. According to my reconstruction, the frescoes in the choir and nave walls formed a coherent cycle with a unitary iconographic programme which included the 28 paintings with Old Testament subjects in the nave ceiling. The reconstruction includes the dating and the iconography of the fresco programme and its interpretative basis. The reconstruction is based on visitation records and inventories from the 16th and 17th centuries as well as on the oldest relevant literature, namely the descriptions offered by Carlo Ridolfi (1648) and G. B. Verci (1775). I also consider the relationship of the large compositional sketches attributed to Jacopo Bassano and depicting Christological subjects to the lost frescoes in Enego. These studies have been executed with coloured chalks, and many of them are also dated 1568 or 1569 by the painter. I suggest in this study that these large studies in coloured chalks were preparatory drawings for the fresco cycle in Enego, depicting scenes from the life and suffering of Christ. All the subjects of the aforesaid drawings were included in the Enego cycle.

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Työ on tapaustutkimus turkulaisen arkkidiakonin ja tuomiorovastin Paavali Scheelin ja Danzigin porvarin Hans Chonnertin sekä tämän pojan Hans Chonnert nuoremman kaupankäynnistä ja kaupan organisaatiosta. Työn pääasiallisena lähdeaineistona on käytetty Paavali Scheelin kirjekokoelmaa vuosilta 1509–1516. Suomen keskiajan lähteiden joukossa ainutlaatuinen kirjekokoelma mahdollistaa henkilötasolle ulottuvan tarkastelun sekä kaupassa ja henkilöverkostossa ilmenevien muutosten seuraamisen. Kirjekokoelman ohella on käytetty laajasti muita Itämeren piirin editoituja aikalaislähteitä. Aineiston lähiluvulla on hahmoteltu Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkosto: kaupan kannalta keskeiset henkilösuhteet ja henkilösuhteiden merkitys kaupassa. Verkoston kannalta olennaista on henkilöiden erilaisten roolien erottelu sekä kauppiaan, laivurin, lähetin ja velallisen roolien merkitys kauppaverkostossa. Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppakontaktit osuvat osittain samalle ajalle Itämerellä 1500-luvun alussa käytyjen sotien kanssa. Tanskan ja Ruotsin unionikiistat sekä Tanskan ja Lyypekin (hansan) väliset kauppakiistat johtivat 1500-luvun alussa monivuotisiin sotiin, joiden yhteisenä piirteenä oli kaapparitoiminta vastustajan rannikoilla ja Itämeren keskeisillä kauppareiteillä. Itämeren kaapparisota muodostaa Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkoston kontekstin vuosina 1509–1512. Kaapparisodan loppuminen vuonna 1512 mahdollistaa Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkoston sodan- ja rauhanajan organisaation ja toiminnan vertailun. Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkoston ytimen muodosti pieni kauppiaiden ydinjoukko, johon kuului Turussa sekä kirkonmiehiä että porvareita. Ydinjoukon toiminta perustui luottamukseen, luottoihin, henkilökohtaisiin ystävyyssuhteisiin ja tiiviiseen informaation vaihtoon kirjeitse tai lähettien välityksellä. Vaikka purjehdus oli kaupankäynnin elinehto, laivureiden rooli kauppaverkostossa oli toissijainen. Sodan loppuminen Itämerellä johti laivureiden täydelliseen vaihtumiseen vuosien 1512–1513 aikana. Kauppaverkoston ydinryhmä sen sijaan säilyi samana, ja sen yhteistoiminta tiivistyi. Laajemmassa kontekstissa tapaustutkimus johtaa kolmeen päätelmään: 1) Paavali Scheelin omissa nimissään käymä kauppa oli normaali osa Turun tuomiokapitulin toimintaa; 2) turkulaiset kirkonmiehet ja porvarit tekivät kaupan saralla pitkälle menevää yhteistyötä, ja heidän kauppaverkostonsa olivat kytköksissä toisiinsa; 3) tanskalaisten monivuotinen kaapparitoiminta ei estänyt kaupankäyntiä Turun ja Danzigin välillä.

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Tutkielman aiheena ovat säätyläisten ja talonpoikien maariidat Helsingin ja Sipoon pitäjissä 1600-luvun puolessa välissä. Historiallisen kriminologian tutkijat ovat pitäneet kiinteään maaomaisuuteen liittyneitä maariitoja keskeisenä syynä 1500-luvun korkeaan väkivallan tasoon. 1600-luvulla väkivalta kutistui pieneksi rikosryhmäksi alioikeuksien alkaessa toimia. Enää talonpoikien ei tarvinnut turvautua väkivaltaan omaisuutta puolustaessaan, vaan riidat saatiin päätökseen käräjillä. Tässä työssä selvitän Helsingin ja Sipoon tuomiokirjojen avulla, mitä tapahtui maariidoille 1600-luvulla, sillä itse maariidat ovat jääneet väkivaltatutkimuksen varjoon historiallisessa kriminologiassa. Arvioin maariitoja kvantitatiivisesti ja kvalitatiivisesti syventyen erityisesti niiden yleisyyteen, osapuoliin, maariitojen rooliin talonpoikien ja säätyläisten elämässä sekä maariitojen 1600-luvulle tyypillisiin piirteisiin. Lahjoitusmaat lisääntyivät etenkin 1630- ja 1640-luvuilla voimakkaasti Suomessa. Myös pienaatelin asuttamissa Sipoon ja Helsingin pitäjissä aateliset laajensivat maaomistuksiaan talonpoikaismaan kustannuksella. Baltiasta ja Keski-Euroopasta Suomeen saapuneet feodaaliset omistuskäsitykset asettivat aateliset ja talonpojat törmäyskurssille. Maariitojen käsittely oikeudessa oli siviiliprosessi, jossa periaatteessa tasa-arvoiset osapuolet ottivat yhteen riita-asiassa. Omaisuusriitojen käsittelyssä säilyi huomattavan pitkään perinteisiä, paikallisia, tapaoikeuden piirteitä, joita kruunu oli pyrkinyt karsimaan pois muista rikosasioiden käsittelyistä. Perinteiset oikeustavat eivät kuuluneet modernisoituvan ja keskittyvän valtion oikeusjärjestelmään. Ne säilyivät kuitenkin omaisuusoikeuteen liittyvissä maariidoissa huomattavan pitkään, koska riidanratkaisun auktoriteetti oli laajalla alalla käräjäyhteisössä. Maariidat olivat Helsingin ja Sipoon pitäjissä 4. suurin rikosryhmä 1600-luvun puolessa välissä. Niitä voidaankin pitää agraarisen yhteiskunnan tyyppirikoksena. Säätyläisten suuri määrä osapuolten joukossa oli 1600-luvun maariidoille tyypillinen piirre. Oikeus oli tasapuolinen säätyjä kohtaan arvioidessaan tapausten syyllisyyskysymystä, mutta asettui selvästi säätyläisten puolelle jaellessaan rangaistuksia. Säätyläisiä rangaistiin maariidoissa lievällä vahingonkorvauksella ja talonpoikia yleensä ankarammalla sakolla. Väkivallalla oli maariidoissa keskeinen rooli myös 1600-luvulla. Etenkin 1630-luvulla väkivaltaa esiintyi lähes kaikissa maariidoissa. 1640-luvulla oikeus vakiinnutti asemansa maariitojen ratkaisuareenana väkivallan sijaan ja riidat ratkaistiin käräjätuvassa. Silti väkivallan rooli maariitojen taustalla säilyi. Joka viidennen maariidan taustalla oli väkivaltaa. Tyypillisintä se oli talonpoikien välisissä maariidoissa. Väkivalta sai hyvin raakojakin piirteitä maariitojen yhteydessä. Lievästä väkivallasta oli kyse vain harvoin. Vuosikausia kestäneet maariitojen kierteet saivat päätöksensä 1600-luvun puolessa välissä oikeuden saavuttaessa riittävästi valtaa pitääkseen annetut tuomiot voimassa myös maariidoissa. Suurimmassa osassa Helsingin ja Sipoon pitäjien maariidoista saatiin päätös ensimmäisellä käräjäkerralla tai alle vuoden kuluessa riidan puhkeamisesta. Kuitenkin 17 prosenttia riidoista oli pitkään jatkuneita riitoja, joista oli riidelty yli vuosi. Oikeuteen luotettiin enemmän ja se pystyi pitämään tuomiot voimassa toisin kuin vielä 1500-luvulla. Talonpojat yhdistivät usein voimansa aatelisia vastaan käydyissä maariidoissa. Heidän keskuuteensa vaikutti syntyneen moraalinen yhteisö aatelin talonpoikaiselle maanomistukselle muodostamaa uhkaa vastaan. Toisiaan vastaan riidellessä solidaarisuus oli tiessään. Tasavahvojen osapuolten oli tultava toimeen omillaan. Säätyläiset turvautuivat maariitoihin lähinnä taloudellisten syiden vuoksi. Kun kartano ei kannattanut, alustalaisten tai rajapiiritilojen maita saattoi yrittää saada haltuunsa viemällä riita käräjille jopa tekaistun syyn varjolla. Kyseenalaistamalla vanhat rajat heillä oli tarkoitus saada omiin maihin lisää alaa ja siten saada uutta maata rälssiksi. Etenkin oman rälssimaan rajojen sisäpuolella aatelisilla oli vahva usko oikeudestaan toimia tahtonsa mukaan omistuksillaan huolimatta siitä, oliko kyseessä perintötila vai lampuodin tila.

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Sommaren 1788 drabbades den svenska flottan av en svårartad febersjukdom. Febern, som senare definierats som febris recurrens el. återfallsfeber, hade sitt ursprung i den ryska flottan. Besättningen ombord skeppet Vladislav, krigsbytet från slaget vid Hogland, bar på ett stort antal smittade klädlöss. Efter flottans ankomst till Sveaborg spred sig sjukdomen snabbt bland manskapet, men även bland fästningens garnison. Förhållandena inom militären, både inom lantarmén och framför allt inom flottan, var gynnsamma för epidemiers spridning. De trånga utrymmena, den ensidiga kosten, det undermåliga dricksvattnet, den bristande hygienen: allt gynnade uppkomsten och spridningen av olika epidemier. Manskapets försämrade allmäntillstånd gjorde, att sjukdomarna blev mera förödande än vad de i andra förhållanden skulle ha varit. Bristen på manskap och material under Gustav III:s ryska krig var enormt, bl.a. var bristen på medicinsk personal och -utrustning skriande. Då flottan och armén drabbades av en epidemi av katastrofala dimensioner stod myndigheterna hjälplösa. Epidemin visaqr tydligt hur illa förberett hela kriget var och hur misskött flottans sjukvård var. På Sveaborg var förhållandena fruktansvärda. Halva garnisonen uppges ha avlidit, och det låg travar av lik överallt. Kaserner m.fl. byggnader adapterades till provisoriska lasarett och det rådde brist på allt. De medicinska myndigheterna representerades av den till fästningen skickade andra fältläkaren, som tillsammans med läkarna på fästningen gjorde sitt bästa i enlighet med tidens vårdmetoder. Då den svenska örlogsflottan i november seglat över tilll Karlskrona spred sig epidemin i staden. Sjukdomen grasserade också bland de civila. Då sjukdomens orsak och utbredningssätt var okända, kunde man varken hindra epidemin från att spridas eller genomföra adekvata vårdmetoder. Tvärtom, med de hemförlovade båtsmännen spred sig sjukdomen även till de övriga delarna av riket. Under 1789 var flottan p.g.a. de många sjukdomsfallen närmast operationsoduglig. Under vårvintern och våren 1790 avtog epidemin. Epidemin var ett svårt medicinskt problem. För att utreda situationen i Karlskrona skickade den tillförordnade regeringen, utredningskommissionen och Collegium medicum sina egna representanter till staden. De olika läkarnas sjukdomssyner grundade sig främst på tron om sjukdomars uppkomst genom miasma och förbättrandet av luftkvaliteten sågs som en väsentlig vårdform. I arbetet jämförs de olika myndigheternas och några av de på platsen varande läkarnas syn på sjukdomens art, dess orsaker och ursprung. De flesta härleder sjukdomen till den ryska flottan, och nämner någon form av smitta. Som främsta sjukdomsorsak nämns dock miasma och de rekommenderade vårdformerna representerade den humoralpatologiska synen. Förste amiralitetsläkaren Arvid Faxe representerar dock en annan åsikt, i det att han enbart tror på sjukdomens överföring via smitta. Epidemin var också ett politiskt problem. Epidemin var en lokal angelägenhet ända till dess att flottans operationer hämmades av manskapsbristen, varefter den blev ett ärende på högsta nivå. Kungen ingrep sommaren 1789 genom att grunda en kommision med rätt vidsträckta befogenheter. I Karlskrona verkar de militära myndigheterna och läkarna ha misstrott och skuldsatt varandra för katastrofen, och förhållandet mellan de till staden sända utredarna och militärerna var likaså inflammerat. Genom källorna återspeglas rivalitet, avund och inbördes konkurrens. Personalbristen var svår, och den skyldiga söktes utanför den egna kretsen. Den danskfödde apotekaren med sina påstott otjänliga mediciner blev en ypperlig syndabock. Örlogsflottan beräknas i sjukdomar ha förlorat omkring 10.000 man i döda, huvudsakligen i Karlskrona (civila inberäknade). Armén och Skärgårdsflottan uppges likadeles ha mist omkring 10.000 man, medan antalet i strid stupade armésoldater endast var ca 1500. Sammanlagt antas alltså ca 20.000 människor ha mist livet; både i återfallsfeber, men även i andra, samtidigt grasserande farsoter. I denna siffra är inte de övriga delarna av riket inberäknade. Epidemin i fråga kan alltså på goda grunder anses vara det svenska 1700-talets största medicinska katastrof.

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Soturit olivat keskeinen sosiaalinen ryhmä keskiajan läntisessä Euroopassa ja Meiji-kautta (1868-1912) edeltäneessä Japanissa. Japanin avauduttua 1800-luvun puolivaiheilla maan historiaa alettiin kirjoittaa eurooppalaisen mallin mukaan, ja soturiperinteiden rinnastaminen ja vertailu yleistyivät. Vertailun taustalla vaikuttivat käsitykset alueiden samankaltaisesta feodaalisesta historiasta. Feodalismi on säilynyt keskeisenä teemana vertailuissa ja Japanin-tutkimuksessa, vaikka keskustelu siitä onkin Euroopan keskiajantutkimuksessa pitkälti hiipunut. Myös Japanin-tutkimuksessa on viime aikoina alettu esittää kritiikkiä feodalismi-termin käyttöä, rinnastuksia ja jopa pelkkää Euroopan historiaan vertaamistakin kohtaan. Feodalismin ohella muita keskeisiä vertailuteemoja ovat Japanin modernisoituminen ja sodankäynnin teknologia. Ensimmäiset vertailut olivat etupäässä yksittäisten joskus hyvin ylimalkaisten rinnastusten hakemista. Myös systemaattisia sivilisaatiohistoriallisia vertailuja alettiin tehdä jo varhain. Japanin-tutkimuksen ensisijaiseksi vertailukohteeksi ovat kuitenkin nousseet Euroopan historian sijaan teoriat feodalismista. Tarkastelu keskittyy nykyisin lähinnä eurooppalaisten termien käyttökelpoisuuteen Japanin historiasta kirjoitettaessa. Japanin modernisoitumista käsittelevät vertailut sivuavat keskusteluita feodalismista, mutta sotureiden rooli jää niissä usein hyvin vähäiseksi. Sodankäynnin teknologiaan keskittyvät vertailut ovat ilmiönä varsin tuore, sillä japanilaisen ja eurooppalaisen sodankäynnin pääteknologiat ovat olleet ilmeisen erilaisia lukuunottamatta 1500-luvun jälkipuoliskoa ja 1600-luvun alkua sekä nykyaikaa. Uuden ajan alun Euroopan ja saman ajan Japanin sotateknologiset yhtäläisyydet rajoittuvat jalkaväen tuliaseiden käyttöönoton mukanaan tuomiin muutoksiin maasodankäynnissä ja linnoittamiseen. Merisodankäynnin ja tykistön kehitys oli alueilla erilaista. Ritareiden ja samuraiden historioissa vaikuttavat edellä mainitun varhaisten tuliaseiden aikakauden rinnalla yhtäläisimmiltä kehityskuluilta niin sanotut varhais- ja täysfeodaaliset kaudet. Näistä ensimmäisellä tarkoitetaan Euroopan karolinkivaltakunnan aikaa suhteessa Kamakura-bakufuun (1185-1333) Japanissa. Jälkimmäisellä viitataan puolestaan ensimmäisen vuosituhannen vaihteen tienoille ajoittuvasta murroksesta noin 1300-1400-luvulle ulottuvaan ajanjaksoon Euroopassa ja sisällissotien kauteen 1300-luvun lopulta 1600-luvun alkuun Japanissa. Soturiperinteiden historioissa lähimmin toisiaan vastaavat feodaaliset piirteet ovat sotureiden yhteiskunnallinen asema ja heidän arvomaailmansa. Ilmeisin ongelma Euroopan ja Japanin vertailemisessa on se, että Eurooppa on laajempi ja historialtaan monimuotoisempi kuin Japani. Kuitenkaan tätä mittakaavaongelmaa eikä muitakaan metodologisia kysymyksiä ole vertailuissa juurikaan pohdittu. Osasyynä tähän lienee se, että muutamaa poikkeusta lukuunottamatta vertailijoiden asiantuntemus on keskittynyt vain toisen soturiperinteen historiaan. Sotureiden historiat tarjoavat antoisan vertailuparin. Suurista yhtäläisyyksistä huolimatta ritareita ja samuraita ei tulisi summittaisesti samaistaa toisiinsa, vaan rinnastettaessa tulisi mieluummin käyttää yleisempää soturin käsitettä. Avainsanat: Bushi, feodalismi, Eurooppa - sotahistoria, Japani - historia, ritarit, samurait, soturit

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This folk linguistic and human geographic study deals with dialect awareness, dialect use and place attachment. The study discusses theoretical and methodological issues current in sociolinguistics suggesting that the study of attitudes should be regarded as a core area in the study of variation and change. Furthermore, it is suggested that instead of putting effort into improving mental mapping methodology (adopted into folk linguistics from behavioural geography of the 1960 s), the more up-to-date thinking of space in geography should be adopted. The region and the dialect are treated as perceptual constructs in the study. The dialect perceptions of high school seniors in the Finnish Tornio Valley are examined trough a triangulation method involving a questionnaire, interviews and dialect recognition test as the research methods. The h in non-initial syllables (e.g. lähethä(ä)n, saunhaan ~ sauhnaan let s go into sauna ) turns out, expectedly, as the most salient feature in the dialect awareness of the locals and in terms of local identity construction. This feature is no longer heard in most of the present dialects of Finnish but is still thriving in the Tornio Valley in the cross-border dialect area. The metathetic variant (saunhaan > sauhnaan into sauna , käymhään > käyhmään to go ) is a characteristic feature of the Tornio Valley dialect. However, individual differences have long been found in the use of the h. This study challenges the essentialist variationist view of social categories (gender) by analysing variation from a quantitative but emic and human geographic point of view. The study shows that the variation of the h is statistically significantly patterned in terms of the degree of feeling of insideness vs. outsideness. New light is shed on the gender differences found in earlier sociolinguistic studies: differences in dialect use between and inside gender groups are illuminated by the fact that, in this case, it is young women who are generally less attached to the local community than young men, but this does not hold for all the individuals. The ideological motivation for preservation of the h seems to be based on the imagined community of Tornio Valley covering both the Swedish and the Finnish valley area. The general image of the dialect area and it s speakers, the shared cognitive dialect boundaries of the locals and the particularly deep level of awaress of the linguistic variation of the h are notable resources of the Tornio valley identity. Hyperdialectic forms analogical to the most frequently attested metathetic forms are found in the interview data, predicting that in this dialect the h will be maintained also in the future.

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The aim was to analyse the growth and compositional development of the receptive and expressive lexicons between the ages 0,9 and 2;0 in the full-term (FT) and the very-low-birth-weight (VLBW) children who are acquiring Finnish. The associations between the expressive lexicon and grammar at 1;6 and 2;0 in the FT children were also studied. In addition, the language skills of the VLBW children at 2;0 were analysed, as well as the predictive value of early lexicon to the later language performance. Four groups took part in the studies: the longitudinal (N = 35) and cross-sectional (N = 146) samples of the FT children, and the longitudinal (N = 32) and cross-sectional (N = 66) samples of VLBW children. The data was gathered by applying of the structured parental rating method (the Finnish version of the Communicative Development Inventory), through analysis of the children´s spontaneous speech and by administering a a formal test (Reynell Developmental Language Scales). The FT children acquired their receptive lexicons earlier, at a faster rate and with larger individual variation than their expressive lexicons. The acquisition rate of the expressive lexicon increased from slow to faster in most children (91%). Highly parallel developmental paths for lexical semantic categories were detected in the receptive and expressive lexicons of the Finnish children when they were analysed in relation to the growth of the lexicon size, as described in the literature for children acquiring other languages. The emergence of grammar was closely associated with expressive lexical growth. The VLBW children acquired their receptive lexicons at a slower rate and had weaker language skills at 2;0 than the full-term children. The compositional development of both lexicons happened at a slower rate in the VLBW children when compared to the FT controls. However, when the compositional development was analysed in relation to the growth of lexicon size, this development occurred qualitatively in a nearly parallel manner in the VLBW children as in the FT children. Early receptive and expressive lexicon sizes were significantly associated with later language skills in both groups. The effect of the background variables (gender, length of the mother s basic education, birth weight) on the language development in the FT and the VLBW children differed. The results provide new information of early language acquisition by the Finnish FT and VLBW children. The results support the view that the early acquisition of the semantic lexical categories is related to lexicon growth. The current findings also propose that the early grammatical acquisition is closely related to the growth of expressive vocabulary size. The language development of the VLBW children should be followed in clinical work.