Growing Flowers in the Frost: Civic Activity, Citizenship and Gender in Russia

This study analyzes civic activity, citizenship and their gendered manifestations in contemporary Russia. It is based on a case study conducted in the city of Tver , located in the vicinity of Moscow, during 2001-2005. The data consists of interviews with civic activists and municipal and regional authorities; observations of civic organizations; and a quantitative survey conducted among local civic groups. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study draws upon a micro perspective on organization, discourse analysis, gender and citizenship theories and Pierre Bourdieu s theory of fields and capital. This study develops theoretical understanding of the characteristics and logic of civic organization in Russia. It shows that social class centrally structures the field of civic activity. Organizations can be seen as a vehicle of the educated class to advocate their interests, help themselves and seek both social and individual-level change. The study also argues that civic organizations founded during the post-Soviet era are often an institutionalized form of informal social networks. Networks, which were a central element of everyday interaction in Soviet society, are a resource and often the only resource available that can be made use of in contemporary organizational activities. The study argues that gender operates as a key structuring principle in the Russian socio-political community. Civic activity is often discursively associated with femininity and institutional politics with masculinity. Women tend to participate more than men in civic organizations, while men dominate the formal political domain. The study shows that civic organizations are important loci of communality. This communality, however, differs from the communality envisioned in the communitarian and social capital debates in the West. It is selective communality , as it is restricted to the members of the organizations and does not create generalized reciprocity and trust. Civic organizations tend to build upon and reproduce the traditional Russian organizational form of circles , kruzhki. Along with the analysis of civic activities, the study also examines the redefinition of the role and functions of the state. The authorities interviewed in this study understand civic organizations as serving those goals and interests determined by the authorities, instead of viewing them as sites of citizens self-organization around interests and problems citizens themselves deem important, or as a counterforce to the state. By contrast, civic activists understand the core of organizational activity to be advocacy of their interests and rights, tackling social problems, the pursuit of wider social change and self-help. Co-operation between authorities and organizations tends to be personified and based upon unequal, hierarchical patron-client arrangements, which inhibits the development of democratic governance. The study will be published in Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series later this year.

Itämafia : Uhkakuvapolitiikka, rikosilmiöt ja kulttuuriset merkitykset

The Eastern Mafia Threat policy, crime phenomena, and cultural meanings An interdisciplinary research on the crime phenomena and the threat policy relating to the organized crime and the mafia of Russia and Estonia is based on 151 expert interviews, statistics, documents, research literature, and press material. The main part of the material consists of interviews of the Finnish, Estonian and Russian police authorities specialized in the problem of organized crime, and the reports on the crime situation drawn up in the Finnish diplomatic representations in Tallinn and St Petersburg. The interviews have been gathered in the years 1996-2001. The main theoretical tools of the research are constructivist research on social problems, and political psychology. Definitional processes of social problems and cultural semantic structures behind them are identified in the analysis and connected to the analysis of the crime cases. Both in the Anglo-American and Russian cultural frames there appears an inflated and exaggerated talk, according to which the mafia rules everything in Russia and is spreading everywhere. There is the traditional anti-Semitic paranoia in the core of this cultural symbiosis produced by Russian legal nihilism, the theory of totalitarianism of Sovietology, and the inertia of Russian anti-capitalism. To equate the Sicilian Mafia with Russia is an anachronism, since no empirical proof of systematic uncontrolled violence or absolute power vacuum in Russia can be found. In the Anglo-American policy of threat images, "the Russian mafia" was seen as a commodified conspiracy theory, which the police, the media, and the research took advantage of, blurring the line between fact and fiction. In Finland, the evolution of the policy of threat images proceeded in three phases: Initially, extensive rolling of refugees and criminals from Russia to Finland was emphasized in the beginning of the 1990's. In the second phase, the eastern mafia was said to infiltrate all over Finnish society and administration. Finland was, however, found immune to this kind of spreading. In the third phase, in the 21st century, the organized crime of Finland was said to be lead from abroad. In Finland, the policy of threat images was especially canalised to moral panics connected to "eastern prostitution". In Estonia, the policy of threat images emphasized the crime organized by the Russian authorities and politicians in order to weaken Estonia. In Russia, the policy of threat images emphasized the total criminalizing of society caused by criminal capitalism. In every country, the policy of threat images was affected by a so-called large-group identity, a term by Vamik Volkan, in which a so-called chosen trauma caused a political paranoia of an outer and inner danger. In Finland, procuring, car theft, and narcotics crimes were at their widest arranged by the Finnish often with the help of the Estonians. The Russians had no influence in the most serious violent crimes in Finland, although the number of assassinations were at least 5, 000 in Russia in the 1990's. In Russia, the assassinations were on one hand connected to marital problems, on the other hand to the pursuit of public attention and a hoped-for effect by the aid of the murder of an influential person. In the white-collar crime phenomena between Finland and Russia, the Finnish state and Finnish corporations gained remarkable benefit of the frauds aimed at the states of the Soviet Union and Russia in 1980's-21st century. The situation of Estonia was very difficult compared to that of Russia in the 1990's, which was manifested in the stagnation of the Estonian police and judicial authorities, the crimes of the police and the voluntary paramilitary organization, bomb explosions, the rebellion called "the jaeger crisis" in the voluntary paramilitary organization, and the "blood autumn" of Eastern Virumaa, in other words terror. The situation of Estonia had a powerful effect on the crime situation of Finland and on the security of the Finnish diplomats. In the continuum of the Finnish policy of threat images, Russia and the Russians were, however, presented as a source of a marked danger.

Homeowners' Associations in Russia after the 2005 Housing Reform

The thesis examines homeowners associations as a part of the large-scale housing reform, implemented in Russia since 2005. The reform transferred housing management from the public sector to the private sector and to the citizens responsibility. The reform is a continuation to the privatisation of the housing stock that was started in Russia in the beginning of the 1990s, aiming to build a market-oriented housing sector in the country. The reform makes a fundamental change to the Soviet system, in which ownership along with management and maintenance of housing were monopolised by the state. Homeowners are now responsible for the management of the common areas in privatised houses, which is often realised by establishing a homeowners association. Homeowners associations are examined by using the so-called common-pool resource regime approach, with the main question being the ways in which taking care of common property collectively succeeds in practice. The study is based on interview data of St. Petersburg s homeowners associations. Using the common-pool resource theory the study demonstrates why implementation of the housing reform has not succeeded as expected. Certain elements that characterise a successful common-pool resource regime do not fulfill sufficiently in St. Petersburg s homeowners associations. Firstly, free-riding, that is, withdrawal from the association s joint decision-making and not making the housing payments is common, as effective sanctions to prevent it are missing in the legislation. That is, eviction or expelling a non-paying member from the association is not possible. Secondly, ownership of the land plot and common areas of the house, such as basements and attics, are often disputed between the associations and authorities. In the Soviet era, these common areas were public property along with the apartments, but in privatised houses they should, according to the legislation, belong to the associations property. Thirdly, solution of disputes between the associations and authorities and within the associations is difficult, as the court system tends to be bureaucratic and inefficient. In addition to the common-pool resource approach, the study also examines how social capital contributes to the associations effectiveness and democratic governance. The study finds that although homeowners associations have increased cooperation and tightened social relations between neighbours, social capital has not been able to prevent free-riding. The study shows that unlike it is often claimed, the so-called Soviet mentality , that is, residents passiveness and unwillingness to participate, is not the most important obstacle to the reform. Instead, the reform is impeded most of all by imperfect institutional arrangements and local authorities that prevent the associations from working as independent, self-governing associations.

Kriminaalipolitiikan paradoksi : Tutkimuksia huumausainerikollisuudesta ja sen kontrollista Suomessa

This doctoral thesis explores the development of drug markets and drug related crime in Finland since the mid 1990s, as well as public control measures aimed at solving problems related to drug crime. The research further examines the criminal career of persons having committed drug crime, as well as their socio-economic background. The period since the mid 1990s is, on the one hand, characterized by increasing use of drugs and increasingly severe drug problems. On the other hand, this period is also characterized by intensified drug control. Also criminality associated with drugs has increased and become more severe. During this period the prevention of drug problems became a focal issue for authorities, and resources were increased for activities geared towards fighting drugs. Along with this development, Finnish drug policy has been balancing between therapeutic activities and control. A focal point in this thesis is the question how society addresses drug problems, as well as how this differs from efforts to solve other problems. Why are criminal means so readily used when dealing with drug problems; why have the police received an extended mandate to use coercive force; and why has the field for imposing administrative sanctions been extended? How has the extension of drug control affected general thinking in criminal policy? The subject matter in this thesis is approached in a criminological and criminal policy perspective. The thesis is made up of four research articles and a Summary Article. In the Summary Article the studies were placed into the Finnish research context of drug criminality and drug control as well as criminal policy. Furthermore, the author has assessed his own research location as a drug control researcher. Applying the notion of risk, an analysis was made of threats posed by drugs to society. Theoretical perspectives were also brought to the fore on how society may regulate drug problems and threats associated with them. Based on research literature and administrative documents, an analysis was made of the relation between drug related social and health policy and criminal justice control. An account was also made of the development of drug control in Finland since the mid 1990s. There has been a strong increase in control by the criminal justice system since the mid 1990s. Penalties have been made more stringent, more efficient means have been developed to trace the financial gain from the offence, opportunities for money laundering have been prevented and the police has obtained ample new powers of inquiry. New administrative measures have been directed towards drug users, such as introducing drug tests in working life, checking the applicants criminal record for certain jobs, as well as the threat of losing one s driving licence in cases where a physician has established drug addiction. In the 1990s the prevention of drug crimes and their disclosure were made part of the police s control activities nationwide. This could clearly be seen in increased criminal statistics. There are humiliating elements associated with the police s drug control that should be eliminated for the benefit of everybody. Furthermore, the criminal control is directed towards persons in a weak socio-economic position. A drug verdict may set off a marginalization process that may be very difficult to halt. Drug control is selective and generates repressive practises. The special status accorded drug problems is also revealed in the way in which the treatment of drug addicts has developed.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Espoo shootings: A failure of restraint

Argues that focus on the immigrant status of the Espoo shooter deflects attention from the failure of the relevant authorities to effectively respond to a foreseeable threat to public safety. Response to public discussion of New Year's Day shootings in Espoo shopping mall.

Espoo shootings: A failure of restraint

Argues that focus on the immigrant status of the Espoo shooter deflects attention from the failure of the relevant authorities to effectively respond to a foreseeable threat to public safety. Response to public discussion of New Year's Day shootings in Espoo shopping mall.

Ihmissalakuljetus ja ihmiskauppa Helsingin Sanomissa ja Dagens Nyheterissä

Human smuggling and trafficking in human beings are phenomena that are often represented as global and growing problems. Human smuggling means that a person is taken to a country illegally which means that smuggling does not exist without states. Trafficking in human beings by contrast means the exploitation of persons which makes it a human rights violation. The news coverage about both phenomena, especially about human trafficking, has grown rapidly during the last decade. However, there has not been research on the news coverage about phenomena in Finland and the news coverage on trafficking in human beings is little researched even in European countries. In this thesis I am comparing critically the newspaper content on the phenomena in Finland and in Sweden from the viewpoint of political and moral geography. Besides the contexts of the news, I paid attention to how identities in different scales, including the scale of the body, were represented in the news and how the boundaries between different identities were drawn in the news. As a methodology I used content analysis to classify the context of the news and discourse analysis to analyze how the different scales and boundaries between them were represented. The results address that in Finland especially the human smuggling is considered as a border issue and Finland´s location between East and West is emphasized, which points out that Finland´s location is a crucial part of the Finnish identity. In addition the linkages between human trafficking and prostitution are often debated in the news from different aspects. In Sweden meanwhile its´ political activeness in the fight against trafficking in human beings and international crime especially in the EU level are emphasized. Trafficking in human beings likewise prostitution according to Swedish law is seen as violence against women and the news are strongly against buying of sex as well. The states themselves, the state authorities and the EU are represented as active actors in both countries whereas international crime is represented as a threat and regions outside EU as chaotic. Additionally, illegal immigrants and the victims of trafficking are stigmatised. According to the results, the news coverage of both phenomena are used in constructing a more integrated national and European identity.

Tupakka, luokka ja terveyskäyttäytymisen ongelma

Smoking has decreased significantly over the last few decades, but it still remains one of the most serious public health problems in all Western countries. Smoking has decreased especially in upper socioeconomic groups, and this differentiation is an important factor behind socioeconomic health differentials. The study examines smokers risk perceptions, justifications and the meaning of smoking in different occupational groups. The starting point of the research is that the concept of health behaviour and the individualistic orientation it implies is too narrow a viewpoint with which to understand the current cultural status of smoking and to explain its association with social class. The study utilizes two kinds of data. Internet discussions are used to examine smokers risk perceptions and counter-reactions to current public health discourses. Interviews of smokers and ex-smokers (N=55) from different occupations are utilized to analyse the process of giving up smoking, social class differences in the justifications of smoking and the role of smoking in manual work. The continuing popularity of smoking is not a question of lacking knowledge of or concern about health risks. Even manual workers, in whom smoking is more prevalent, consider smoking a health risk. However, smokers have several ways of dealing with the risk. They can equate it with other health risks confronted in everyday life or question the adequacy of expert knowledge. Smoking can be seen as signifying the ability to make independent decisions and to question authorities. Regardless of the self-acknowledged dependency, smoking can be understood as a choice. This seemingly contradictory viewpoint was central especially for non-manual workers. They emphasized the pleasures and rules of smoking and the management of dependency. In contrast, manual workers did not give positive justifications for their smoking, thus implying the self-evident nature of the habit. Still, smoking functions as a resource in manual work as it increases the autonomy of workers in terms of their daily tasks. At the same time, smoking is attached to other routines and practices at workplaces. The study shows that in order to understand current trends in smoking, differing perceptions of risk and health as well as ways of life and their social and economic determinants need to be taken into account. Focussing on the social contexts and environments in which smoking is most prevalent is necessary in order to explain the current association of smoking with the working class.

Uniparental DNA markers and forensic genetics in Finland

Over the years, a wide range of methods to verify identity have been developed. Molecular markers have been used for identification since the 1920s, commencing with blood types and culminating with the advent of DNA techniques in the 1980s. Identification is required by authorities in many occasions, e.g. in disputed paternity cases, identification of deceased, or crime investigation. To clarify maternal and paternal lineages, uniparental DNA markers in mtDNA and Y-chromosome can be utilized. These markers have several advantages: male specific Y-chromosome can be used to identify a male from a mixture of male and female cells, e.g. in rape cases. MtDNA is durable and has a high copy number, allowing analyses even from old or degraded samples. However, both markers are lineage-specific, not individualizing, and susceptible to genetic drift. Prior to the application of any DNA marker in forensic casework, it is of utmost importance to investigate its qualities and peculiarities in the target population. Earlier studies on the Finnish population have shown reduced variation in the Y-chromosome, but in mtDNA results have been ambiguous. The obtained results confirmed the low diversity in Y-chromosome in Finland. Detailed population analysis revealed large regional differences, and extremely reduced diversity especially in East Finland. Analysis of the qualities affecting Y-chromosomal short tandem repeat (Y-STR) variation and mutation frequencies, and search of new polymorphic markers resulted a set of Y-STRs with especially high diversity in Finland. Contrary to Y-chromosome, neither reduced diversity nor regional differences were found in mtDNA within Finland. In fact, mtDNA diversity was found similar to other European populations. The revealed peculiarities in the uniparental markers are a legacy of the Finnish population history. The obtained results challenge the traditional explanation which emphasizes relatively recent founder effects creating the observed east-west patterns. Uniparentally inherited markers, both mtDNA and Y-chromosome, are applicable for identification purposes in Finland. By adjusting the analysed Y marker set to meet the characteristics of Finnish population, Y-chromosomal diversity increases and the regional differentiation decreases, resulting increase in discrimination power and thus usefulness of Y-chromosomal analysis in forensic casework.

EU Accession and FDI inflows : The cases of the Czech Republic and Slovakia

Central and East European countries have faced a difficult process of transition since the dissolution of the Soviet bloc. Ten transition countries (Hungary, Poland, teh Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Bulgaria and Romania have chosen to join the EU and have moulded their transition reforms to ensure the compliance of their legal and institutional framework with EU requirements. The high levels of FDI attracted by the candidate countries for EU membership had been attributed to rapid transition of the countries aiming to join the European Union and the fact that favourable evaluations by EU authorities of the progress made by the candidates had a large impact on improving investor confidence. The aim of this paper is to investigate the reform strategies of the Czech Republic and Slovakia undertaken when the countries were preparing for EU membership and the dynamics of FDI inflows into these economies. Subsequently a comparative analysis of FDI stocks in these countries is conducted. We find that both countries faced similar economic challenges in implementing structural and institutional reforms. In accordance with EU requirements the Czech Republic and Slovakia have perfected their legal and institutional framework, increased the authority of regulatory and supervisory bodies and focused on implementation of new or amended legislation. During the period of the analysis (1998 - 2007) the Czech Republic and Slovakia have attracted increasing amounts of FDI. Comparative analysis in terms of important determinants of FDI reveals further similar features: macroeconomic stability; an open and liberalised market; low labour costs compared to EU-15 and a similar breakdown of FDI inflows by investor country. Consequently, the fact that the Czech Republic received much larger volumes of net FDI inflows could be attributed to the difference in market size between the two states. This conclusion is consistent with previous empirical studies that list market size among the main determinants of FDI. However, when we look at FDI as a percentage of GDP the evidence is more mixed. In 2004 - 2007, Slovakia has surpassed the Czech Republic twice. Whether this tendency will persist remains to be seen. The analysis in this paper based on empirical data. However, the choice of the method, namely case studies and comparative analysis, means that the conclusions of this study are theoretical and remain to be further tested in quantitative models.

Ruokauskomukset Mosambikin maaseudun raskaana olevilla ja imettävillä naisilla

Ihmisille ympäri maailmaa on tyypillistä valita tiettyjä ruokia suuremmasta valikoimasta syömäkelpoista ruokaa ja luoda mieltymyksiä sekä kieltoja joitakin ruokia kohtaan. Näitä ilmiöitä kutsutaan ruokauskomuksiksi ja ne ovat tärkeä osa kulttuuria. Niiden taustalla on usein terveydelliset perustelut tai sosiaalinen arvostus yhteisössä. Afrikassa on todettu olevan paljon erilaisia ruokauskomuksia, jotka kohdistuvat usein raskaana oleviin ja imettäviin naisiin sekä lapsiin, ryhmään, joka on fysiologisesti erityisen herkässä elämänvaiheessa. Ravitsemustilan tai ruokaturvan ollessa heikko, mahdollisilla ruokauskomuksilla voi olla merkittävät seuraukset erityisesti tämän väestönosan terveydentilaan. Aliravitsemus ja virheravitsemus ovat edelleen suuria ongelmia Afrikassa ja muissa kehittyvissä maissa. Tämän työn tavoitteena oli tutkia laadullisin menetelmin, onko erityisesti raskaana olevilla ja imettävillä naisilla Keski-Mosambikin maaseudulla, Zambézian maakunnassa, ruokauskomuksia, mitä ne mahdollisesti ovat, sekä arvioida voiko ruokauskomuksilla olla ravitsemuksellista merkitystä. Menetelminä oli 5 ryhmähaastattelua kolmessa kylässä ja 10 yksilöhaastattelua kahdessa kylässä. Tutkittavat olivat 12–78-vuotiaita naisia ja heitä oli yhteensä 27. Tulkkaus, tutkimusaiheen sensitiivisyys ja haastattelijan kokemattomuus aiheuttivat haasteita haastatteluiden toteutukseen. Tämän vuoksi menetelmää muokattiin ja se vaihdettiin ryhmähaastattelusta yksilöhaastatteluun tutkimuksen aikana. Ruokauskomukset vaihtelivat sekä kylien välillä että kylien sisällä, joskin niistä löytyi samantyyppisiä pääpiirteitä. Työssä todettiin, että raskaana oleviin ja imettäviin naisiin kohdistui tutkimusalueella ruokauskomuksia. Raskauden aikana tuli välttää pääasiassa proteiinipitoisia ruokia, kuten lihaa ja kalaa ja puolestaan suosia kasvisten, hedelmien ja viljatuotteiden käyttöä. Linnun munien syöntiä sekä suositeltiin että kehotettiin välttämään raskauden aikana. Raskauden aikana ilmeni lisäksi tietoinen tapa vähentää kassavapuuron tai ruuan syömistä kokonaisuudessaan. Imetyksen aikana ei vältetty juuri mitään ruokia, vaan suositeltiin kookosta ja kasviksia. Suurin osa perusteluista liittyi äidin ja lapsen terveyteen. Perustelut voitiin jakaa seuraaviin ryhmiin: lisää äidinmaidon tuotantoa; aiheuttaa vatsakipua äidillä; pitää yllä kuntoa ja estää vatsan kasvua; äidistä tulee vahva, terve ja hän saa vitamiineja; lapsen ulkonäkö muuttuu; lapsesta tulee terve ja vahva; lapsen käyttäytyminen muuttuu; aiheuttaa keskenmenon; aiheuttaa vaikean tai helpon synnytyksen. Ruokauskomukset ja terveysviranomaisilta tullut valistus oli osittain sekoittunut keskenään. Lähes kaikki naiset kertoivat noudattavansa näitä ruokauskomuksia. Muutamat naiset kertoivat suositeltavien ruokien kohdalla, että ruokien saatavuus tekee noudattamisen joskus vaikeaksi. Proteiinipitoisten ruokien välttäminen voi lisätä proteiinialiravitsemuksen riskiä ja syömisen vähentäminen saattaa lisätä riskiä saada riittämättömästi energiaa raskauden aikana. Suositeltavat ruuat todennäköisesti edistävät terveyttä. Tutkielman perusteella voitiin todeta, että vieraassa kulttuurissa tutkiminen vaatii tutkimusmenetelmältä paljon. Tärkeää on menetelmän joustavuus, jotta sitä voi muuttaa tutkimuskentällä toimivampaan ja luotettavampaan muotoon. Johtopäätöksenä todettiin, että suositeltavin menetelmä tutkittaessa ruokauskomuksia tällä tutkimusalueella olisi ollut yksilöhaastattelut, jossa olisi ollut mahdollisimman vähän osallistujia ja osallistujat olisivat olleet samaa sukupuolta ja saman ikäisiä. Terveyden ja ravitsemuksen kannalta on tärkeää, että ruokauskomuksista ollaan tietoisia ja väestön ruokauskomuksia tutkitaan alueittain, koska ne voivat vaihdella merkittävästi jopa kylien tai ihmisryhmien sisällä.

"Miksi lehmät pitää tappaa?" : Etnografinen tutkimus 2000-luvun alun huumemarkkinoista Helsingissä

The present study focuses on the drug market in Helsinki in the early 2000s, mainly on the dealing in and use of amphetamines, cannabis and the pharmaceutical Subutex. The drug market is usually analysed into upper, middle and lower level markets. These levels are very different in terms of their operating practices, although there may be some mingling. The present study is mainly concerned with drug dealers and users in the lower and middle level markets. Operations also differ depending on whether the dealing involves just one drug or several. Dealing in and using Subutex is a very different business from dealing and using home grown cannabis, for instance: both the customers and the dealers are mostly quite different. The study material was mostly collected through ethnographical field work, including observations and interviews. Interviews with officials and minutes of pre-trial investigations concerning aggravated drug crimes are also included. The study discusses the roles of dealers on the various levels of the drug market in Helsinki and traces activities at various levels. Ethnographical methods are employed to observe day-to-day drug dealing and use and leisure pursuits in private homes and in public premises. The study takes note of the risks inherent in drug dealing and estimates what kind of drug dealers can last the longest on the market without the authorities intervening. At the same time, the study discusses how small groups on the middle and lower levels of the drug market avoid control measures undertaken by the authorities and how the authorities address these groups. Moreover, the study discusses what the drug market is like in prison from the perspective of a drug dealer sent to prison, what their everyday lives are like after release, and how much money dealers on various levels of the drug market make. The study demonstrates that drug dealing in Helsinki, whether we consider the very top or the very bottom of the pyramid, is a far from rational pursuit. The undertakings are not very systematic; they are more a reaction to intoxicant addiction( s) and other problems caused by other dealers, the dealers own actions and the actions of the police. The everyday lives of drug dealers are often chaos only alleviated by drug use in the company of buyers or alone. If a drug dealer uses drugs himself/herself, things become even more complicated and a vicious circle develops. At the same time, everyday life is certainly exciting, and a drug dealer often has a highly eventful if brief life. Drug dealing is a very masculine pursuit, and there is a sort of macho code governing it, although this does not nearly always work as it should. This macho code, typically for illegal activities, involves the threat of violence as a control measure. Hence the untranslatable slang expression Kill the cows : the Finnish word for calf has the slang meaning snitch or police informant . No more cows, no more calves. But informing on others to the authorities is a fact of life in the drug-dealing world. Contributing factors to being reported to the authorities are the dealer s own mistakes and the actions of other dealers and the police. A determined drug dealer will not be deterred from drug dealing by a prison sentence. However, following time in prison only few dealers manage to gain an income from drug dealing commensurate with its risks.

Tax havens and their impacts on the non-haven countries

Tax havens have attracted increasing attention from the authorities of non-haven countries. The financial crisis exacerbates the negative attitude to tax havens. Offshore zones are now under strong pressure from the international, both financial and political institutions. Thus, the thesis will focus on the current problem of the modern economy, namely tax havens and their impact on the non-haven countries. This thesis will be based on the several articles, in particular “Tax Competition With Parasitic Tax Havens” by Joel Slemrod and John D. Wilson (University of Michigan, 2009) and “Do Havens Divert Economic Activity” by James R. Hines Jr., C. Fritz Foley and Mihir A. Desai (Ross School of Business, 2005). This paper provides two completely different and contradictory viewpoints on the problem of coexisting tax havens and non-haven countries. There are two models, examined in this work, present two important researches. The first one will be concentrated on the positive effect from tax havens whereas the last model will be focused on the completely negative effect from offshore jurisdictions. The first model gives us a good explanation and proof of its statement why tax havens can positively influence on nearby high-tax countries. It describes that the existence of offshore jurisdictions can stimulate the growth of operations and facilitates economic activity in non-haven countries. In contrast to above mentioned, the model with quite opposite view was presented. This economic model and its analysis confirms the undesirability of the existence of offshore areas. Taking into consideration, that the jurisdictions choose their optimal policy, the elimination of offshores will have positive impact on the rest of countries. The model proofs the statement that full or partial elimination of tax havens raises the equilibrium level of the public good and increases country welfare. According to the following study, it can be concluded that both of the models provide telling arguments to prove their assertions. Thereby both of these points of view have their right to exist. Nevertheless, the ongoing debate concerning this issue still will raise a lot of questions.

Trends in Pharmaceutical Product Development 2000-2010

Merkittävä osa alkuperäislääkevalmistajien tutkimus- ja tuotekehityskuluista näyttää olevan suunnattu olemassa olevien lääkkeiden kehittämiseen. Tämä voi oletettavasti johtaa kiinnostaviin formulaatiokehitysstrategioihin. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli selvittää, voidaanko farmaseuttisen tuotekehityksen trendejä havaita myönnettyjen myyntilupien perusteella. Tutkimuksen mielenkiinnon kohteena olivat myös suurimpien lääkeyritysten käyttämät elinkaaren hallinnan keinot, joilla suojataan myyvimpiä tuotteita geneeriseltä kilpailulta ja varmistetaan markkinaosuus. Tutkimuksen painopiste oli kiinteissä oraalisissa lääkevalmisteissa. Laadullisten ja määrällisten menetelmien yhdistelmää käytettiin laajan näkökulman saamiseksi tutkittavaan aiheeseen. Suomalaisten myyntilupaviranomaisten haastatteluja käytettiin keräämään taustatietoa tutkimuksen määrällistä osaa varten. Määrällinen osa koostui myyntilupatietokannoista, jotka käsittivät kaikkien menettelyjen kautta Suomessa myönnetyt myyntiluvat, keskitetyn menettelyn kautta EU:ssa myönnetyt myyntiluvat ja maailman kymmenen suurinta lääkeyritystä USA:ssa. Tutkimustulosten perusteella rinnakkaislääkkeiden määrässä tapahtui merkittävä nousu Suomessa kaikkien menettelyjen kautta myönnetyissä myyntiluvissa ja EU:ssa keskitetyn menettelyn kautta myönnetyissä myyntiluvissa vuosina 2000-2010. Tämä muutos saattaa ainakin osaksi johtua lainsäädännöllisistä muutoksista, joilla luotiin kannustimia rinnakkaislääkkeiden käyttöön ja valmistukseen, kuten lääkevaihto ja viitehintajärjestelmä. USA:n tiedot osoittivat suurten lääkevalmistajien kiinnostuksen elinkaaren hallintaan: suurin osa maailman kymmenelle suurimmalle lääkeyritykselle myönnetyistä myyntiluvista vuosina 2005-2010 oli tähän tarkoitukseen. Elinkaaren hallinnan suhde uusiin lääkeaineisiin oli lähes 4:1. Kiinteä oraalinen lääkemuoto on kiistatta kaikista suosituin tapa annostella lääke, minkä vahvistivat sekä arvioijien haastattelut että myyntilupatiedot. Kiinteiden oraalisten rooli oli entistäkin korostuneempi rinnakkaislääkkeiden kohdalla. Kun innovatiivisuutta mitattiin epätyypillisten annosmuotojen määrällä, USA:n tiedot kiinteistä oraalisista lääkemuodoista osoittivat vahvaa innovatiivisuutta Suomen ja EU:n tietoihin verrattuna. Tämä saattaa heijastaa suurten lääkeyritysten innovatiivista tuotevalikoimaa. Epätyypillisten kiinteiden oraalisten annosmuotojen osuus oli huomattavasti pienempi rinnakkaislääkkeissä kuin alkuperäislääkkeissä kaikilla alueilla. Elinkaaren hallinnassa käytetyimmät strategiat olivat uusi formulaatio, uusi vahvuus ja uusi yhdistelmä olemassa olevasta valmisteesta. Kiinteiden oraalisten lääkemuotojen osalta kaksi kolmasosaa uusista elinkaaren hallinnan formulaatioista oli säädellysti vapauttavia valmisteita. Elinkaaren hallinta on olennainen osa suurten lääkeyritysten liiketoimintastrategiaa, ja sen tärkeyttä havainnollistettiin Coreg-tablettien tapausesimerkillä.