Mapinduzi Daima – Revolution Forever : Using the 1964 Revolution in Nationalistic Political Discourses in Zanzibar

This Master's thesis examines two opposite nationalistic discourses on the revolution of Zanzibar. Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the party in power since the 1964 revolution defends its revolutionary and "African" heritage in the current multi-party system. New nationalists, including among others the main opposition party Civic United Front (CUF), question both the 1964 revolution and the post-revolution period and blame CCM for empty promises, corruption and ethnic discrimination. This study analyzes the role of a significant historical event in the creation of nationalistic ideology and national identity. The 1964 revolution forms the nucleus of various debates related to the history of Zanzibar: slavery, colonialism, racial discrimination and political violence. Representations of these Social constructivist principles form the basis of this study, and central concepts in the theoretical framework are nationalism, national identity, ethnicity and race. I use critical discourse analysis as my research method, lean on the work by Teun A. van Dijk and Norman Fairclough as the most significant researchers in this field. I examine particularly the ways in which linguistic methods, such as stereotypes and metaphors are used to form in- and out-groups ("us" vs. "others"). My material, both in Swahili and English, was collected mainly in Tanzania in the fall of 2007 and from online sources in the spring of 2009. It includes publications by the Zanzibari government between the years of 1964-2000 (12), official speeches for the Revolution Day or the Union Day (12), articles from Tanzanian newspapers from the 1990s until the year of 2009 (15), memoirs and political pamphlets (10), blog posts and opinion pieces from four different websites (8), and interviews or personal communication in Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam and Uppsala (8). Nationalistic rhetoric often creates enemy images by using binary good-bad oppositions. Both discourses in this study build identities on the basis of "otherness" and exclusion, with the intent of emphasizing the particularity of the own group and excluding "evilness" outside the own reference group. These opposite views on the 1964 revolution as the main axis of the history of Zanzibar build different portraits of the nation and Zanzibari-ness (Uzanzibari). CCM still relies on the pre-revolutionary enemy images of Arabs as selfish rulers and cruel slave traders. For CCM, Zanzibar is primarily an "African" nation and a part of Tanzania which is threatened by "Arabs", the outsiders. In contrast, the new nationalists stress the long history of Zanzibar as multi-racial, cosmopolitan and formerly independent country which has its own, separate culture and identity from mainland Tanzanians. Heshima, honour/respect, one of the basic values of Swahili culture, occupies a central role in both discourses: the main party emphasizes that the revolution returned "heshima" to the Zanzibari Africans after centuries of humiliation, whereas the new nationalists claim that ever since the revolution all "non-Africans" have been humiliated and lost their "heshima". According to the new nationalists, true Zanzibari values which include tolerance and harmony between different "races" were lost when the "foreign" revolutionaries arrived from the mainland. Consequently, they see the 1964 revolution as Tanganyikan colonialism which began with the help of Western countries, and maintain that this "colonialism" still continues in the violent multi-party elections.

Self-love and self-liking in the moral and political philosophy of Bernard Mandeville and David Hume

This work offers a novel interpretation of David Hume’s (1711–1776) conception of the conjectural development of civil society and artificial moral institutions. It focuses on the social elements of Hume’s Treatise of human nature (1739–40) and the necessary connection between science of man and politeness, civilised monarchies, social distance and hierarchical structure of civil society. The study incorporates aspects of intellectual history, history of philosophy and book history. In order to understand David Hume’s thinking, the intellectual development of Bernard Mandeville (1670–1733) needs to be accounted for. When put into a historical perspective, the moral, political and social components of Treatise of human nature can be read in the context of a philosophical tradition, in which Mandeville plays a pivotal role. A distinctive character of Mandeville and Hume’s account of human nature and moral institutions was the introduction of a simple distinction between self-love and self-liking. The symmetric passions of self-interest and pride can only be controlled by the corresponding moral institutions. This is also the way in which we can say that moral institutions are drawn from human nature. In the case of self-love or self-interest, the corresponding moral institution is justice. Respectively, concerning self-liking or pride the moral institution is politeness. There is an explicit analogy between these moral institutions. If we do not understand this analogy, we do not understand the nature of either justice or politeness. The present work is divided into two parts. In the first part, ‘Intellectual development of Bernard Mandeville’, it is argued that the relevance of the paradigmatic change in Mandeville’s thinking has been missed. It draws a picture of Mandeville turning from the Hobbism of The Fable of the Bees to an original theory of civil society put forward in his later works. In order to make this change more apparent, Mandeville’s career and the publishing history of The Fable of the Bees are examined comprehensively. This interpretation, based partly on previously unknown sources, challenges F. B. Kaye’s influential decision to publish the two parts of The Fable of the Bees as a uniform work of two volumes. The main relevance, however, of the ‘Intellectual development of Mandeville’ is to function as the context for the young Hume. The second part of the work, ‘David Hume and Greatness of mind’, explores in philosophical detail the social theory of the Treatise and politics and the science of man in his Essays. This part will also reveal the relevance of Greatness of mind as a general concept for David Hume’s moral and political philosophy.

The efficacy and potential risks of controlling sprouting in Finnish birches (Betula spp.) with the fungal decomposer Chondrostereum purpureum

Sprouting of fast-growing broad-leaved trees causes problems in young coniferous stands, under power transmission lines and along roads and railways. Public opinion and the Finnish Forest Certification System oppose the use of chemical herbicides to control sprouting, which means that most areas with problems rely on mechanical cutting. However, cutting is a poor control method for many broad-leaved species because the removal of leaders can stimulate the sprouting of side branches and cut stumps quickly re-sprout. In order to be effective, cutting must be carried out frequently but each cut increases the costs, making this control method increasingly difficult and expensive once begun. As such, alternative methods for sprout control that are both effective and environmentally sound represent a continuing challenge to managers and research biologists. Using biological control agents to prevent sprouting has been given serious consideration recently. Dutch and Canadian researchers have demonstrated the potential of the white-rot fungus Chondrostereum purpureum (Pers. ex Fr.) Pouzar as a control agent of stump sprouting in many hardwoods. These findings have focused the attention of the Finnish forestry community on the utilization of C. purpureum for biocontrol purposes. Primarily, this study sought determines the efficacy of native C. purpureum as an inhibitor of birch stump sprouting in Finland and to clarify its mode of action. Additionally, genotypic variation in Finnish C. purpureum was examined and the environmental risks posed by a biocontrol program using this fungus were assessed. Experimental results of the study demonstrated that C. purpureum clearly affects the sprouting of birch: both the frequency of living stumps and the number of living sprouts per stump were effectively reduced by the treatment. However, the treatment had no effect on the maximum height of new sprouts. There were clear differences among fungal isolates in preventing sprouting and those that possessed high oxidative activities as measured in the laboratory inhibited sprouting most efficiently in the field. The most effective treatment time during the growing season was in early and mid summer (May July). Genetic diversity in Nordic and Baltic populations of C. purpureum was found to be high at the regional scale but locally homogeneous. This natural distribution of diversity means that using local genotypes in biocontrol programs would effectively prevent the introduction of novel genes or genotypes. While a biocontrol program using local strains of C. purpureum would be environmentally neutral, pruned birches that are close to the treatment site would have a high susceptibility to infect by the fungus during the early spring.

Political transition and structural politicisation : The long shadow of Taiwan's one-party legacy

Väitöskirjatutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Taiwanin politiikkaa ensimmäisen vaalien kautta tapahtuneen vallanvaihdon jälkeen (2000) yhteiskunnan rakenteellisen politisoitumisen näkökulmasta. Koska Taiwanilla siirryttiin verettömästi autoritaarisesta yksipuoluejärjestelmästä monipuoluejärjestelmään sitä on pidetty poliittisen muodonmuutoksen mallioppilaana. Aiempi optimismi Taiwanin demokratisoitumisen suhteen on sittemmin vaihtunut pessimismiin, pitkälti yhteiskunnan voimakkaasta politisoitumisesta johtuen. Tutkimuksessa haetaan selitystä tälle politisoitumiselle. Yhteiskunnan rakenteellisella politisoitumisella tarkoitetaan tilannetta, jossa ”poliittisen” alue kasvaa varsinaisia poliittisia instituutioita laajemmaksi. Rakenteellinen politisoituminen muuttuu helposti yhteiskunnalliseksi ongelmaksi, koska siitä usein seuraa normaalin poliittisen toiminnan (esim. lainsäädännän) jähmettyminen, yhteiskunnan jyrkkä jakautuminen, alhainen kynnys poliittisille konflikteille ja yleisen yhteiskunnallisen luottamuksen alentuminen. Toisin kuin esimerkiksi Itä-Euroopassa, Taiwanissa entinen valtapuolue ei romahtanut poliittisen avautumisen myötä vaan säilytti vahvan rakenteellisen asemansa. Kun valta vaihtui ensimmäisen kerran vaalien kautta, vanha valtapuolue ei ollut valmis luovuttamaan poliittisen järjestelmän ohjaksia käsistään. Alkoi vuosia kestänyt taistelu järjestelmän hallinnasta vanhan ja uuden valtapuolueen välillä, jossa yhteiskunta politisoitui voimakkaasti. Tutkimuksessa Taiwanin yhteiskunnan politisoituminen selitetään useiden rakenteellisten piirteiden yhteisvaikutuksen tuloksena. Tällaisia politisoitumista edistäviä rakentellisia piirteitä ovat hidas poliittinen muutos, joka säilytti vanhat poliittiset jakolinjat ja niihin liittyvät vahvat edut ja intressit; sopimaton perustuslaki; Taiwanin epäselvä kansainvälinen asema ja jakautunut identiteetti; sekä sosiaalinen rakenne, joka helpottaa ihmisten nopeaa mobilisointia poliittiisiin mielenilmauksiin. Tutkimuksessa kiinnitetään huomiota toistaiseksi vähän tutkittuun poliittiseen ilmiöön, joidenkin demokratisoituvien yhteiskuntien voimakkaaseen rakenteelliseen politisoitumiseen. Tutkimuksen pääasiallinen havainto on, että yksipuoluejärjestelmän demokratisoituminen kantaa sisällään rakenteellisen politisoitumisen siemenen, jos entinen valtapuolue ei romahda demokratisoitumisen myötä.

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights : A comparative analysis of the conceptual relationship between democracy and rights in contemporary political theories

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

Ministers as strategic political leaders? : Strategic political steering after NPM reforms in Finland

This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.

The Vexing Case of Igor Shafarevich, a Russian Political Thinker

The Russian mathematician, academician and former dissident Igor Shafarevich (b. 1923) is commonly mentioned in Western scholarly studies on perestroika and post-perestroika-era Russian politics as one of the most notable anti-Semites and extreme nationalists of the country. This notoriety owes to Shafarevich’s old samizdat article Russophobia, which was published in 1988. The scandal surrounding Russophobia came to a head when the president of The National Academy of Sciences in the United States asked Shafarevich, its honorary member, to resign. Nothing like this had ever happened in the academy’s history. The present dissertation discusses Shafarevich’s political activities, his texts and ideas as well as their reception. Particular attention is given to Russophobia, whose detailed examination proves very clearly that its reputation as an anti-Semitic text is groundless. The reasons for Russophobia’s hasty but fierce condemnation were many, but only one was that when the Soviet system began to tumble, it was commonly assumed that a vigorous rise in anti-Semitism and extreme nationalism in the Soviet Union/Russia would be just a matter of time. Many observers were highly sensitised to detecting its signs and symptoms. The dissertation also shows that most of those to write the first criticisms of Russophobia and to liken Shafarevich to the ideologues of Nazi Germany were the same people he had criticised in Russophobia for their deterministic view of history and irrational manner of connecting things for the purpose of fanning the flames of distrust between Russia’s Jews and Russians. In retrospect, it is fairly evident that Shafarevich actually managed to effectively “neutralise” the message of many of those obsessed with the Jews among his Russian contemporaries and contributed to the fact that anti-Jewish sentiments have been a great deal less popular in post-communist Russia than so many had feared and expected. The thesis also thoroughly discusses Shafarevich’s other texts and activities before Russophobia’s appearance and after it. In the 1970s, Shafarevich was one of the best-known dissidents in the Soviet Union. He worked together with academician Andrei Sakharov in a dissidents’ unofficial human rights committee and co-operated closely with Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn before Solzhenitsyn’s exile. Then, during the chaotic years of perestroika, Shafarevich defended the basic rights of ordinary citizens and warned that the hype concerning democracy could become counterproductive if the most palpable result of the reforms was the disappearance of citizens’ basic security and elementary social justice. One of the conclusions of the thesis is that even if the world around Shafarevich has changed considerably, his views have remained essentially the same since the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Individual variation in in vitro efficacy of antiplatelet medication - aspirin and clopidogrel

Antiplatelet medication is known to decrease adverse effects in patients with atherothrombotic disease. However, despite ongoing antiplatelet medication considerable number of patients suffer from atherothrombotic events. The aims of the study were 1) to evaluate the individual variability in platelet functions and compare the usability of different methods in detecting it, 2) to assess variability in efficacy of antiplatelet medication with aspirin (acetylsalicylic acid) or the combination of aspirin and clopidogrel and 3) to investigate the main genetic and clinical variables as well as potential underlying mechanisms of variability in efficacy of antiplatelet medication. In comparisons of different platelet function tests in 19 healthy individuals PFA-100® correlated with traditional methods of measuring platelet function and was thus considered appropriate for testing individual variability in platelet activity. Efficacy of ongoing 100mg aspirin daily was studied in 101 patients with coronary artery disease (CAD). Aspirin response was measured with arachidonic acid (AA)-induced platelet aggregation, which reflects cyclo-oxygenase (COX)-1 dependent thromboxane (Tx) A2 formation, and PFA-100®, which evaluates platelet activation under high shear stress in the presence of collagen and epinephrine. Five percent of patients failed to show inhibition of AA-aggregation and 21% of patients had normal PFA-100® results despite aspirin and were thus considered non-responders to aspirin. Interestingly, the two methods of assessing aspirin efficacy, platelet aggregation and PFA-100®, detected different populations as being aspirin non-responders. It could be postulated that PFA-100® actually measures enhanced platelet function, which is not directly associated with TxA2 inhibition exerted by aspirin. Clopidogrel efficacy was assessed in 50 patients who received a 300mg loading dose of clopidogrel 2.5 h prior to percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI) and in 51 patients who were given a loading dose of 300mg combined with a five day treatment of 75mg clopidogrel daily mimicking ongoing treatment. Clopidogrel response was assessed with ADP-induced aggregations, due to its mechanism of action as an inhibitor of ADP-induced activation. When patients received only a loading dose of clopidogrel prior to PCI, 40% did not gain measurable inhibition of their ADP-induced platelet activity (inhibition of 10% or less). Prolongation of treatment so that all patients had reached a plateau of inhibition exerted by clopidogrel, decreased the incidence of non-responders to 20%. Polymorphisms of COX-1 and GP VI, as well as diabetes and female gender, were associated with decreased in vitro aspirin efficacy. Diabetes also impaired the in vitro efficacy of short-term clopidogrel. Decreased response to clopidogrel was associated with limited inhibition by ARMX, an antagonist of P2Y12-receptor, suggesting the reason for clopidogrel resistance to be receptor-dependent. Conclusions: Considerable numbers of CAD patients were non-responders either to aspirin, clopidogrel or both. In the future, platelet function tests may be helpful to individually select effective and safe antiplatelet medication for these patients.

Pharmacokinetics, efficacy, and safety of pravastatin in children : Studies in children with heterozygous familial hypercholesterolemia and in pediatric cardiac transplant recipients

Background. Hyperlipidemia is a common concern in patients with heterozygous familial hypercholesterolemia (HeFH) and in cardiac transplant recipients. In both groups, an elevated serum LDL cholesterol level accelerates the development of atherosclerotic vascular disease and increases the rates of cardiovascular morbidity and mortality. The purpose of this study is to assess the pharmacokinetics, efficacy, and safety of cholesterol-lowering pravastatin in children with HeFH and in pediatric cardiac transplant recipients receiving immunosuppressive medication. Patients and Methods. The pharmacokinetics of pravastatin was studied in 20 HeFH children and in 19 pediatric cardiac transplant recipients receiving triple immunosuppression. The patients ingested a single 10-mg dose of pravastatin, and plasma pravastatin concentrations were measured up to 10/24 hours. The efficacy and safety of pravastatin (maximum dose 10 to 60 mg/day and 10 mg/day) up to one to two years were studied in 30 patients with HeFH and in 19 cardiac transplant recipients, respectively. In a subgroup of 16 HeFH children, serum non-cholesterol sterol ratios (102 x mmol/mol of cholesterol), surrogate estimates of cholesterol absorption (cholestanol, campesterol, sitosterol), and synthesis (desmosterol and lathosterol) were studied at study baseline (on plant stanol esters) and during combination with pravastatin and plant stanol esters. In the transplant recipients, the lipoprotein levels and their mass compositions were analyzed before and after one year of pravastatin use, and then compared to values measured from 21 healthy pediatric controls. The transplant recipients were grouped into patients with transplant coronary artery disease (TxCAD) and patients without TxCAD, based on annual angiography evaluations before pravastatin. Results. In the cardiac transplant recipients, the mean area under the plasma concentration-time curve of pravastatin [AUC(0-10)], 264.1 * 192.4 ng.h/mL, was nearly ten-fold higher than in the HeFH children (26.6 * 17.0 ng.h/mL). By 2, 4, 6, 12 and 24 months of treatment, the LDL cholesterol levels in the HeFH children had respectively decreased by 25%, 26%, 29%, 33%, and 32%. In the HeFH group, pravastatin treatment increased the markers of cholesterol absorption and decreased those of synthesis. High ratios of cholestanol to cholesterol were associated with the poor cholesterol-lowering efficacy of pravastatin. In cardiac transplant recipients, pravastatin 10 mg/day lowered the LDL cholesterol by approximately 19%. Compared with the patients without TxCAD, patients with TxCAD had significantly lower HDL cholesterol concentrations and higher apoB-100/apoA-I ratios at baseline (1.0 ± 0.3 mmol/L vs. 1.4 ± 0.3 mmol/L, P = 0.031; and 0.7 ± 0.2 vs. 0.5 ± 0.1, P = 0.034) and after one year of pravastatin use (1.0 ± 0.3 mmol/L vs. 1.4 ± 0.3 mmol/L, P = 0.013; and 0.6 ± 0.2 vs. 0.4 ± 0.1, P = 0.005). Compared with healthy controls, the transplant recipients exhibited elevated serum triglycerides at baseline (median 1.3 [range 0.6-3.2] mmol/L vs. 0.7 [0.3-2.4] mmol/L, P=0.0002), which negatively correlated with their HDL cholesterol concentration (r = -0.523, P = 0.022). Recipients also exhibited higher apoB-100/apoA1 ratios (0.6 ± 0.2 vs. 0.4 ± 0.1, P = 0.005). In addition, elevated triglyceride levels were still observed after one year of pravastatin use (1.3 [0.5-3.5] mmol/L vs. 0.7 [0.3-2.4] mmol/L, P = 0.0004). Clinically significant elevations in alanine aminotransferase, creatine kinase, or creatinine ocurred in neither group. Conclusions. Immunosuppressive medication considerably increased the plasma pravastatin concentrations. In both patient groups, pravastatin treatment was moderately effective, safe, and well tolerated. In the HeFH group, high baseline cholesterol absorption seemed to predispose patients to insufficient cholesterol-lowering efficacy of pravastatin. In the cardiac transplant recipients, low HDL cholesterol and a high apoB-100/apoA-I ratio were associated with development of TxCAD. Even though pravastatin in the transplant recipients effectively lowered serum total and LDL cholesterol concentrations, it failed to normalize their elevated triglyceride levels and, in some patients, to prevent the progression of TxCAD.

Approaches for improving the safety and efficacy of adenoviral gene therapy

Cancer is a devastating disease with poor prognosis and no curative treatment, when widely metastatic. Conventional therapies, such as chemotherapy and radiotherapy, have efficacy but are not curative and systemic toxicity can be considerable. Almost all cancers are caused due to changes in the genetic material of the transformed cells. Cancer gene therapy has emerged as a new treatment option, and past decades brought new insights in developing new therapeutic drugs for curing cancer. Oncolytic viruses constitute a novel therapeutic approach given their capacity to replicate in and kill specifically tumor cells as well as reaching tumor distant metastasis. Adenoviral gene therapy has been suggested to cause liver toxicity. This study shows that new developed adenoviruses, in particular Ad5/19p-HIT, can be redirected towards kidney while adenovirus uptake by liver is minimal. Moreover, low liver transduction resulted in a favorable tumor to liver ratio of virus load. Further, we established a new immunocompetent animal model Syrian hamsters. Wild type adenovirus 5 was found to replicate in Hap-T1 hamster tumors and normal tissues. There are no antiviral drugs available to inhibit adenovirus replication. In our study, chlorpromazine and cidofovir efficiently abrogated virus replication in vitro and showed significant reduction in vivo in tumors and liver. Once safety concerns were addressed together with the new given antiviral treatment options, we further improved oncolytic adenoviruses for better tumor penetration, local amplification and host system modulation. Further, we created Ad5/3-9HIF-Δ24-VEGFR-1-Ig, oncolytic adenovirus for improved infectivity and antiangiogenic effect for treatment of renal cancer. This virus exhibited increased anti-tumor effect and specific replication in kidney cancer cells. The key player for good efficacy of oncolytic virotherapy is the host immune response. Thus, we engineered a triple targeted adenovirus Ad5/3-hTERT-E1A-hCD40L, which would lead to tumor elimination due to tumor-specific oncolysis and apoptosis together with an anti-tumor immune response prompted by the immunomodulatory molecule. In conclusion, the results presented in this thesis constitute advances in our understanding of oncolytic virotherapy by successful tumor targeting, antiviral treatment options as a safety switch in case of replication associated side-effects, and modulation of the host immune system towards tumor elimination.  

Modulation of growth by aromatase inhibitor treatment in boys: Efficacy and safety

Without estrogen action, the fusion of the growth plates is postponed and statural growth continues for an exceptionally long time. Aromatase inhibitors, blockers of estrogen biosynthesis, have therefore emerged as a new potential option for the treatment of children with short stature. We investigated the efficacy of the aromatase inhibitor letrozole in the treatment of boys with idiopathic short stature (ISS) using a randomised, placebo-controlled, double-blind research setting. A total of 30 boys completed the two-year treatment. By decreasing estrogen-mediated central negative feedback, letrozole increased gonadotrophin and testosterone secretion in pubertal boys, whereas the pubertal increase in IGF-I was inhibited. Treatment with letrozole effectively delayed bone maturation and increased predicted adult height by 5.9 cm (P0.001), while placebo had no effect on either parameter. The effect of letrozole treatment on near-final height was studied in another population, in boys with constitutional delay of puberty, who received letrozole (n=9) or placebo (n=8) for one year, in combination with low-dose testosterone for six months during adolescence. The mean near-final height of boys randomised to receive testosterone and letrozole was significantly greater than that of boys who received testosterone and placebo (175.8 vs. 169.1 cm, P=0.04). As regards safety, treatment effects on bone health, lipid metabolism, insulin sensitivity, and body composition were monitored in boys with ISS. During treatment, no differences in bone mass accrual were evident between the treatment groups, as evaluated by dual-energy x-ray absorptiometry measurements of the lumbar spine and femoral neck. Bone turnover and cortical bone growth, however, were affected by letrozole treatment. As indicated by differences in markers of bone resorption (U-INTP) and formation (S-PINP and S-ALP), the long-term rate of bone turnover was lower in letrozole-treated boys, despite their more rapid advancement in puberty. Letrozole stimulated cortical bone growth in those who progressed in puberty: the metacarpal index (MCI), a measure of cortical bone thickness, increased more in letrozole-treated pubertal boys than in placebo-treated pubertal boys (25% vs. 9%, P=0.007). The change in MCI correlated positively with the mean testosterone-to-estradiol ratio. In post-treatment radiographic evaluation of the spine, a high rate of vertebral deformities - mild anterior wedging and mild compression deformities - were found in both placebo and letrozole groups. In pubertal boys with ISS treated with letrozole, stimulated testosterone secretion was associated with a decrease in the percentage of fat mass and in HDL-cholesterol, while LDL-cholesterol and triglycerides remained unchanged. Insulin sensitivity, as evaluated by HOMA-IR, was not significantly affected by the treatment. In summary, treatment with the aromatase inhibitor letrozole effectively delayed bone maturation and increased predicted adult height in boys with ISS. Long-term follow-up data of boys with constitutional delay of puberty, treated with letrozole for one year during adolescence, suggest that the achieved gain in predicted adult height also results in increased adult height. However, until the safety of aromatase inhibitor treatment in children and adolescents is confirmed, such treatment should be considered experimental.