The Demobilization Process of Paramilitaries in Colombia: Between Politics and Justice

The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.

Behavioral differences in violence: the case of intra-group differences of paramilitaries and guerrillas in Colombia

In most studies on civil wars, determinants of conflict have been hitherto explored assuming that actors involved were either unitary or stable. However, if this intra-group homogeneity assumption does not hold, empirical econometric estimates may be biased. We use Fixed Effects Finite Mixture Model (FE-FMM) approach to address this issue that provides a representation of heterogeneity when data originate from different latent classes and the affiliation is unknown. It allows to identify sub-populations within a population as well as the determinants of their behaviors. By combining various data sources for the period 2000-2005, we apply this methodology to the Colombian conflict. Our results highlight a behavioral heterogeneity in guerrilla’s armed groups and their distinct economic correlates. By contrast paramilitaries behave as a rather homogenous group.

Conflict, Regulation and Marginalisation in the North of Ireland: The Experiences of Children and Young People

Based on primary research and consultations conducted over the last four years in the north of Ireland, this article considers the lives and experiences of children and young people in communities where the legacy of conflict and economic deprivation are most marked. It explores the reality of differential policing in communities where paramilitaries filled the policing deficit during the Conflict through informal 'justice' and punishment beatings. Finally, it considers the potential for change in a climate increasingly hostile towards children and young people, and the realisation of their rights.

Conflict, Transformation, and Former Loyalist Paramilitary Prisoners in Northern Ireland

Following the 1998 Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland, levels of paramilitary violence have declined substantially. Among loyalists, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and associated Red Hand Commando (RHC) have formally renounced violence, and dissolved their 'military structures', and perhaps the most reticent of all of the major paramilitary groupings, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), has taken on board the central tenets of conflict transformation, and 'stood down' all of its 'active service units' in the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF). Thus, paramilitary violence now is mainly confined to the activities of 'dissident' republican groups, notably the Real and Continuity IRAs, although low-level sectarian violence remains a problem. Such dramatic societal and political change has resulted in a focus on the roles of formal party political leadership as agents of social change. This gaze, however, tends to obscure other important events such as the efforts, structures and approaches taken at the grassroots level to uphold and sustain conflict transformation and to maintain a reduction in violence. This article provides analysis of the role played by former loyalist paramilitary combatants in conflict transformation, and draws on material obtained through significant access to those former paramilitaries engaged in processes of societal shifts. In both personal and structural terms there is evidence of former combatants working to diminish the political tensions that remain as a result of the long-term inter-communal hostility developed across decades of violence and conflict.

Young people, crime and justice in Northern Ireland

Many children and young people in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland have experienced living in poverty, truancy or exclusion from school, limited educational attainment, neglect or abuse within their families, placement in alternative care, drug or alcohol misuse, physical and mental ill-health. However, their lives are also affected by the legacy and particular circumstances of a society in transition from conflict. In addition to historical under-investment in services for children and their families, this includes discriminatory policing alongside informal regulation by ‘paramilitaries’ or members of ‘the community’ and community-based restorative justice schemes as an alternative way of dealing with low-level crime and ‘anti-social’ behaviour.

Following a Criminal Justice Review, the 2002 Justice (Northern Ireland) Act affirmed that the principal aim of the youth justice system is to protect the public by preventing offending by children’. Youth justice initiatives therefore encompass a range of responses: early intervention to prevent offending and the application of civil Anti-Social Behaviour Orders, diversionary measures (including community-based restorative justice schemes), non-custodial disposals for those found guilty of offences, and custodial sentences. While ‘policy transfer’ prevailed during periods of ‘direct rule’ from Westminster, the punitive responses to ‘sub-criminal’ and ‘anti-social’ behaviour introduced by the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act in England and Wales were resisted or not implemented in the same way in Northern Ireland.

This Chapter will critically analyse the debates informing recent developments, noting key issues raised by the 2011 review of youth justice initiated as a priority following the devolution of justice and policing to the Northern Ireland Assembly. It will focus on promotion and protection of the rights of children and young people in conflict with the law.

Transitional justice, demobilization, and peacebuilding amid political violence: Examining individual preferences in the Caribbean coast of Colombia

The conventional wisdom in the transitional justice literature is that there is no one-size-fits-all approach. This article suggests that this may also be true within a given state. The current paper reports on quantitative and qualitative data from 184 participants in a survey conducted in the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Results suggest widespread support for transitional justice mechanisms – such as perpetrator accountability, public acknowledgement and structural change – but dissatisfaction with national-level initiatives, specifically the 2005 Justice and Peace Law. Yet, despite a distrust of the national government and protracted conflict, individuals report social trust, community cohesion and reliance on local government institutions. These attitudes and behaviours suggest that decentralised transitional justice mechanisms may be more effective in meeting victims' needs. Moreover, analyses indicate that individual preferences are influenced by community factors, such as the presence of demobilised paramilitaries, which can be addressed through more localised approaches to promote peacebuilding. The paper concludes with best practices derived from the findings.

Dup discourses on violence and their impact on the northern ireland peace process

This paper analyses the Democratic Unionist Party's (DUP) discourses about paramilitary violence in Northern Ireland. Drawing on narrative analysis of DUP discourses reported in Northern Ireland's largest unionist newspaper, the News Letter (1998-2006), it explores the relationship between the party's identity, its discourses about republican and loyalist paramilitaries, and the impact of these words on the DUP's electoral success and on the peace process. The paper argues that these discourses may haunt the progress of peace-building, not least because the DUP will find it hard to disentangle itself from a history of scepticism and nay-saying even as it takes a leading role in a devolved Executive designed by an Agreement it longscorned.

Reconstructing the Social Fabric amid On-going Violence: Attitudes toward Reconciliation and Structural Transformation in Colombia

Given the increase of reconciliation processes initiated amid on-going violence, this study focuses on community reconciliation and its relation to structural transformation, or social reconstruction through reforming unjust institutions and practices that facilitate protracted violent conflict. Drawing lessons from the Caribbean coast of Colombia, mixed method analyses include eight in-depth interviews and 184 surveys. Four key dimensions of reconciliation – truth, justice, mercy, peace – are examined. In the interviews, participants prioritize reconstructing the truth and bringing perpetrators to justice as essential aspects of reconciliation. Notions of mercy and forgiveness are less apparent. For the participants, sustainable peace is dependent on structural transformation to improve livelihoods. These data, however, do not indicate how this understanding of reconciliation may relate to individual participation in reconciliation processes. Complementing the qualitative data, quantitative analyses identify some broad patterns that relate to participation in reconciliation events. Compared to those who did not participate, individuals who engaged in reconciliation initiatives report higher levels of personal experience with violence, live alongside demobilized paramilitaries, are more engaged in civic life, and express greater preference for structural transformation. The paper concludes with policy implications that integrate reconciliation and structural transformation to deepen efforts to rebuild the social fabric amid violence.

Childhood, Rights and Justice in Northern Ireland

Building on primary research and previous publications (Haydon, 2012; Haydon, 2014; Haydon and Scraton, 2008; McAlister, Scraton and Haydon, 2009; Scraton and Haydon, 2002), this chapter will provide a critical analysis of children’s rights and youth justice in Northern Ireland. More broadly, it will consider recent research concerning the criminalisation of children and young people in the United Kingdom and profound concerns regarding the policing and regulation of children raised in successive concluding observations about the UK Government’s implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, 1995, 2002, 2008). From this generic context, the chapter will map the ‘particular circumstances’ of Northern Ireland - a discrete legal jurisdiction to which powers for justice and policing were devolved only in 2010. Emerging from four decades of conflict and progressing through an uneasy ‘peace’, rights-based institutions and enabling legislation have, in principle, promoted and protected human rights. Yet children and young people living in communities marginalised by poverty and the legacy of conflict continue to experience inconsistent formal regulation by the police and the criminal justice system, while enduring often brutal informal regulation by paramilitaries. The chapter will explore evident tensions between the dynamics of criminalisation and promotion/ protection of children’s rights in a society transitioning from conflict. Further, it will analyse the challenges to securing children’s rights principles and provisions within a hostile political and ideological context, arguing for a critical rights-based agenda that promotes social justice through rights compliance together with policies and practices that address the structural inequalities faced by children and young people.

Fighting Talk: The Statements of 'The IRA/New IRA'

With the advent of the new violent dissident merger, ‘The IRA/New IRA’, the group and its affiliates have had to legitimise their new existence. They have utilised the maintenance of paramilitary activity to achieve this. However, they have also produced a number of organisational statements, justifying their position, tactics and strategies. This article analyses the evolution of these statements, both pre and post-merger from 2007 to 2015. 126 individual statements and 4 magazines are analysed using grounded theory. This analysis found that the statements have a dual strategy, aiming to foster trust in the movement and distrust in their perceived enemies. One of the dominant ways in which the group aims to foster trust, is by proposing their possession of an historical mandate from the republican forefathers of 1916, as well as the internally lauded paramilitaries from the Troubles era PIRA. The focus of the distrust narrative has been on the ‘constitutional nationalism’ of Sinn Féin. However, it also pours scorn on the PSNI, and capitalism, across the island of Ireland. The analysis of these statements can provide us with an understanding of the future direction of the group, as well as giving us insight, which can inform the development of any counter-narrative.

El papel de la OEA en el proceso de desarme, desmovilización y reinserción de excombatientes en Colombia

Desde el año 2004 la Organización de Estados Americanos, a través de su Misión de Acompañamiento al Proceso de Paz –MAPP/OEA- en Colombia, estableció una cooperación técnica para hacer un seguimiento, acompañamiento y monitoreo al proceso de Desarme, Desmovilización y Reintegración –DDR- de los miembros de los grupos armados ilegales del país, en particular de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (paramilitares) . Su trabajo ha permitido un conocimiento público del proceso con el grupo irregular y además está sirviendo como herramienta de aprendizaje para otros casos de DDR actuales y futuros.

Análisis de las rupturas y continuidades estratégicas en sus ámbitos económico, social y político entre el bloque Élmer Cárdenas de las AUC (2002-2006) y la banda criminal los Urabeños (2006-2010) presentes en el Urabá chocoano

A partir de un análisis comparado, de orden cualitativo, se analiza la existencia de continuidades y rupturas estratégicas entre el Bloque Élmer Cárdenas de las AUC y los Urabeños, con el fin de caracterizar a ambos actores armados. La investigación expone similitudes relevantes entre ambos grupos armados a fin de dilucidar la naturaleza, aun discutida, de las llamadas bandas criminales y su relación con los predecesores bloques paramilitares, además de la incidencia en las actividades económicas, la población civil y el poder político.

Análisis del rol de las ONG como voceras en la escena internacional de las víctimas del conflicto armado en Colombia. Estudio de caso: Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó ante el sistema interamericano de derechos humanos. Período 1997-2011

El presente trabajo de grado hace referencia a la población de San José de Apartadó, víctima del conflicto armado por la pugna entre grupos subversivos que buscan tener el control territorial, por la riqueza de los recursos y la ubicación geoestratégica que posee. La población se encuentra en una situación de crisis humanitaria y de desplazamiento forzado por más de 50 años. El conflicto se vio agudizado desde la llegada de los paramilitares en la década de los 90, estos en aparente connivencia con las fuerzas militares. Dicha situación llevó a que los civiles se organizaran bajo una iniciativa de resistencia civil no violenta para rechazar el conflicto y exigir el respeto a los derechos humanos. Se declaran Comunidad de Paz el 23 de marzo de 1997, lo cual generó un ambiente de descontento y represalias por parte de los grupos armados. Los pobladores se vieron en la obligación de acudir a actores externos como las ONG, con la capacidad de mediar por la población víctima y elevar el caso a nivel internacional, para que desde las instituciones internacionales pertinentes se ejerza presión externa al Estado colombiano, exigiendo la reparación y protección de las víctimas. El presente caso toma como referencia al Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos- SIDH.

Incidencia del Autoritarismo Competitivo Subnacional en el Desarrollo Económico del Magdalena Medio

El Autoritarismo Competitivo Subnacional ejercido por los paramilitares el cual implica unas elecciones viciadas, una violación de libertades civiles, un campo de juego desigual y un control territorial y que puede llegar a ejercer una influencia en la formación de instituciones económicas extractivas, frenando así el desarrollo económico del Magdalena Medio.

La reintegración social y económica de los grupos armados ilegales en Colombia: reflexiones a partir de la trayectoria de nueve excombatientes

Esta investigación toma como marco general la Política de Reintegración Social y económica de personas y grupos alzados en armas en Colombia, en donde tras el estudio de las trayectorias en el conflicto de un grupo de 9 excombatientes, se aborda la relación existente entre los beneficios otorgados por dicha política y aquello que facilitó y motivó el ingreso, la permanencia y desmovilización de los grupos armados. Se presenta una caracterización e interpretación conceptual de las denominadas trayectorias en el conflicto, son establecidas relaciones y diferencias entre las organizaciones ilegales FARC y las AUC, se revisan las percepciones que frente a los beneficios del programa de reintegración tienen excombatientes y profesionales de la entidad que lidera dicho proceso y a partir de ello, es argumentada la incidencia que sobre el éxito de esta política tienen las características individuales y particulares, tanto de los excombatientes como de las organizaciones armadas ilegales.