Diasporakysymyksiä kansainvälisessä yhteisössä. Esimerkkinä Venäjän politiikka ja lapsikiistat Suomessa.

Pro gradu -tutkielmassani tarkastelen diasporia ja niihin kohdistuvaa kansainvälistä sääntelyä. Diasporilla tarkoitan valtion rajojen ulkopuolella asuvia ihmisiä, joilla on jokin, esimerkiksi etninen tai kieliside tuohon valtioon. Valtiolla puolestaan voi olla jokin intressi suhteessa diasporaansa. Diasporiin liittyvät kysymykset ovat ajankohtaisia globaalissa maailmassa, jossa ihmisillä on entistä enemmän mahdollisuuksia pitää siteitä yllä useampaan kuin yhteen valtioon. Diasporien ohella kirjallisuudessa puhutaan myös kin-state -problematiikasta, kun viitataan valtioiden harjoittamaan politiikkaan, joka pyrkii vaikuttamaan toisen valtion alueella asuvien tai oleskelevien ihmisten asemaan. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen viitekehys on englantilaisen koulukunnan ajatus kansainvälisestä yhteisöstä ja sille keskeisistä primaari-instituutioista, kuten valtiosuvereniteetti ja kansainvälinen oikeus. Se, miten valtio politiikassaan suhtautuu instituutioihin, kertoo valtion suhteesta kansainväliseen yhteisöön yleensä. Instituutioita voidaan puolestaan tarkastella tiettyjen kapea-alaisempien normien, sekundaari-instituutioiden, valossa. Edellä mainittuna sekundaari-instituutiona esitellään tutkielmassa se kansainvälinen normisto, joka vaikuttaa diasporien asemaan valtioiden välisessä politiikassa. Normisto perustuu Yhdistyneiden kansakuntien, Euroopan neuvoston ja ETYJ:n sopimuksiin ja suosituksiin. Kansainvälisen oikeuden lähtökohta on, ettei valtio voi puuttua diasporakseen katsomiensa ihmisten asemaan toisessa valtiossa edes ääritapauksessa, jossa asuinvaltio epäonnistuu tehtävässään suojella toisen valtion kansalaisia tai vähemmistöjään. Reagointivastuu on kansainvälisellä yhteisöllä – vaikka interventiota ulkomailla olevien kansalaisten suojelemiseksi onkin suoritettu sekä kylmän sodan aikana että sen jälkeen. Interventiot eivät ole diasporapolitiikan ainoa muoto ja monilla valtioilla onkin niin sanottuja diasporalakeja, joiden puitteissa ne voivat vaikuttaa diasporiensa asemaan. Koulutukseen ja kulttuuriin liittyvä tuki on eurooppalaisissa suosituksissa katsottu hyväksyttäväksi, mutta muiden tukimuotojen ulottamista diasporiin tulee harkita ja soveltaa vain erityistapauksissa, jos politiikalla on valtion toimivallan ulkopuolella vaikuttavia seurauksia. Tutkimus näyttää, että diasporakysymysten sääntely on kansainvälisessä yhteisössä vielä osin määrittelemätöntä sekä altista valtioiden tulkinnoille. Esimerkkinä valtioiden tulkinnoista ja niiden harjoittamasta diasporapolitiikasta tarkastellaan Venäjän federaation politiikkaa, sillä Venäjän ulkopolitiikassa esillä pidetty kiinnostus suojella ulkomailla olevia kansalaisia ja maanmiehiä on herättänyt myös kansainvälistä huomiota. Venäjän politiikan tarkastelu luo kontekstin, jossa tutkielman varsinaista kiinnostuksenkohdetta, Suomen venäläisen diasporan asemaa, on mahdollista tarkastella. Tutkimusaineistoa ovat Venäjän johdon lausunnot liittyen viimeaikaisiin Suomen ja Venäjän välisiin nk. lapsikiistoihin. Teoriaohjaava sisällönanalyysi aineistosta esittää, että vaikka vihjeitä politiikassa yleisesti esiintyvästä nk. suojelupuheesta on havaittavissa myös Suomen venäläisen vähemmistön asemaan liittyen, ei Venäjä lapsikiistoissa kuitenkaan suoraan loukannut Suomen suvereniteettia tai kansainvälistä oikeutta. Tiettyjen puhetapojen ja esimerkiksi lapsiasiamies Astahovin toiminnan voidaan kuitenkin tulkita olevan kansainvälisen normiston vastaisia ja siten myös loukkaavan suvereniteettia ja kansainvälisen oikeuden henkeä. Teoreettisen viitekehyksen tehtävä oli ensisijaisesti antaa näkökulmia aineiston tarkasteluun. Venäjän politiikan suhde suvereniteettiin ja kansainväliseen oikeuteen suhteessa tässä tarkasteltuun politiikkakysymykseen kertoo kuitenkin myös Venäjän asemasta kansainvälisen yhteisön jäsenenä. Diasporanormistoon sitoutuminen osoittaa Venäjän sitoutuneen ainakin periaatteellisella tasolla solidaristiseen, yhteisiä normeja jakavaan kansainväliseen yhteisöön – toisaalta Venäjän viime vuosien politiikka kuitenkin osoittaa Venäjän samalla haastavan myös pluralistisille yhteisöille keskeisiä valtiosuvereniteetin ja kansainvälisen oikeuden noudattamisen periaatteita. Tärkeimmät lähteet: Buzan (2004), Brubakers (1995), Hannikainen (2000), Holsti (2004), Gazzini (2005), Gray (2000), Kántor ym. (2004), Sheffer (2003), Shevel (2010 ja 2011), Turner ja Otsuki (2010) ja Zevelev (2001 ja 2008).

Kosmopolitanistisen ilmastoetiikan mahdollisuudet. Diskurssianalyyttinen tulkinta Kööpenhaminan ilmastokokouksesta 2009

Tässä pro gradu –työssä tarkastellaan valtioiden ilmastokonferenssissa pitämissä puheenvuoroissa esiintyviä diskursseja ilmastonmuutoksesta ja siihen liittyvistä oikeudenmukaisuuskysymyksistä. Tutkielmassa etsitään vastauksia ensinnäkin siihen, millä tavoilla valtioiden korkeat edustajat puhuvat ilmastonmuutoksesta ja sen hallinnasta. Toisekseen analysoidaan, tukeutuvatko valtiot puheissa kosmopolitanistisiin käsityksiin ilmasto-oikeudenmukaisuudesta vai hallitseeko niissä kommunitaristinen etiikka. Kosmopolitanistinen etiikka on hallitsevassa asemassa kansainvälisen politiikan filosofiassa, mutta käytännön politiikassa sen ajatellaan olevan kommunitarististen lähestymistapojen varjossa. Tämän työn yhtenä lähtökohtana on ajatus siitä, että kansainvälinen ilmastopolitiikka on ilmastonmuutokseen liittyvän syvän keskinäisriippuvuuden ja yhteistyön välttämättömyyden vuoksi erityisen otollinen politiikan ala kosmopolitanistiselle ajattelulle. Tavoitteena on tutkia, näkyykö tämä valtioiden puhetavoissa. Tutkielman aineistona on 64 Kööpenhaminan ilmastokokouksessa joulukuussa 2009 pidettyä puhetta, jotka ovat otos konferenssissa puhuneiden 192 valtion puheenvuoroista. Puheet on valittu kokouksen lopussa pidetystä kolmen päivän mittaisesta ”korkean tason osiosta”, jossa ministerit ja valtioiden päämiehet pitivät niin kutsuttuja kansallisia lausuntoja. Aineisto on valittu sillä perusteella, että näihin puheisiin tiivistyy kunkin valtion ilmastopoliittisen ajattelun ydin. Aineistoa teemoitellaan ensin erilaisten keskeisten aiheiden kartoittamiseksi. Tämän jälkeen sitä analysoidaan tarkemmin kriittisen diskurssianalyysin keinoin Norman Fairclough’n esittelemillä menetelmillä. Aineistosta nostetaan esiin kuusi erilaista diskurssia ilmastonmuutoksesta ja sen edellyttämästä politii-kasta. Näitä ovat: ”rikkaiden syyllisyys”, ”talousjärjestelmän kritiikki”, ”oikeus kehittyä”, ”vastuulliset rikkaat”, ”vihreä kasvu” ja ”samalla planeetalla”. Kunkin diskurssin keskeisiä piirteitä ja teemoja esitellään ensin yleisellä tasolla, minkä jälkeen analysoidaan tarkemmin kustakin yhtä puhetta, jossa kyseinen diskurssi on erityisen vahvasti läsnä. Diskurssit ovat erilaisia tulokulmia ilmastoeettisiin kysymyksiin, ja kiinnostuksen kohteena oleva kosmopolitanistinen ajattelu on niissä läsnä erilaisissa asteissa. Vahvimmin kosmopolitanistinen etiikka tulee esiin ”samalla planeetalla” –diskurssissa, joka hallit-see erityisesti monien pienten saarivaltioiden puheita. Sen sijaan eniten kommunitaristisia äänenpainoja on ”oikeus kehittyä” –diskurssissa, joka on vaikutusvaltainen suuressa joukossa kehitysmaiden puheita. Yleisesti kosmopolitanistinen ajattelu tulee lievemmissä muodoissaan aineistossa laajasti esiin, mutta vahva kaikkien maailman ihmisten yhtäläisiin oikeuksiin ja velvollisuuksiin perustuva argumentointi on harvinaista. Johtopäätöksenä todetaan, että kosmopolitanismi on osa kansainvälisten ilmastoneuvotteluiden hyväksyttyä puhetapaa mutta lähinnä sellaisissa muodoissa, joissa sillä ei ole radikaaleja poliittisia seurauksia.

Paradox between democracy and security- case study on Pakistan

Pro gradu-tutkielma tutkii demokratian ja turvallisuuden paradoksia Pakistanissa esitellen kuusi tekijää, jotka vaikuttavat kyseiseen paradoksiin. Näitä tekijöitä ovat historiallinen kehitys; eliittihallinto; taloudellinen kehitys; Pakistanin poliittisten tekijöiden demokratian eri määritelmät; opetuksen puuttuminen; ja valtataistelu hallituksen, armeijan, tiedustelupalvelun, oikeusjärjestelmän, poliittisten puolueiden sekä eri heimojen, uskonnollisten ja etnisten ryhmien välillä. Tutkimus tarkastelee myös sitä miten nämä tekijät vaikuttavat demokratian kehitykseen Pakistanissa. Keskeinen argumentti on, että länsimainen demokratia ei esiinny eikä toimi Pakistanissa vallitsevissa oloissa, etenkin historiallisen kehityksen ja ulkoisen turvallisuuden takia. Pro gradu-tutkielma käyttää sekundäärisiä lähteitä, kuten kirjoja, artikkeleita, maaraportteja, kommentaareja sekä omiin kokemuksiin perustuvia havaintoja Pakistanin matkalta 2010-2011. Keskeiset teoriat gradussa ovat Guillermo O’ Donnelin delegaattidemokratia sekä Duncan McCargon eliittihallintoteoria, jotka yhdessä selittävät historiallista kehitystä ja eliittihallinnon dynamiikkaa, mitkä johtavat paradoksiin. Kautta historian armeija on hallinnut Pakistania, ja siviilihallinto on ainoastaan neljä kertaa onnistunut olemaan vallassa, mutta silloinkin siviilihallinto päättyi korruptioväitteisiin tai armeijan vallankaappaukseen. Armeijahallinnoille on luonteenomaista hyvät suhteet USA:n, positiivinen taloudellinen kehitys ja vakaus, kun taas siviilihallinnot ovat epävakaita ja korruptoituneita. Tämä kehitys on paradoksin tausta, joka rakentuu turvallisuuspoliittisen tilanteen pohjalle eli hallitusten ja muiden tekijöiden yritykseen löytää vastapaino Intian uhalle. Tämä on ollut keskeinen huoli kelle tahansa poliittiselle päättäjälle itsenäisyydestä lähtien. Loputon valtataistelu eri poliittisten tekijöiden kesken sekä eliittihallinto pitävät yllä paradoksia, koska eliitit ovat kiinnostuneempia oman valtansa säilyttämisestä kuin kansan tahdon huomioonottamisesta. Koska valtaosa ihmisistä ei ole koulutettuja, he ovat paljolti kiinnostuneita omasta selviytymisestään, ja tämän takia sekä kansa että eliitit suosivat armeijahallintoa, koska se tuo vakautta ja taloudellista kehitystä. Sen vuoksi vallitsevissa oloissa demokratian tulevaisuus Pakistanissa näyttää huonolta, koska liberaalidemokratian vaatimukset eivät täyty puoliksi vapaan oikeussysteemin, puoliksi vapaan lehdistön, valtavan korruption ja monien ihmisoikeusloukkauksien takia unohtamatta armeijan ja tiedustelupalvelun sekaantumista siviilihallintoon.

Palveluseteli - päiväuni vai painajainen? Tapaustutkimus Sitran palvelusetelihankkeen onnistumistekijöistä

Tutkimus käsittelee sosiaali- ja terveyspalveluiden uudistamista palvelusetelimallin avulla. Tutkimuksen tavoite on selvittää, miksi palvelusetelin käyttöönotto ei ole yleistynyt kunnissa 1990 ja 2000 luvuilla tehdyistä lakiuudistuksista huolimatta. Palvelusetelin käyttöönottoa tarkastellaan työssä empiirisesti Sitran vuonna 2008 käynnistyneen palvelusetelihankkeen tapaustutkimuksella. Tutkimuksessa selvitetään aineistolähtöisesti palvelusetelihankkeen tärkeimmät onnistumistekijät. Aineistona käytetään haastatteluja ja Sitran palvelusetelihanketta käsitteleviä raportteja sekä selvityksiä. Aineiston ja aiemman tutkimuksen pohjalta muodostetaan teoria siitä, miksei käyttöönotto ole ollut kuntien kannalta houkuttelevaa. Tutkimuksessa käytetty teoria käsittelee palveluseteliä hyvinvointitaloustieteen näkökulmasta. Palveluseteleiden vaikutuksia on tutkittu kansainvälisesti paljon, mutta tutkimusten tulokset ovat osittain ristiriitaisia. Taloustieteen teorian ja aiemman tutkimuksen perusteella voidaan päätellä, että palvelusetelimallin onnistuminen riippuu valitun palvelualan kilpailutilanteesta, sääntelystä ja toteutukseen liittyvistä yksityiskohdista, kuten palvelusetelin hinnoittelusta ja palveluntuottajien sekä palvelusetelin saajien valinnasta. Aineiston perusteella palvelusetelihankkeen tärkeimmät tavoitteet ovat valinnan vapauden, tuotannollisen tehokkuuden, palveluiden saatavuuden ja laadun sekä yrittäjyyden ja työpaikkojen lisääminen. Palvelusetelihankkeen onnistumistekijät voidaan jakaa kolmeen tasoon: paikalliseen toteutukseen, koko palvelusetelijärjestelmän onnistumiseen ja markkinoiden syntymiseen liittyviin haasteisiin. Onnistumisen kannalta olennaista ovat kuntien vaikutusmahdollisuudet kolmella eri tasolla. Kuntien vaikutusmahdollisuudet ovat suurimmat paikallisen toteutuksen tasolla ja heikkenevät järjestelmän tasolta kohti markkinoiden syntymistä. Päiväuni palvelusetelistä kuvaa toteutuksen, jossa palvelut tuotetaan tehokkaammin, palveluiden laatu on parempaa, jonot purettu ja asiakkaista kilpailee useita yrityksiä, joiden synty on lisännyt työllisyyttä kunnissa. Lisäksi kuntalaisilla on suuremmat mahdollisuudet valita käyttämänsä palvelut. Palvelusetelipainajaisessa kunta on sijoittanut palvelusetelin käyttöönottoon paljon, mutta todellista kilpailua ei ole syntynyt. Palveluiden laatu on samalla tasolla kuin ennen, mutta oman tuotannon ja yksityisen tuotannon ylläpito sekä palvelusetelin hallinnolliset kustannukset ylittävät moninkertaisesti setelistä saatavat hyödyt. Tutkimuksen johtopäätös on, että palvelusetelin käyttöönotto ei lisäänny niin kauan kuin painajainen näyttää todennäköisemmältä kuin päiväuni. Tilanne säilyy niin kauan kuin palveluissa ei ole aitoa kilpailua, kuntien resurssit ja vaikutusmahdollisuudet säilyvät samoina. Jos palvelusetelin käyttöönottoa halutaan lisätä, on kasvatettava toteuttavan yksikön kokoa tai lisättävä ylemmän tason koordinointia ja rahoitusta. Kuntien vaihtelevat käytännöt palvelusetelin käyttöönotossa, puutteelliset resurssit ja osaaminen eivät edistä palvelusetelin laajaa toteutusta eivätkä toteutuksen onnistumismahdollisuuksia.

Venäjän politiikka ja perustuslaki : Tutkimus Venäjän perustuslakikäsitteistön kehityksestä 1900-luvulla

Constitutional politics in Russia, a conceptual history study of the constitutional rhetoric in the 20th century In April 2006 the Russian Constitution had its 100th anniversary. Following its late start, five constitutions have been adopted. The great number of constitutions is partly explained in my work by the fact that Russia s political system has changed many times, from one state system to another. From a monarchical state power, it changed first, with the October revolution, into the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, and after that, in 1924, into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In 1991, the Russian Federation was established. The great number of constitutions can also be explained by the fact that in a one-party system, constitutional concepts became one of the most important instruments for introducing political programmes. When the political unity of the state was not only restricted by the Constitution, but also by the party ideology, the political debates concerning constitutional concepts were the key discussions for all the reformative pursuits of Soviet politics. It can be said that, in the Soviet Union, almost all political discourses dealt with constitutional concepts. In the context of restricted unity, the constitutional concepts were the most important tools to argue and create a basis for a new presentation and new political programmes. Thus, the basic feature of the Soviet political discourses has been a continuous competition regarding the constitutional concepts. By defining the constitutional concepts, a new, the political elites wanted especially to redefine, their own way, the traditional meanings of the October 1917 Revolution, and to differentiate them from those of the preceding period of power. From a methodological point of view, I argue that the Russian constitutional concepts make a conceptual historical approach very suitable, and change the focus on history. This approach studies history in contemporary contexts which follow after each other, and whose texts are the main research target. The picture of history is created through the interpretation of the original sources of contemporary contexts. Focusing on the dynamic and traditional characteristic of Russian constitutional concepts, I refer to a certain kind of value and the task of these concepts to justify and define the political and societal unity in every situation. This is done by combining the pursued future orientation of constitutional unity with the new acts of preservation of the traditional principles of the revolution. The different time layers of the constitutional concepts, the past, the present and the future, are the key aspects of storytelling in justifying the continuity and redefining the constitutional unity for the sake of reform. These aspects of constitutional concepts, in addition to all the other functions, have been the main elements of the argumentative structure of acting against opponents.

Towards a Critique of the Concept of the Right to Self-Determination in Africa : A Conceptual Examination and the Cases of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea

This thesis examines the right to self-determination which is a norm used for numerous purposes by multiple actors in the field of international relations, with relatively little clarity or agreement on the actual and potential meaning of the right. In international practice, however, the main focus in applying the right has been in the context of decolonization as set by the United Nations in its early decades. Thus, in Africa the right to self-determination has traditionally implied that the colonial territories, and particularly the populations within these territories, were to constitute the people who were entitled to the right. That is, self-determination by decolonization provided a framework for the construction of independent nation-states in Africa whilst other dimensions of the right remained largely or totally neglected. With the objective of assessing the scope, content, developments and interpretations of the right to self-determination in Africa, particularly with regard to the relevance of the right today, the thesis proceeds on two fundamental hypotheses. The first is that Mervyn Frost s theory of settled norms, among which he lists the right to self-determination, assumes too much. Even if the right to self-determination is a human right belonging to all peoples stipulated, inter alia, in the first Article of the 1966 International Human Rights Covenants, it is a highly politicized and context-bound right instead of being settled and observed in a way that its denial would need special justification. Still, the suggested inconsistency or non-compliance with the norm of self-determination is not intended to prove the uselessness or inappropriateness of the norm, but, on the contrary, to invite and encourage debate on the potential use and coverage of the right to self-determination. The second hypothesis is that within the concept of self-determination there are two normative dimensions. One is to do with the idea and practice of statehood, the nation and collectivity that may decide to conduct itself as an independent state. The other one is to do with self-determination as a human right, as a normative condition, to be enjoyed by people and peoples within states that supersedes state authority. These external and internal dimensions need to be seen as complementary and co-terminous, not as mutually exclusive alternatives. The thesis proceeds on the assumption that the internal dimension of the right, with human rights and democracy at its core, has not been considered as important as the external. In turn, this unbalanced and selective interpretation has managed to put the true normative purpose of the right making the world better and bringing more just polity models into a somewhat peculiar light. The right to self-determination in the African context is assessed through case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea. The study asks what these cases say about the right to self-determination in Africa and what their lessons learnt could contribute to the understanding and relevance of the right in today s Africa. The study demonstrates that even in the context of decolonization, the application of the right to self-determination has been far from the consistent approach supposedly followed by the international community: in many respects similar colonial histories have easily led to rather different destinies. While Eritrea secured internationally recognized right to self-determination in the form of retroactive independence in 1993, international recognition of distinct Western Sahara and Southern Sudan entities is contingent on complex and problematic conditions being satisfied. Overall, it is a considerable challenge for international legality to meet empirical political reality in a meaningful way, so that the universal values attached to the norm of self-determination are not overlooked or compromised but rather reinforced in the process of implementing the right. Consequently, this thesis seeks a more comprehensive understanding of the right to self-determination with particular reference to post-colonial Africa and with an emphasis on the internal, human rights and democracy dimensions of the norm. It is considered that the right to self-determination cannot be perceived only as an inter-state issue as it is also very much an intra-state issue, including the possibility of different sub-state arrangements exercised under the right, for example, in the form of autonomy. At the same time, the option of independent statehood achieved through secession remains a mode of exercising and part of the right to self-determination. But in whatever form or way applied, the right to self-determination, as a normative instrument, should constitute and work as a norm that comprehensively brings more added value in terms of the objectives of human rights and democracy. From a normative perspective, a peoples right should not be allowed to transform and convert itself into a right of states. Finally, in light of the case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea, the thesis suggests that our understanding of the right to self-determination should now reach beyond the post-colonial context in Africa. It appears that both the questions and answers to the most pertinent issues of self-determination in the cases studied must be increasingly sought within the postcolonial African state rather than solely in colonial history. In this vein, the right to self-determination can be seen not only as a tool for creating states but also as a way to transform the state itself from within. Any such genuinely post-colonial approach may imply a judicious reconsideration, adaptation or up-dating of the right and our understanding of it in order to render it meaningful in Africa today.

Evidence of Partisan Emphasis on EMU during 1994–1999 : Comparing Finnish Parties

This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994–1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994–1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.

EU Multi-level Governance in the Making - The Community Initiative LEADER+ in Finland and Germany

In order to fully understand the process of European integration it is of paramount importance to consider developments at the sub-national and local level. EU integration scholars shifted their attention to the local level only at the beginning of the 1990s with the concept of multi-level governance (MLG). While MLG is the first concept to scrutinise the position of local levels of public administration and other actors within the EU polity, I perceive it as too optimistic in the degree of influence it ascribes to local levels. Thus, learning from and combining MLG with other concepts, such as structural constructivism, helps to reveal some of the hidden aspects of EU integration and paint a more realistic picture of multi-level interaction. This thesis also answers the call for more case studies in order to conceptualise MLG further. After a critical study of theories and concepts of European integration, above all, MLG, I will analyse sub-national and local government in Finland and Germany. I show how the sub-national level and local governments are embedded in the EU s multi-level structure of governance and how, through EU integration, those levels have been empowered but also how their scope of action has partially decreased. After theoretical and institutional contextualisation, I present the results of my empirical study of the EU s Community Initiative LEADER+. LEADER stands for Liaison Entre Actions de Développement de l'Économie Rurale , and aims at improving the economic conditions in Europe s rural areas. I was interested in how different actors construct and shape EU financed rural development, especially in how local actors organised in so-called local action groups (LAGs) cooperate with other administrative units within the LEADER+ administrative chain. I also examined intra-institutional relations within those groups, in order to find out who are the most influential and powerful actors within them. Empirical data on the Finnish and German LAGs was first gathered through a survey, which was then supplemented and completed by interviewing LAG members, LAG-managers, several civil servants from Finnish and German decision-making and managing authorities and a civil servant from the EU Commission. My main argument is that in both Germany and Finland, the Community Initiative LEADER+ offered a space for multi-level interaction and local-level involvement, a space that on the one hand consists of highly motivated people actively contributing to the improvement of the quality of life and economy in Europe s countryside but which is dependent and also restricted by national administrative practices, implementation approaches and cultures on the other. In Finland, the principle of tri-partition (kolmikantaperiaatte) in organising the executive committees of LAGs is very noticeable. In comparison to Germany, for instance, the representation of public administration in those committees is much more limited due to this principle. Furthermore, the mobilisation of local residents and the bringing together of actors from the local area with different social and institutional backgrounds to become an active part of LEADER+ was more successful in Finland than in Germany. Tri-partition as applied in Finland should serve as a model for similar policies in other EU member states. EU integration changed the formal and informal inter-institutional relations linking the different levels of government. The third sector including non-governmental institutions and interest groups gained access to policy-making processes and increasingly interact with government institutions at all levels of public administration. These developments do not necessarily result in the empowering of the local level.

Reinventing Nordic Openness : Transparency and State Information in Finland

The study explores new ideational changes in the information strategy of the Finnish state between 1998 and 2007, after a juncture in Finnish governing in the early 1990s. The study scrutinizes the economic reframing of institutional openness in Finland that comes with significant and often unintended institutional consequences of transparency. Most notably, the constitutional principle of publicity (julkisuusperiaate), a Nordic institutional peculiarity allowing public access to state information, is now becoming an instrument of economic performance and accountability through results. Finland has a long institutional history in the publicity of government information, acknowledged by law since 1951. Nevertheless, access to government information became a policy concern in the mid-1990s, involving a historical narrative of openness as a Nordic tradition of Finnish governing Nordic openness (pohjoismainen avoimuus). International interest in transparency of governance has also marked an opening for institutional re-descriptions in Nordic context. The essential added value, or contradictory term, that transparency has on the Finnish conceptualisation of governing is the innovation that public acts of governing can be economically efficient. This is most apparent in the new attempts at providing standardised information on government and expressing it in numbers. In Finland, the publicity of government information has been a concept of democratic connotations, but new internationally diffusing ideas of performance and national economic competitiveness are discussed under the notion of transparency and its peer concepts openness and public (sector) information, which are also newcomers to Finnish vocabulary of governing. The above concepts often conflict with one another, paving the way to unintended consequences for the reforms conducted in their name. Moreover, the study argues that the policy concerns over openness and public sector information are linked to the new drive for transparency. Drawing on theories of new institutionalism, political economy, and conceptual history, the study argues for a reinvention of Nordic openness in two senses. First, in referring to institutional history, the policy discourse of Nordic openness discovers an administrative tradition in response to new dilemmas of public governance. Moreover, this normatively appealing discourse also legitimizes the new ideational changes. Second, a former mechanism of democratic accountability is being reframed with market and performance ideas, mostly originating from the sphere of transnational governance and governance indices. Mobilizing different research techniques and data (public documents of the Finnish government and international organizations, some 30 interviews of Finnish civil servants, and statistical time series), the study asks how the above ideational changes have been possible, pointing to the importance of nationalistically appealing historical narratives and normative concepts of governing. Concerning institutional developments, the study analyses the ideational changes in central steering mechanisms (political, normative and financial steering) and the introduction of budget transparency and performance management in two cases: census data (Population Register Centre) and foreign political information (Ministry for Foreign Affairs). The new policy domain of governance indices is also explored as a type of transparency. The study further asks what institutional transformations are to be observed in the above cases and in the accountability system. The study concludes that while the information rights of citizens have been reinforced and recalibrated during the period under scrutiny, there has also been a conversion of institutional practices towards economic performance. As the discourse of Nordic openness has been rather unquestioned, the new internationally circulating ideas of transparency and the knowledge economy have entered this discourse without public notice. Since the mid 1990s, state registry data has been perceived as an exploitable economic resource in Finland and in the EU public sector information. This is a parallel development to the new drive for budget transparency in organisations as vital to the state as the Population Register Centre, which has led to marketization of census data in Finland, an international exceptionality. In the Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the post-Cold War rhetorical shift from secrecy to performance-driven openness marked a conversion in institutional practices that now see information services with high regards. But this has not necessarily led to the increased publicity of foreign political information. In this context, openness is also defined as sharing information with select actors, as a trust based non-public activity, deemed necessary amid the global economic competition. Regarding accountability system, deliberation and performance now overlap, making it increasingly difficult to identify to whom and for what the public administration is accountable. These evolving institutional practices are characterised by unintended consequences and paradoxes. History is a paradoxical component in the above institutional change, as long-term institutional developments now justify short-term reforms.

Political transition and structural politicisation : The long shadow of Taiwan's one-party legacy

Väitöskirjatutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Taiwanin politiikkaa ensimmäisen vaalien kautta tapahtuneen vallanvaihdon jälkeen (2000) yhteiskunnan rakenteellisen politisoitumisen näkökulmasta. Koska Taiwanilla siirryttiin verettömästi autoritaarisesta yksipuoluejärjestelmästä monipuoluejärjestelmään sitä on pidetty poliittisen muodonmuutoksen mallioppilaana. Aiempi optimismi Taiwanin demokratisoitumisen suhteen on sittemmin vaihtunut pessimismiin, pitkälti yhteiskunnan voimakkaasta politisoitumisesta johtuen. Tutkimuksessa haetaan selitystä tälle politisoitumiselle. Yhteiskunnan rakenteellisella politisoitumisella tarkoitetaan tilannetta, jossa ”poliittisen” alue kasvaa varsinaisia poliittisia instituutioita laajemmaksi. Rakenteellinen politisoituminen muuttuu helposti yhteiskunnalliseksi ongelmaksi, koska siitä usein seuraa normaalin poliittisen toiminnan (esim. lainsäädännän) jähmettyminen, yhteiskunnan jyrkkä jakautuminen, alhainen kynnys poliittisille konflikteille ja yleisen yhteiskunnallisen luottamuksen alentuminen. Toisin kuin esimerkiksi Itä-Euroopassa, Taiwanissa entinen valtapuolue ei romahtanut poliittisen avautumisen myötä vaan säilytti vahvan rakenteellisen asemansa. Kun valta vaihtui ensimmäisen kerran vaalien kautta, vanha valtapuolue ei ollut valmis luovuttamaan poliittisen järjestelmän ohjaksia käsistään. Alkoi vuosia kestänyt taistelu järjestelmän hallinnasta vanhan ja uuden valtapuolueen välillä, jossa yhteiskunta politisoitui voimakkaasti. Tutkimuksessa Taiwanin yhteiskunnan politisoituminen selitetään useiden rakenteellisten piirteiden yhteisvaikutuksen tuloksena. Tällaisia politisoitumista edistäviä rakentellisia piirteitä ovat hidas poliittinen muutos, joka säilytti vanhat poliittiset jakolinjat ja niihin liittyvät vahvat edut ja intressit; sopimaton perustuslaki; Taiwanin epäselvä kansainvälinen asema ja jakautunut identiteetti; sekä sosiaalinen rakenne, joka helpottaa ihmisten nopeaa mobilisointia poliittiisiin mielenilmauksiin. Tutkimuksessa kiinnitetään huomiota toistaiseksi vähän tutkittuun poliittiseen ilmiöön, joidenkin demokratisoituvien yhteiskuntien voimakkaaseen rakenteelliseen politisoitumiseen. Tutkimuksen pääasiallinen havainto on, että yksipuoluejärjestelmän demokratisoituminen kantaa sisällään rakenteellisen politisoitumisen siemenen, jos entinen valtapuolue ei romahda demokratisoitumisen myötä.

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights : A comparative analysis of the conceptual relationship between democracy and rights in contemporary political theories

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

Tiedon jakaminen tiimityössä

Knowledge-sharing in a teamwork The study examines the link between knowledge-sharing that takes place in a team and the dimensions and objectives of the team s activities. The question the study poses is: How does knowledge-sharing in a team relate to the team s activities? The exchange of knowledge is examined using knowledge-sharing networks and the conversion model, which describes the process of knowledge formation. The answer to the question is sought through four empirical articles describing the activities of a team from the viewpoint of quality, fairness, power related to knowledge management, and performance. One of the articles used in the study describes the role of networks in work life more generally. It attempts to shed light on the manner in which team-related networks operate as part of a more extensive structure of organizational networks. Finland is one of the most eager users of teamwork, if numbers are used as a yardstick. About half of all Finnish wage earners worked in teams in 2009, and comparisons show that the use of teams in Finland is above the EU average. This study focuses on so-called semi-autonomous teams, which carry out permanent work tasks. In such teams, tasks are interdependent, and teams are jointly responsible for ensuring that the work is done. Team members may also, at least to some extent, agree between themselves on how the tasks are carried out and are able to take part in the decision-making process. Such teamwork makes knowledge-sharing an important element for the team s activities. Knowledge and knowledge-sharing have become a major resource, allowing organizations to operate and even compete in today s increasingly competitive markets. A single team or a single organization cannot, however, possess all the knowledge required for carrying out the tasks assigned to it. Although it is difficult to copy the knowledge generated in an organization, it is important to share the knowledge within and between organizations. External links supply teams and organizations with important knowledge that allows them to keep their operations up-to-date and their structures well-functioning. In fact, knowledge provides teams and organizations with an intangible resource that improves their capacity to interact with their environment and to adjust to it. For this reason, it is important to examine both the internal and external knowledge-sharing taking place in a team. The findings of the study show that in terms of quality, fairness, performance and the knowledge management issues concerning a team, its social network structure is both internally and externally connected with its activities. A team structure that is internally coherent and at the same time open to external contacts, is, with certain restrictions, connected with the quality, fairness, and performance of the team. The restrictions concern differences between procedural and interactional justice, public and private sectors, and the team leaders and ordinary team members. The role of the team leader is closely connected with the management of networks that are considered valuable. The results of the study indicate that teamwork is supervisor-dominated. Thus, teamwork does not substantially strengthen the influence of individual employees as players in knowledge-transfer networks. However, ordinary team members possess important peer contacts inside the organization. Teamwork clearly allows employees to interact in a democratic manner, and here the transfer of tacit knowledge plays an important role. Keywords: teamwork, knowledge-sharing, social networks, organization

Elite Bargaining and the Evolution of Centre-Periphery Relations in Post-Soviet Russia : A Comparative Analysis

This work is concerned with presenting a modified theoretical approach to the study of centre-periphery relations in the Russian Federation. In the widely accepted scientific discourse, the Russian federal system under the Yeltsin Administration (1991-2000) was asymmetrical; largely owing to the varying amount of structural autonomy distributed among the federation s 89 constituent units. While providing an improved understanding as to which political and socio-economic structures contributed to federal asymmetry, it is felt that associated large N-studies have underemphasised the role played by actor agency in re-shaping Russian federal institutions. It is the main task of this thesis to reintroduce /re-emphasise the importance of actor agency as a major contributing element of institutional change in the Russian federal system. By focusing on the strategic agency of regional elites simultaneously within regional and federal contexts, the thesis adopts the position that political, ethnic and socio-economic structural factors alone cannot fully determine the extent to which regional leaders were successful in their pursuit of economic and political pay-offs from the institutionally weakened federal centre. Furthermore, this work hypothesises that under conditions of federal institutional uncertainty, it is the ability of regional leaders to simultaneously interpret various mutable structural conditions then translate them into plausible strategies which accounts for the regions ability to extract variable amounts of economic and political pay-offs from the Russian federal system. The thesis finds that while the hypothesis is accurate in its theoretical assumptions, several key conclusions provide paths for further inquiry posed by the initial research question. First, without reliable information or stable institutions to guide their actions, both regional and federal elites were forced into ad-hoc decision-making in order to maintain their core strategic focus: political survival. Second, instead of attributing asymmetry to either actor agency or structural factors exclusively, the empirical data shows that both agency and structures interact symbiotically in the strategic formulation process, thus accounting for the sub-optimal nature of several of the actions taken in the adopted cases. Third, as actor agency and structural factors mutate over time, so, too do the perceived payoffs from elite competition. In the case of the Russian federal system, the stronger the federal centre became, the less likely it was that regional leaders could extract the high degree of economic and political pay-offs that they clamoured for earlier in the Yeltsin period. Finally, traditional approaches to the study of federal systems which focus on institutions as measures of federalism are not fully applicable in the Russian case precisely because the institutions themselves were a secondary point of contention between competing elites. Institutional equilibriums between the regions and Moscow were struck only when highly personalised elite preferences were satisfied. Therefore the Russian federal system is the product of short-term, institutional solutions suited to elite survival strategies developed under conditions of economic, political and social uncertainty.

Valtion taiteilijatuki taiteilijan määrittelijänä : Määrittelyvallan ehtoja ja ulottuvuuksia pohjoismaisen tukimallin suomalaisessa muunnelmassa

The dissertation studies state support for artists in the context of the societal process of producing definitions of the artist. It examines the dimensions of and conditions for the power of definition inherent in the Nordic model of artists' support. The dissertation consists of a summary in Finnish and five articles published in English. The theoretical framework is based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the fields of cultural production and the concept of artistic classification systems introduced by Paul DiMaggio. The framework also makes use of the analyses by Per Mangset and Dag Solhjell of the relationship between Norwegian artistic fields and the state policy of supporting art. The study assumes that an examination of the formulation and content of the policy of support is insufficient, and extends the analysis to the implementation of the policy both at the level of the structures of decision making and at the level of actual decisions and their impacts. The analysis of the economic dimension of the definition power of artists' support uses register-based data on artists' financial situation. Survey data is used in studying the attitudes of Finnish artists toward state support for artists. The analysis of the Nordic policy of supporting artists uses data based on documents and interviews concerning the formulation and implementation of the policy in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. The cross-country comparison contributes to identifying the specific features of the Finnish policy of supporting artists from the point of view of its potential power of definition. The study concludes that the legitimating arguments, goals and means of the policy of supporting artists, as well as the structures and actions of the bodies implementing the policy, have an impact on the formulation of definitions of the artist. For example, a relevant factor in this context seems to be the way in which the relationship between various fields of art and the system of support is organized. According to the comparative analysis, the greater the correspondence between the administrative structures of decision making and the organizational structure of artistic fields, the greater the resistance to change regarding the artistic categories produced. By contrast, those structures of decision making which require negotiations and compromises between various interests have produced artistic categories that have been more inclined to change. The development of the Finnish system of artists' support over the past few decades can be described as a slow expansion towards new areas of art. However, the demarcations and hierarchies between various fields of art have not lost their significance, and state support for artists still concentrates on the same areas as it did when the policy of supporting artists was established. State support always contains an element of power. According to the study, the Nordic policy of supporting artists has both the material and symbolic power to participate in the production of societal definitions of the artist. The legitimating arguments, goals and means of the Finnish artists' support, as well as the criteria for granting it, strengthen the symbolic dimension of this power also in terms of the symbolic capital valued by the artistic fields. In this sense, it can be said that the state is one of the actors in the Finnish fields of art. The symbolic dimension of the definition power of artists' support is, however, in the last instance derived from the artistic fields, and reinforces on its part the definition power of these fields.

Maahanmuuttajien yhteiskunnallisen osallistumisen tukeminen julkishallinnossa ja puolueissa

I denna utredning har det kartlagts de åtgärder som de finska regionala och lokala förvaltningsmyndigheterna och riksdagspartierna har vidtagit för att stöda invandrares samhälleliga och politiska deltagande. Dessutom har man betraktat undervisningen om och behandlingen av teman som gäller samhälleligt och politiskt deltagande på integrationskurser. Materialet som utnyttjas vid kartläggningen har samlats in genom förfrågningar, som har sänts till ELYcentralerna, de största kommunerna, riksdagspartierna och de läroanstalter som ordnar integrationskurser. Utredningen hör till projektet Likabehandling på första plats 3 (YES 3, på finska Yhdenvertaisuus etusijalle). YESprojektet är en nationell kampanj mot diskriminering vars mål är att öka medvetenheten om och beredskapen för likabehandling och ickediskriminering och att främja godkännandet av pluralism i samhället. Projektet finansieras av EUkommissionens PROGRESSprogram (20072013) samt av de organisationer som deltagit i projektet. Justitieministeriet har deltagit i YES 3projektet med ett eget delprojekt, vars mål är att öka invandrarnas samhälleliga delaktighet, deras kanaler för deltagande och deras kunskaper om de grundläggande rättigheterna.