Gospel Music Training, Performance Practice and Its Impact on Leadership Development and Performed Nationalism in a Collegiate Military Choir

Since America’s beginnings as a British colony, its musical standards have adhered to those of Western Europe. For this reason, musical forms native to America like Black folk spirituals and Gospel music have historically been marginalized in favor of music in the Western classical tradition. Today, a bias towards music of the Western classical tradition exists in those American universities that grant music degrees. While this bias is understandable, inclusion of Gospel music history and performance practice would result in a more complete understanding of American music and its impact on American nationalism. The United States Naval Academy is one of the few American universities that have consistently elevated the performance of Gospel music to the level of Western Classical music within its institutional culture. The motivations for writing this document are to provide a brief history of Gospel music in the United States and of choral music at the Naval Academy. These historical accounts serve as lenses though which the intersection of Gospel music performance practice and leadership development at the United States Naval Academy may be observed. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, Gospel music intersected American military culture at the U.S. Naval Academy. After a few student-led attempts in the 1970s, a Gospel Choir was formed in 1986 but by 1990, it had become an official part of the Music Department. Ultimately, it received institutional support and today, the Gospel Choir is one of three touring choirs authorized to represent the Academy in an official capacity. This document discusses the promotion of Gospel music by the Naval Academy in its efforts to diversify Academy culture and ultimately, Naval and Marine Corps leadership. Finally, this dissertation examines the addition of performed cultural expression (Gospel music) in light of a shift in American nationalism and discusses its impact on Naval Academy culture.

Leadership in organizations.

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Puolustuskykyinen valtio vai Ruotsin hälytyskello? : Suomen sotilasstrateginen asema kylmän sodan alkuvuosien asiantuntija-arvioissa

The doctoral thesis deals with Finnish and foreign expert s analyses of Finland s military strategic position and defence capability, dating back to the early years of the Cold War. Finland s military high command prepared assessments of the country s strategic position and of the capability of the Defence Forces as grounds for defence planning. Since Finland was located on the Cold War dividing line, the foreign powers were also monitoring the development of Finland s situation. The research carried out had access to the armed forces internal assessments, as well as to analyses prepared by the military intelligence services of Sweden, Britain and the United States. One of the working hypotheses was that after the WWII the ability military leadership to estimate the security political needs of the country and the organisation of its defence was severely weakened so that the dangers of the international development were not perceived and the gradual erosion of defence capability was partly unnoticed. This hypothesis proved to be wrong. Even if the Finnish military intelligence was much weaker than during the war, it was able to provide the military leadership with information of the international military development for the most part. The military leadership was also fully aware of the weakening of the defence capability of the country. They faced the difficult task of making the country s political leadership, i.e. President Paasikivi and the government, also understand the gravity of the situation. Only in the last years of his term in office Paasikivi started to believe the warnings of the military. According to another hypothesis, outside observers considered the Finnish armed forces to primarily act as reinforcements for the Soviet Red Army, and they believed that, in the event of a full-scale war, the Finns would not have been able or even willing to resist a Soviet invasion of Sweden and Norway through Finland. The study confirmed that this was approximately the view the Swedes, the British and the Americans had of the Finnish forces. Western and Swedish intelligence assessments did not show confidence in Finland s defence ability and the country was regarded almost as a Soviet satellite. Finland s strategic position was, however, considered slightly different from that of the Soviet-occupied Eastern European countries. Finland had been forced to become part of the Soviet sphere of interest and security system and this was sealed by the Finno-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance in 1948. Finland had little importance to the military interests of the Western powers. In Sweden s defence planning, however, Finland played a significant role as an alarm bell of a possible Soviet surprise attack, as well as defensive frontline and buffer zone.

O pensamento militar de León Trotsky e a formação do exército vermelho: 1918-1925

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A Capitania-mor do Mar da Índia : 1502-1564

A presente dissertação pretende compreender as origens e a actividade associada à capitania-mor do mar da Índia, considerado o segundo cargo mais relevante da estrutura político-militar do Estado Português da Índia, desde 1502 a 1564. Este cargo, transferido do reino para a Índia, ainda nos primórdios da presença portuguesa, em 1502, visou assegurar os interesses da Coroa na Ásia. Após a nomeação do primeiro vice-rei para a Índia, D. Francisco de Almeida, em 1505, este ofício foi desde logo disputado e requerido pelos governadores subsequentes. Na maioria das vezes era-lhes concedida a possibilidade de indicarem ao soberano quem pretendiam ao seu lado, para os auxiliar na realização do plano de expansão gizado pela Coroa. No entanto, ao monarca assistia a palavra final. Procuramos saber quem foram os oficiais que ocuparam a capitania e compreender que espaço era esse “Mar da Índia”. Considerado o controlo do mar como a base da afirmação e alargamento da presença portuguesa na Ásia, de acordo com os planos de expansão de D. Manuel I e D. João III, é relevante percebermos qual foi a área de autoridade desta capitania. Se o espaço é relevante, também as embarcações o são, por isso, tentamos perceber que tipos de embarcações faziam parte das armadas associadas a este ofício. Após o entendimento sobre o espaço e as embarcações, foi relevante percebermos os critérios da nomeação e as funções inerentes, as quais eram, sobretudo, do foro político-militar. Todavia, os poderes outorgados à capitania, de natureza marítima, foram por vezes alargados às praças portuguesas do Estado da Índia. Percepcionar de que forma e para que fins essa autoridade se ampliou também foi motivo de discussão. Compreender o estatuto social e o impacto do cargo nas trajectórias individuais, foram aspectos que foram tidos em linha de conta ao longo do nosso estudo. Tentamos igualmente avançar com hipóteses explicativas sobre o fim deste cargo. Com este estudo pretendemos compreender como a capitania-mor do mar da Índia fez parte do funcionamento da cúpula político-militar do Estado Português da Índia, ao longo de mais de meio século, como elemento estabilizador. Constatamos que o capitão-mor do mar também foi usado pelo rei, com o intuito de controlar o governador em funções.

A cooperação institucional na prevenção do consumo/tráfico juvenil de estupefacientes : Zona de ação do Destacamento Territorial de Sintra

A presente investigação visa aferir formas de cooperação institucional entre o Destacamento Territorial de Sintra e os atores locais na prevenção do consumo/tráfico juvenil de estupefacientes. Pretende-se verificar que ações são desenvolvidas para prevenir este comportamento desviante; que vulnerabilidades são identificadas ao nível da cooperação institucional e melhorias para colmatar essas mesmas vulnerabilidades; e ainda propor possíveis ações ou medidas a serem realizadas, no âmbito da cooperação institucional, na prevenção do consumo/tráfico de estupefacientes. Neste sentido, a Guarda Nacional Republicana, enquanto força de segurança, tem incumbências na prevenção destes comportamentos e na criação de laços cooperativos com outros atores, para que este tipo de ações contribua para a promoção do sentimento de segurança. Além do patrulhamento que os militares efetuam diariamente, os militares das secções de programas especiais do Destacamento Territorial são os que mais lidam com esta problemática, essencialmente na prevenção desenvolvida junto da comunidade escolar. O presente estudo adota uma metodologia de tipo qualitativo. Combina a análise documental sobre a atividade policial do Destacamento Territorial de Sintra com as entrevistas realizadas a militares com funções de chefia e a entidades externas que atuam na zona de ação da subunidade. Os resultados decorrentes das entrevistas revelam sintonia no balanço da cooperação institucional, que tanto a Guarda Nacional Republicana como os atores locais consideram ser positiva. As ações de sensibilização junto dos jovens contam-se entre as atividades realizadas conjuntamente, mas a cooperação também proporciona a partilha de informação que permite agir mais rapidamente. Entre as potencialidades desta cooperação elencadas pelos entrevistados salientou-se assim a experiência adquirida e a facilitação das relações entre instituições, que desbloqueia situações e permite resolver problemas de forma mais célere. No âmbito das potencialidades referiu-se ainda o duplo papel da Guarda Nacional Republicana, que por atuar na prevenção e na aplicação da lei causa mais impacto junto dos jovens. No que diz respeito às vulnerabilidades da cooperação existente, foram apontadas limitações quanto aos recursos humanos e materiais e foi salientada a ausência de uma política de prevenção nas escolas. Mencionaram-se ainda algumas dificuldades pontuais de articulação entre entidades, o que também ocorre por via da falta de interoperabilidade entre sistemas de informação. Por último, no que concerne a recomendações de ações a desenvolver apurou-se a necessidade de reforçar a formação específica no sentido de qualificar um leque mais abrangente de intervenientes; considerou-se pertinente a celebração de contratos locais de segurança; e a especialização dos militares da Guarda Nacional Republicana para se dedicarem unicamente a este tipo de temas. Em suma, a prevenção do consumo/tráfico juvenil de estupefacientes passa, cada vez mais, pela cooperação institucional entre atores, visto que é desta forma que se consegue alcançar um maior número de indivíduos e pelo facto de esta realidade ser um problema socialmente relevante na estruturação social, pelo que reclama esforços e ações conjuntas.

The implementation of the Gender Perspective in the EU civilian and military missions: Leadership wanted. Security Policy Brief No. 67, October 2015

Fifteen years have passed since the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, through which time the EU has grown as a security actor. The keys to produce a change in implementing gender mainstreaming in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) are well known by member states; the EU and external implementation reports1 are repeated again and again, but real change requires real willingness on the part of member states, and leadership.

Air leadership : proceedings of a conference at Bolling Air Force Base, April 13-14, 1984, sponsored by the Air Force Historical Foundation, the American Military Institute, and the Military Classics Seminar /

Mode of access: Internet.

Business leadership development in Iran

Throughout the twentieth century the economics of the Middle East rose and fell many times in response to the external environment, including European de-colonization and the US and former USSR competing to provide military and economic aid after World War II. Throughout these upheavals the Middle East has remained internationally significant politically and economically not least for the region's large reserves of oil and gas, as discussed in the Introduction to this volume. In recent decades, Western nations have moved to invest into the Middle East in the rapidly developing technology, tourism and education industries that have proliferated. For its part, Iran has been the world's fourth largest provider of petroleum and second largest provider of natural gas and, despite years of political unrest, has made rapid expansion into information technology and telecommunications. Increased involvement in the global economy has meant that Iran has invested heavily in education and training and moved to modernize its management practices. Hitherto there has been little academic research into management in either Western or local organizations in Iran. This chapter seeks to address that gap in knowledge by exploring business leadership in Iran, with particular reference to cultural and institutional impacts.

Wisdom in the military context

On the basis of the Berlin wisdom paradigm, we define wisdom in the military context as expert knowledge and judgment concerning in extremis military operations. We measured wisdom in the military context by asking participants to give advice to an inexperienced officer facing an in extremis operation; subsequently, we coded their responses. Data were provided by 74 senior noncommissioned officers (NCOs) in the U.S. defense forces. In support of convergent validity, wisdom in the military context was positively related to general objective wisdom and general self-assessed wisdom. Relationships of wisdom in the military context and general objective wisdom with Big Five personality characteristics were nonsignificant, whereas general self-assessed wisdom was positively related to extraversion, agreeableness, and openness to experience, and it was negatively related to neuroticism. The findings provide initial support for the validity of the new wisdom in the military context measure. We discuss several implications for future research and practice regarding wisdom in the military context.

The German Military Entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld and His Conduct of Asymmetrical Warfare in the Thirty Years War

The dissertation examines aspects of asymmetrical warfare in the war-making of the German military entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld during his involvement in the Thirty Years War. Due to the nature of the inquiry, which combines history with military-political theory, the methodological approach of the dissertation is interdisciplinary. The theoretical framework used is that of asymmetrical warfare. The primary sources used in the dissertation are mostly political pamphlets and newsletters. Other sources include letters, documents, and contemporaneous chronicles. The secondary sources are divided into two categories, literature on the history of the Thirty Years War and textbooks covering the theory of asymmetrical warfare. The first category includes biographical works on Ernst von Mansfeld, as well as general histories of the Thirty Years War and seventeenth-century warfare. The second category combines military theory and political science. The structure of the dissertation consists of eight lead chapters, including an introduction and conclusion. The introduction covers the theoretical approach and aims of the dissertation, and provides a brief overlook of the sources and previous research on Ernst von Mansfeld and asymmetrical warfare in the Thirty Years War. The second chapter covers aspects of Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare from the perspective of operational art. The third chapter investigates the illegal and immoral aspects of Mansfeld s war-making. The fourth chapter compares the differing methods by which Mansfeld and his enemies raised and financed their armies. The fifth chapter investigates Mansfeld s involvement in indirect warfare. The sixth chapter presents Mansfeld as an object and an agent of image and information war. The seventh chapter looks into the counter-reactions, which Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare provoked from his enemies. The eighth chapter offers a conclusion of the findings. The dissertation argues that asymmetrical warfare presented itself in all the aforementioned areas of Mansfeld s conduct during the Thirty Years War. The operational asymmetry arose from the freedom of movement that Mansfeld enjoyed, while his enemies were constrained by the limits of positional warfare. As a non-state operator Mansfeld was also free to flout the rules of seventeenth-century warfare, which his enemies could not do with equal ease. The raising and financing of military forces was another source of asymmetry, because the nature of early seventeenth-century warfare favoured private military entrepreneurs rather than embryonic fiscal-military states. The dissertation also argues that other powers fought their own asymmetrical and indirect wars against the Habsburgs through Mansfeld s agency. Image and information were asymmetrical weapons, which were both aimed against Mansfeld and utilized by him. Finally, Mansfeld s asymmetrical threat forced the Habsburgs to adapt to his methods, which ultimately lead to the formation of a subcontracted Imperial Army under the management and leadership of Albrecht von Wallenstein. Therefore Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare ultimately paved way for the kind of state-monopolized, organised, and symmetrical warfare that has prevailed from 1648 onwards. The conclusion is that Mansfeld s conduct in the Thirty Years War matched the criteria for asymmetrical warfare. While traditional historiography treated Mansfeld as an anomaly in the age of European state formation, his asymmetrical warfare has begun to bear resemblance to the contemporary conflicts, where nation states no longer hold the monopoly of violence.

Re-imagining DDR Ex-combatants, leadership and moral agency in conflict transformation

Drawing upon criminological studies in the field of prisoner rehabilitation, this essay explores the relevance of the Demobilisation, Disarmament and Reintegration (DDR) framework to the process of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland. In a similar fashion to the critique of 'passivity' offered by, for example, the 'strengths based' or 'good lives' approach to prisoner resettlement and reintegration more generally, the authors contend that the Northern Ireland peace process offers conspicuous examples of former prisoners and combatants as agents and indeed leaders in the process of conflict transformation. They draw out three broad styles of leadership which have emerged amongst ex-combatants over the course of the Northern Ireland transition from conflict-political, military and communal. They suggest that cumulatively such leadership speaks to the potential of ex-prisoners and ex-combatants as moral agents in conflict transformation around which peacemaking can be constructed rather than as obstacles which must be 'managed' out of existence.

Civilian casualties – do we really care? The failure of the revolution in military affairs of non-lethal weapons in the U.S., Russia and Israel

Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

Deployed military women: A second look at gender-specific infections

This descriptive, cross-sectional study addressed the relationship between variables of deployed military women and prevalence of gender-specific infections. The analysis of secondary data will look at the last deployment experience of 880 randomly selected U.S. military women who completed a mailed questionnaire (Deployed Female Health Practice Questionnaire (FHPQ)) in June 1998. The questionnaire contained 191 items with 80 data elements and one page for the subject's written comments. The broad categories of the questionnaire included: health practices, health promotion, disease prevention and treatment, reproduction, lifestyle management, military characteristics and demographics. The research questions are: (1) What is the prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases (STD), urinary tract infections (UTI) and vaginal infections (VI) related to demographic data, military characteristics, behavioral risk factors and health practices of military women during their last deployment? and (2) What are the differences between STD, UTI and VI related to the demographic data, military characteristics, behavioral risk factors and health practices of military women during their last deployment. The results showed that (1) STDs were found to be significantly associated with age and rank but not location of deployment or military branch; (2) UTI were found to be significantly associated with intrauterine device (IUD) use, prior UTI and type of items used for menses management, but not education or age; and (3) VI were significantly associated with age, rank and deployment location but not ethnicity or education. Although quantitative research exploring hygiene needs of deployed women continues, qualitative studies may uncover further “hidden” issues of importance. It cannot be said that the military has not made proactive changes for women, however, continued efforts to hone these changes are still encouraged. Mandatory debriefings of “seasoned” deployed women soldiers and their experiences would benefit leadership and newly deployed female soldiers with valuable “lessons learned.” Tailored hygiene education material, prevention education classes, easy access website with self-care algorithms, pre-deployment physicals, revision of military protocols for health care providers related to screening, diagnosing and treatment of gender-specific infections and process changes in military supply network of hygiene items for women are offered as recommendations. ^