57 resultados para syncretic ressignification
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Esta pesquisa fundamenta-se na análise da integração religiosa e cultural da Igreja Messiânica Mundial (IMM) no Brasil e suas recomposições identitárias. A exploração do seu universo simbólico é tida como uma das chaves para a compreensão da identidade messiânica. O emblema da igreja é símbolo da cultura cruzada e harmonia entre diferentes. No Brasil, em especial, o Solo Sagrado de Guarapiranga é expressão do Paraíso Terrestre, próposito maior da mensagem messiânica da IMM. Devido à sua peculiaridade como religião de origem japonesa pouco familiar ao público brasileiro, são apresentadas algumas tendências constituintes (autóctones, xamânicas, de crenças populares, xintoístas, confucionistas e hindu-budistas) e conceitos messiânicos tendo em vista sua relevância no processo de construção da identidade messiânica brasileira. Conforme a natureza dos conceitos, optou-se por uma visão comparada entre a Igreja Messiânica e outras novas religiões japonesas (NRJ) como a Mahikari, Perfeita Liberdade, Seicho-no-Ie e Tenrikyo. No concernente à reencarnação, em especial, a visão comparada com o Espiritismo possibilitou aproximações com a religiosidade brasileira. A partir da contextualização histórica e compreensão da adoção da nomenclatura messiânica , foram abordadas as concepções de espírito da palavra , ultra-religião , purificação e doença , benefícios materiais , autocultivo bem como as várias dimensões da experiência religiosa brasileira: ecológica, inter-religiosa, artística e messiânica no sentido estrito do termo. A concepção de ultra-religião de Meishu-Sama (nome religioso de Mokiti Okada, 1882-1955), sobretudo, necessita ser compreendida à luz da trajetória de consolidação da religião em um contexto peculiar do Japão do início do século XX. Antes de fundar a religião messiânica, Okada transitou no mundo das artes, dos negócios, editorial, e por fim ideológico-religioso em seu contato com a religião Oomoto e outras expressões religiosas que pululavam no Japão no período de entre-guerras. O processo dinâmico de interação de tendências diversas, característico das NRJ, em contato com a religiosidade brasileira impulsiona uma série de ressignificações sincréticas nipo-brasileira marcada por processos criativos singulares. A ênfase na figura do Messias Meishu-Sama, a prática do sonen e a criação da teologia messiânica são alguns dos elementos fundamentais da mais recente recomposição identitária da religião no país. Diante das sucessivas transformações das abordagens institucionais e da introdução de múltiplas dimensões da vivência messiânica, a construção identitária da IMM, que abrange aspectos religiosos e ultra-religiosos , torna-se cada vez mais complexa e multifacetada.(AU)
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Esta pesquisa fundamenta-se na análise da integração religiosa e cultural da Igreja Messiânica Mundial (IMM) no Brasil e suas recomposições identitárias. A exploração do seu universo simbólico é tida como uma das chaves para a compreensão da identidade messiânica. O emblema da igreja é símbolo da cultura cruzada e harmonia entre diferentes. No Brasil, em especial, o Solo Sagrado de Guarapiranga é expressão do Paraíso Terrestre, próposito maior da mensagem messiânica da IMM. Devido à sua peculiaridade como religião de origem japonesa pouco familiar ao público brasileiro, são apresentadas algumas tendências constituintes (autóctones, xamânicas, de crenças populares, xintoístas, confucionistas e hindu-budistas) e conceitos messiânicos tendo em vista sua relevância no processo de construção da identidade messiânica brasileira. Conforme a natureza dos conceitos, optou-se por uma visão comparada entre a Igreja Messiânica e outras novas religiões japonesas (NRJ) como a Mahikari, Perfeita Liberdade, Seicho-no-Ie e Tenrikyo. No concernente à reencarnação, em especial, a visão comparada com o Espiritismo possibilitou aproximações com a religiosidade brasileira. A partir da contextualização histórica e compreensão da adoção da nomenclatura messiânica , foram abordadas as concepções de espírito da palavra , ultra-religião , purificação e doença , benefícios materiais , autocultivo bem como as várias dimensões da experiência religiosa brasileira: ecológica, inter-religiosa, artística e messiânica no sentido estrito do termo. A concepção de ultra-religião de Meishu-Sama (nome religioso de Mokiti Okada, 1882-1955), sobretudo, necessita ser compreendida à luz da trajetória de consolidação da religião em um contexto peculiar do Japão do início do século XX. Antes de fundar a religião messiânica, Okada transitou no mundo das artes, dos negócios, editorial, e por fim ideológico-religioso em seu contato com a religião Oomoto e outras expressões religiosas que pululavam no Japão no período de entre-guerras. O processo dinâmico de interação de tendências diversas, característico das NRJ, em contato com a religiosidade brasileira impulsiona uma série de ressignificações sincréticas nipo-brasileira marcada por processos criativos singulares. A ênfase na figura do Messias Meishu-Sama, a prática do sonen e a criação da teologia messiânica são alguns dos elementos fundamentais da mais recente recomposição identitária da religião no país. Diante das sucessivas transformações das abordagens institucionais e da introdução de múltiplas dimensões da vivência messiânica, a construção identitária da IMM, que abrange aspectos religiosos e ultra-religiosos , torna-se cada vez mais complexa e multifacetada.(AU)
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Esta pesquisa fundamenta-se na análise da integração religiosa e cultural da Igreja Messiânica Mundial (IMM) no Brasil e suas recomposições identitárias. A exploração do seu universo simbólico é tida como uma das chaves para a compreensão da identidade messiânica. O emblema da igreja é símbolo da cultura cruzada e harmonia entre diferentes. No Brasil, em especial, o Solo Sagrado de Guarapiranga é expressão do Paraíso Terrestre, próposito maior da mensagem messiânica da IMM. Devido à sua peculiaridade como religião de origem japonesa pouco familiar ao público brasileiro, são apresentadas algumas tendências constituintes (autóctones, xamânicas, de crenças populares, xintoístas, confucionistas e hindu-budistas) e conceitos messiânicos tendo em vista sua relevância no processo de construção da identidade messiânica brasileira. Conforme a natureza dos conceitos, optou-se por uma visão comparada entre a Igreja Messiânica e outras novas religiões japonesas (NRJ) como a Mahikari, Perfeita Liberdade, Seicho-no-Ie e Tenrikyo. No concernente à reencarnação, em especial, a visão comparada com o Espiritismo possibilitou aproximações com a religiosidade brasileira. A partir da contextualização histórica e compreensão da adoção da nomenclatura messiânica , foram abordadas as concepções de espírito da palavra , ultra-religião , purificação e doença , benefícios materiais , autocultivo bem como as várias dimensões da experiência religiosa brasileira: ecológica, inter-religiosa, artística e messiânica no sentido estrito do termo. A concepção de ultra-religião de Meishu-Sama (nome religioso de Mokiti Okada, 1882-1955), sobretudo, necessita ser compreendida à luz da trajetória de consolidação da religião em um contexto peculiar do Japão do início do século XX. Antes de fundar a religião messiânica, Okada transitou no mundo das artes, dos negócios, editorial, e por fim ideológico-religioso em seu contato com a religião Oomoto e outras expressões religiosas que pululavam no Japão no período de entre-guerras. O processo dinâmico de interação de tendências diversas, característico das NRJ, em contato com a religiosidade brasileira impulsiona uma série de ressignificações sincréticas nipo-brasileira marcada por processos criativos singulares. A ênfase na figura do Messias Meishu-Sama, a prática do sonen e a criação da teologia messiânica são alguns dos elementos fundamentais da mais recente recomposição identitária da religião no país. Diante das sucessivas transformações das abordagens institucionais e da introdução de múltiplas dimensões da vivência messiânica, a construção identitária da IMM, que abrange aspectos religiosos e ultra-religiosos , torna-se cada vez mais complexa e multifacetada.(AU)
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This article reports on an ethnographic study involving the literacy practices of two multilingual Chinese children from two similar yet different cultural and linguistic contexts: Montreal and Singapore. Using syncretism as a theoretical tool, this inquiry examines how family environment and support facilitate children’s process of becoming literate in multiple languages. Informed by sociocultural theory, the inquiry looks in particular at the role of grandparents in the syncretic literacy practices of children. Through comparative analysis, the study reveals similarities and differences that, when considered together, contribute to our understanding of multilingual children’s creative forms of learning with regard to their rich literacy resources in multiple languages, the imperceptible influences of mediators, various learning styles and syncretic literacy practices.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"Reprinted from The Monthly Magazine for April."
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The purpose of the current thesis is to develop a better understanding of the interaction between Spanish and Quichua in the Salcedo region and provide more information for the processes that might have given rise to Media Lengua, a ‘mixed’ language comprised of a Quichua grammar and Spanish lexicon. Muysken attributes the formation of Media Lengua to relexification, ruling out any influence from other bilingual phenomena. I argue that the only characteristic that distinguishes Media Lengua from other language contact varieties in central Ecuador is the quantity of the overall Spanish borrowings and not the type of processes that might have been employed by Quichua speakers during the genesis of Media Lengua. The results from the Salcedo data that I have collected show how processes such as adlexification, code-mixing, and structural convergence produce Media Lengua-type sentences, evidence that supports an alternative analysis to Muysken’s relexification hypothesis. Overall, this dissertation is developed around four main objectives: (1) to describe the variation of Spanish loanwords within a bilingual community in Salcedo; (2) to analyze some of the prominent and recent structural changes in Quichua and Spanish; (3) to determine whether Spanish loanword use can be explained by the relationship consultants have with particular social categories; and (4) to analyze the consultants’ language ideologies toward syncretic uses of Spanish and Quichua. Overall, 58% of the content words, 39% of the basic vocabulary, and 50% of the subject pronouns in the Salcedo corpus were derived from Spanish. When compared to Muysken’s description of highlander Quichua in the 1970’s, Spanish loanwords have more than doubled in each category. The overall level of Spanish loanwords in Salcedo Quichua has grown to a level between highlander Quichua in the 1970’s and Media Lengua. Similar to Spanish’s lexical influence in Media Lengua, the increase of Spanish borrowings in today’s rural Quichua can be seen in non-basic and basic vocabularies as well as the subject pronoun system. Significantly, most of the growth has occurred through forms of adlexification i.e., doublets, well-established borrowings, and cultural borrowings, suggesting that ‘ordinary’ lexical borrowing is also capable of producing Media Lengua-type sentences. I approach the second objective by investigating two separate phenomena related to structural convergence. The first examines the complex verbal constructions that have developed in Quichua through Spanish loan translations while the second describes the type of Quichua particles that are attached to Spanish lexemes while speaking Spanish. The calquing of the complex verbal constructions from Spanish were employed when speaking standard Quichua. Since this standard form is typically used by language purists, I argue that their use of calques is a strategy of exploiting the full range of expression from Spanish without incorporating any of the Spanish lexemes which would give the appearance of ‘contamination’. The use of Quichua particles in local varieties of Spanish is a defining characteristic of Quichuacized Spanish, spoken most frequently by women and young children in the community. Although the use of Quichua particles was probably not the main catalyst engendering Media Lengua, I argue that its contribution as a source language to other ‘mixed’ varieties, such as Media Lengua, needs to be accounted for in descriptions of BML genesis. Contrary to Muysken’s representation of relatively ‘unmixed’ Spanish and Quichua as the two source languages of Media Lengua, I propose that local varieties of Spanish might have already been ‘mixed’ to a large degree before Media Lengua was created. The third objective attempts to draw a relationship between particular social variables and the use of Spanish loanwords. Whisker Boxplots and ANOVAs were used to determine which social group, if any, have been introducing new Spanish borrowings into the bilingual communities in Salcedo. Specifically, I controlled for age, education, native language, urban migration, and gender. The results indicate that none of the groups in each of the five social variables indicate higher or lower loanword use. The implication of these results are twofold: (a) when lexical borrowing occurs, it is immediately adopted as the community-wide norm and spoken by members from different backgrounds and generations, or (b) this level of Spanish borrowing (58%) is not a recent phenomenon. The fourth and final objective draws on my ethnographic research that addresses the attitudes of syncretic language use. I observed that Quichuacized Spanish and Hispanicized Quichua are highly stigmatized varieties spoken by the country’s most marginalized populations and families, yet within the community, syncretic ways of speaking are in fact the norm. It was shown that there exists a range of different linguistic definitions for ‘Chaupi Lengua’ and other syncretic language practices as well as many contrasting connotations, most of which were negative. One theme that emerged from the interviews was that speaking syncretic varieties of Quichua weakened the consultant’s claim to an indigenous identity. The linguistic and social data presented in this dissertation supports an alternative view to Muysken’s relexification hypothesis, one that has the advantage of operating with well-precedented linguistic processes and which is actually observable in the present-day Salcedo area. The results from the study on lexical borrowing are significant because they demonstrate how a dynamic bilingual speech community has gradually diversified their Quichua lexicon under intense pressure to shift toward Spanish. They also show that Hispanicized Quichua (Quichua with heavy lexical borrowing) clearly arose from adlexification and prolonged lexical borrowing, and is one of at least six identifiable speech styles found in Salcedo. These results challenge particular interpretations of language contact outcomes, such as, ones that depict sources languages as discrete and ‘unmixed.’ The bilingual continuum presented in this thesis shows on the one hand, the range of speech styles that are accessible to different speakers, and on the other hand, the overlapping, syncretic features that are shared among the different registers and language varieties. It was observed that syncretic speech styles in Salcedo are employed by different consultants in varied interactional contexts, and in turn, produce different evaluations by other fellow community members. In the current dissertation, I challenge the claim that relexification and Media Lengua-type sentences develop in isolation and without the influence of other bilingual phenomena. Based on Muysken's Media Lengua example sentences and the speech styles from the Salcedo corpus, I argue that Media Lengua may have arisen as an institutionalized variant of the highly mixed "middle ground" within the range of the Salcedo bilingual continuum discussed above. Such syncretic forms of Spanish and Quichua strongly resemble Media Lengua sentences in Muysken’s research, and therefore demonstrate how its development could have occurred through several different language contact processes and not only through relexification.
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Ayahuasca is a hallucinogenic beverage prepared by the decoction of plants native to the Amazon Basin region. The beverage has been used throughout the world by members of some syncretic religious movements. Despite the recent legalization of ayahuasca in Brazil for religious purposes, there is little pre-clinical and clinical information attesting to its safety, particularly in relation to the use during pregnancy. The aim of the current work was to determine the effects of perinatal exposure to ayahuasca (from the 6th day of pregnancy to the 10th day of lactation) on physical, reflexology and neurobehavioral parameters of the Wistar rat offspring. The offspring showed no statistically significant changes in the physical and reflexology parameters evaluated. However, in adult rats, perinatally exposed to ayahuasca, an increase in frequency of entries in open arms in elevated plus-maze test, a decrease in total time of interaction in social interaction test, a decrease in time of latency for the animal to start swimming and a decrease of the minimum convulsant dose induced by pentylenetetrazol were observed. In conclusion, our results showed that the use of ayahuasca by mothers during pregnancy and lactation reduced the general anxiety and social motivation of the rat offspring. Besides, it promoted a higher sensitivity for initiation and spread of seizure activity.
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INTRODUCTION: Ayahuasca is a psychotropic plant beverage initially used by shamans throughout the Amazon region during traditional religious cult. In recent years, ayahuasca has also been used in ceremonies of a number of modern syncretic religious groups, including pregnant women. However, no documented study has been performed to evaluate the risk of developmental toxicity of ayahuasca. METHODS: In the present work, maternal and developmental toxicity was evaluated in Wistar rats. Ayahuasca was administered to pregnant rats in three different doses [the equivalent typical dose (TD) administered to humans, five-fold TD and 10-fold TD] during the gestational period (6-20 days). RESULTS: Dams treated with the highest ayahuasca dose showed maternal toxicity with decrease of weight gain and food intake. Visceral fetal findings were observed in all treatment groups. Skeletal findings were observed in the intermediate- and high-dose groups. The fetuses deriving from the highest dose group also presented a decrease in body weight. CONCLUSIONS: From these results, it is possible to conclude that there is a risk of maternal and developmental toxicity following ayahuasca exposure and that the level of toxicity appears to be dose-dependent. Birth Defects Res (Part B) 89:207-212, 2010. (C) 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
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Apresentamos nesta comunicação uma tese de ressignificação da educação como empoderamento tendo como foco uma agenda de desenvolvimento justo, digno e inclusivo, e equacionamos os seus principais tipos ou modelos, partindo do princípio que o empoderamento, pelo facto de remeter para diversas conotações ideológicas, não permite almejar consensos quando se trata de o tomar como sinal distintivo ou imagem de marca de uma educação cuja aposta principal é a promoção de um desenvolvimento humano verdadeiramente empenhado em corresponder às expectativas normativas das pessoas em termos de justiça, respeito, dignidade, liberdade e direitos fundamentais para todos.
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The study examined how religious beliefs and practices impact upon medication and illness representations in chronic schizophrenia. One hundred three stabilized patients were included in Geneva's outpatient public psychiatric facility in Switzerland. Interviews were conducted to investigate spiritual and religious beliefs and religious practices and religious coping. Medication adherence was assessed through questions to patients and to their psychiatrists and by a systematic blood drug monitoring. Thirty-two percent of patients were partially or totally nonadherent to oral medication. Fifty-eight percent of patients were Christians, 2% Jewish, 3% Muslim, 4% Buddhist, 14% belonged to various minority or syncretic religious movements, and 19% had no religious affiliation. Two thirds of the total sample considered spirituality as very important or even essential in everyday life. Fifty-seven percent of patients had a representation of their illness directly influenced by their spiritual beliefs (positively in 31% and negatively in 26%). Religious representations of illness were prominent in nonadherent patients. Thirty-one percent of nonadherent patients and 27% of partially adherent patients underlined an incompatibility or contradiction between their religion and taking medication, versus 8% of adherent patients. Religion and spirituality contribute to shaping representations of disease and attitudes toward medical treatment in patients with schizophrenia. This dimension should be on the agenda of psychiatrists working with patients with schizophrenia.
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Ancré dans une perspective historique, ce mémoire cherche à mettre en application une relecture de la théorie wébérienne de la « rationalisation éthique » comme facteur explicatif de la reconfiguration moderne du rapport entretenu entre les individus et la religion. Un retour sur les changements survenus dans la pensée religieuse de la Renaissance — pensée mise en contraste avec la situation religieuse des populations du Moyen-Âge — permet de mettre en évidence le passage d’une religion syncrétique, ritualiste et imprégnée de magie, à un christianisme épuré, intériorisé et rationnel. L’étude de la pensée religieuse de l’humaniste Érasme de Rotterdam, pris comme « figure historique » porteuse de cette transformation, pointe vers la diffusion à la Renaissance d’un christianisme compris comme système philosophique compréhensif dépouillé de son caractère mystique. Cette diffusion d’un « esprit » chrétien, et l’importance accordée à la mise en œuvre d’une conduite de vie méthodique spécifiquement orientée vers le salut, participe au premier chef d’un processus de « quotidianisation » du charisme religieux, prélude essentiel, dans une perspective wébérienne, à la « rationalisation éthique » et à l’autonomisation de la sphère religieuse dans la vie sociale.
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Les anthropologues ont examiné le syncrétisme religieux, soit l’incorporation d’éléments de sources diverses, au sein des religions du monde depuis plusieurs décennies. Cependant, très peu d’intérêt a été accordé au paganisme contemporain, un Nouveau Mouvement Religieux hautement syncrétique. À travers les récits de plusieurs païens/nes contemporain/es à Montréal, j’examine comment et pourquoi les pratiquants sont inspiré/es à faire le choix d’incorporer divers éléments provenant de sources religieuses et non religieuses. Le recours à des sources différentes reflète l’effort de créer une expérience religieuse plus profonde et personnelle. La créativité impliquée dans la construction d’une pratique spirituelle et d’un système de croyance personnels est souvent conduite par un désir de (re)connexion, que ce soit à la terre, aux ancêtres, ou bien à une communauté. Les acteurs acquièrent un sentiment accru d’agentivité dans ce processus. Ma participation dans cette communauté a influencé mes expériences de recherche; j’examine également ma position en tant qu’anthropologue chez soi.
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L’ayahuasca est une décoction de plantes originaires de la forêt amazonienne. Elle contient la vigne nommée ayahuasca (Banistereopsis caapi) et un arbuste (Psychotria viridis). Ces plantes contiennent des substances psychoactives. Respectivement il s’agit de l’harmine et de la diméthyle-tryptamine (DMT). Ce mélange est utilisé par plusieurs peuples autochtones du bassin amazonien depuis une époque qui précède la Conquête. L’ayahuasca est utilisée par ces peuples à des fins chamaniques. Au début du 20e siècle, la demande en caoutchouc a engendrée une migration de travailleurs dans ces régions. Un de ces travailleurs d’origine africaine est entré en contact avec cette substance. De croyance chrétienne, il a interprété son expérience comme une rencontre avec le divin. Ceci l’a amené à fonder dans les années 30 une église syncrétique nommée Santo Daime. Depuis, l’utilisation rituelle d’ayahuasca est répandue dans le monde. Aujourd’hui, On retrouve au Québec des groupes faisant un usage rituel d’ayahuasca. Ce mémoire est une ethnographie d’un groupe actif au Québec. Ce groupe a fait l’objet d’observations participantes durant l’été 2010. L’étude a démontré que la participation aux cérémonies d’ayahuasca engendre des prises de conscience et le travail de groupe en permet l’intégration dans le quotidien des participants. De plus, la structure rituelle garanti un usage non abusif.
Le néak sraè, riziculteur khmer : mobilité paysanne, localité et communauté au Cambodge postcolonial
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Dans le Cambodge angkorien, les souverains khmers administraient une paysannerie mouvante par le biais de temples-palais. Lorsque les Français prennent le contrôle, en 1845, ils se retrouvent devant une « masse paysanne inorganisée, inorganique même » (Delvert, 1961 : 201) et restent « confondus devant la mobilité des Cambodgiens » (Forest, 1980 : 30). À l’époque postcoloniale, les ethnologues feront essentiellement le même constat, pendant que John F. Embree (1950) proposera de catégoriser les sociétés indianisées du Sud-Est asiatique comme étant « loosely structured » : postulant une faible intégration individuelle des structures sociales donnant lieu à une prévalence de comportements individualistes ad hoc et à des communautés sans réelle organisation. La proposition fera école. Ces observations paraissent justes, mais l’analyse infructueuse. La structure dont parle Embree s’appuie sur une culture hautement syncrétique qui se reflétait aléatoirement dans les comportements. Mais l’organisation sociale khmère se trouve ailleurs : dans les solutions organisationnelles qui gouvernent les choix des individus lorsqu’ils doivent se regrouper afin d’effectuer des tâches récurrentes. À ce titre, les paysans khmers évoluaient dans une organisation sociale rigoureusement minimaliste et flexible. La maisonnée était l’élément essentiel, tandis que la communauté territoriale locale était contingente et fluctuante. Dans l’environnement naturel généreux du Cambodge, un petit groupe d’individus mobiles réunis sous un même toit pouvait aisément accomplir toutes les tâches nécessaires à sa survie. Alors on ne s’attachait jamais indéfiniment à une localité : seulement à des communautés sans cesse en évolution, centrées autour de pagodes agissant comme des ports d’ancrage.