857 resultados para regional Integration, Post-liberal regionalism, south south cooperation, Brasil, Venezuela.


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El interés de este estudio de caso es analizar la influencia del regionalismo post-liberal en la cooperación sur-sur (CSS) de América Latina. Se analiza y explica cómo las dinámicas del regionalismo post-liberal del nuevo milenio, mediante esquemas de integración regional como la UNASUR, dieron paso al resurgimiento de la CSS en América Latina, no como una herramienta a favor de la integración, sino como un instrumento del liderazgo regional. Siguiendo finalmente la perspectiva neorrealista de Kenneth Waltz, con la cual se explican las transformaciones estructurales que dieron paso a un nuevo modelo de integración y los procesos de CSS que dentro de éste se desarrollan.

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This paper examines the formal features, the political rationale, distinctiveness, potential, and difficulties of post-liberal regionalism, with a particular focus on the case of UNASUR. Through this organization, traditional unionism and aspirations of Latin American regional integration are redefined in a South American geographic and ideational framework. Through this strategy South America became a political and economic construct in order to respond to globalization challenges and to achieve its members’ goals in development, regional autonomy (particularly in regards to the US), international influence and at the same time domestic governance of the involved countries. Nevertheless, the limits of this project’s future are being defined by nationalism, traditional visions of sovereignty and by a regional construction that involve significant institutional limitations, which are product of its intergovernmental logic, internal asymmetries and ambivalent Brazilian leadership

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Includes bibliography

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The current global economic instability and the vulnerability of small island nations are providing the impetus for greater integration between the countries of the South Pacific region. This exercise is critical for their survival in today’s turbulent economic environment. Past efforts of regional integration in the South Pacific have not been very successful. Reasons attributed to this outcome include issues related to damage of sovereignty, and lack of a shared integration infrastructure. Today, the IT resources with collaborative capacities provide the opportunity to develop a shared IT infrastructure to facilitate integration in the South Pacific. In an attempt to develop a model of regional integration with an IT-backed infrastructure, we identify and report on the antecedents of the current stage of regional integration, and the stakeholders’ perceived benefits of an IT resources backed regional integration in the South Pacific. Employing a case study based approach, the study finds that while most stakeholders were positive about the potential of IT-backed regional integration, significant challenges exist that hinder the realisation of this model. The study finds that facilitating IT-backed regional integration requires enabling IT infrastructure, equitable IT development in the region, greater awareness on the potential of the modern IT resources, market liberalisation of the information and telecommunications sector and greater political support for IT initiatives.

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Esta dissertação se insere na temática mais ampla do processo recente de integração da América do Sul, caracterizado pelo fenômeno o regionalismo pós-liberal. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os fatores políticos e econômicos que influenciaram a posição brasileira em relação ao regionalismo sul-americano na última década, mais notadamente no período compreendido entre os anos de 2003 e 2010. A tese aqui defendida é de que a ampliação das ações para o desenvolvimento regional, a qual passa por uma mudança no modelo de regionalismo brasileiro, não é fenômeno meramente conjuntural, resultante de fatores materiais (alta dos preços das commodities) ou ideacionais (chegada ao poder da corrente autonomista representada pelo governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores). Trata-se, isto sim, de um novo imperativo político, qual seja, a legitimação do país no continente em um contexto em que as diferenças políticas e econômicas entre o Brasil e seus vizinhos tornam-se cada vez mais gritantes, e pelo qual far-se-á necessária uma ação para a correção das assimetrias estruturais existentes na região, da qual o Brasil será o principal financiador. Nesse sentido, além de descrever quantitativamente a atuação dos principais vetores de atuação do Brasil no âmbito da integração estrutural no continente (IIRSA, BNDES e FOCEM), busca-se realizar uma análise crítica da atuação do país Banco na região, avaliando se, efetivamente, pode-se verificar uma rationale política consistente e direcionada a partir da ação dos referidos instrumentos de política externa.

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Includes Bibliography

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The secretariat is hereby circulating the present document, prepared by the Mexican Agency for International Development Cooperation (AMEXCID), to members of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), as input to the meeting of the Committee on South-South Cooperation to be held in the framework of the thirty-sixth session of the Commission.

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The current global economic instability and the vulnerability of small nations provide the impetus for greater integration between the countries of the South Pacific region. This exercise is critical for their survival. Past efforts of regional integration in the South Pacific have mostly failed. However, today’s IT collaborative capabilities provide the opportunity to develop a shared IT infrastructure to facilitate integration in the South Pacific. In developing an IT-backed model of regional integration, this study identifies and reports on the antecedents of the current stage for integration in the Pacific. We conducted interviews with twenty five individuals from various sectors and find that while most respondents were optimistic about the potential of IT-backed regional integration, significant challenges exists. The study identifies and discusses these challenges providing policy implications to stakeholders in the regional integration process. The findings will assist in suggesting a model of regional integration 2.0 for the Pacific region.

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The Capacity to Share is the first book to document how Cubans share their highly developed educational services with other low-income states, especially those in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. A variety of international and Cuban authors break new ground in presenting this research. They investigate the experiences of people who have studied in Cuba on scholarships from the Cuban government, the implications for their home countries, and the work of Cuban teachers and administrators to support education in other countries. The authors discuss how the Cuban "solidarity" approach prioritizes global educational cooperation for mutual support, rather than imposing conditional aid. The book offers original and unusual insights into issues of culture, education, aid, development, and change as they relate to low-income states.

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The study explores the role of the state in regional integration processes. The question is approached through theoretical discussion and two case-studies - SADC (Southern African Development Community) and the EU. The main research question of the study is, what are the possibilities and problems of the integration process in Southern Africa and how do they differ from the possibilities and problems of the integration process in Europe. The undelrying question of the study is why do states decide to participate in an integration process where they have to limit their sovereignty. Review of the theoretical discussion of the integration studies shows that the integration process is affected by several factors on different levels of the international system. But the state plays a central role in integration processes - integration processes are inititated and carried on by the participatig states. The European integration process shows that the interests of the state can change over time. At the beginning of the integration process, the objective was to strengthen participating states. Later EU member states have decided that it is in their interest to deepen the process even if it has meant limitation of their sovereignty. The determinant factor has been that the member states have considered it to be in their interst to deepen the process. In Southern Africa the integration process is only at the beginning. SADC aims to establish a free trade area by 2008. The biggest challenge is how to implement the integration process so that it benefits all member states in a region that is economically dominated by South Africa. In practice this can be achieved through establishment of corrective mechanisms, which ensure equitable distribution of benefits. This would require deeper integration and South Africa to adapt responsibility towards its regional partners. African integration processes in general have not been as successful as for example the EU. African states have been reluctant to limit their sovereignty in favour of regional organisations.This can be explained by the differences between European and African states. The EU member states have been democracies while African states have been characterised by concentration of power in the executive branch. Furthermore the political systems in Africa have been characterised by vertical clientelist reltionships. As a result it has not been in the interest of the political elite to limit the state sovereignty in favour of regional organisations. In recent years SADC has been relatively succesful in its integration process and reforms, but a lot remains to be done before the implementation of the free trade area can be succesful. The institutional structure and treaties of SADC differ from the structures of the EU. Member states are the main actors of the integration processes. Their differences are reflected in the process and produce different kinds of integration in different parts of the world.

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La razón principal del protagonismo regional brasilero se deriva de su continuidad en la construcción de estrategias en política exterior. Fue precisamente esta continuidad, sustentada en una identidad nacional y una visión autónoma de inserción internacional, características propias de su herencia diplomática, lo que le permitió identificarse y ser identificado como un líder regional a través de uno de los mecanismos de integración más grandes en América Latina. Como resultado de la política exterior de Lula y su redireccionamiento hacia la región, Brasil logró impulsar y construir una región suramericana sustentada en un MERCOSUR. Un espacio de cooperación regido por unos intereses y valores compartidos en materia política, económica y cultural que le permitiera por un lado diversificar y expandir su economía y por el otro, un posicionamiento político reflejado en el UNASUR. Con base en lo anterior esta investigación busca responder a la pregunta ¿de qué manera el proyecto de integración MERCOSUR incidió en el posicionamiento político de Brasil en la región durante el gobierno de Lula? Para ello este trabajo se divide en tres partes. La primera explica la construcción de su política exterior hacia la región. La segunda parte busca analizar el rol que ha tenido Brasil en la evolución de MERCOSUR, toda vez que es por medio de este, que Brasil pudo afianzar un protagonismo regional y global. Por último, se explica el posicionamiento político regional brasilero teniendo en cuenta al MERCOSUR como un vehículo estratégico utilizado por Brasil para posicionarse políticamente en la región.

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The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a de facto regional power in the Arab world. Its role has been crucial in some of the outcomes of the Arab Spring. The GCC countries have been very pragmatic in dealing with the uprisings, avoiding any revolutionary spill-over throughout the Gulf region. This paper examines to what extent the policies of the European Union (EU) in the Gulf have changed since the beginning of the Arab Spring. It argues that despite the calls by the European Parliament and by the High Representative Baroness Ashton to improve the relationship, the EU’s support for a new policy in the Gulf after the Arab Spring is stalling, and little new or concrete has been achieved. The paper concludes that the Union needs a reinforced partnership that merges the various EU policies in the region into a single strategic partnership with the Arab countries.