The roll of honour. A biographical record of all members of His Majesty's naval and military forces who have fallen in the war.

Author's name lacking: v.

Capabilities of Police and Military Forces in Central America -- A Comparative Analysis of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras an d Nicaragua

A difficult transition to a new paradigm of Democratic Security and the subsequent process of military restructuring during the nineties led El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua to re-consider their old structures and functions of their armed forces and police agencies. This study compares the institutions in the four countries mentioned above to assess their current condition and response capacity in view of the contemporary security challenges in Central America. This report reveals that the original intention of limiting armies to defend and protect borders has been threatened by the increasing participation of armies in public security. While the strength of armies has been consolidated in terms of numbers, air and naval forces have failed to become strengthened or sufficiently developed to effectively combat organized crime and drug trafficking and are barely able to conduct air and sea operations. Honduras has been the only country that has maintained a proportional distribution of its armed forces. However, security has been in the hands of a Judicial Police, supervised by the Public Ministry. The Honduran Judicial Police has been limited to exercising preventive police duties, prohibited from carrying out criminal investigations. Nicaragua, meanwhile, possesses a successful police force, socially recognized for maintaining satisfactory levels of security surpassing the Guatemalan and El Salvadoran police, which have not achieved similar results despite of having set up a civilian police force separate from the military. El Salvador meanwhile, has excelled in promoting a Police Academy and career professional education, even while not having military attachés in other countries. Regarding budgetary issues, the four countries allocate almost twice the amount of funding on their security budgets in comparison to what is allocated to their defense budgets. However, spending in both areas is low when taking into account each country's GDP as well as their high crime rates. Regional security challenges must be accompanied by a professionalization of the regional armies focused on protecting and defending borders. Therefore, strong institutional frameworks to support the fight against crime and drug trafficking are required. It will require the strengthening of customs, greater control of illicit arms trafficking, investment in education initiatives, creating employment opportunities and facilitating significant improvements in the judicial system, as well as its accessibility to the average citizen.

Civilian casualties – do we really care? The failure of the revolution in military affairs of non-lethal weapons in the U.S., Russia and Israel

Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

Cerebrospinal fever; studies in the bacteriology, preventive control, and specific treatment of cerebrospinal fever among the military force, 1915-19.

Formerly: Medical Research Committee. National Health Insurance.

Innovating from the War Economy: Formal, Informal, and Illicit Economic Activities of the Military in Colombia

Over the last decade, the Colombian military has successfully rolled back insurgent groups, cleared and secured conflict zones, and enabled the extraction of oil and other key commodity exports. As a result, official policies of both the Uribe and Santos governments have promoted the armed forces to participate to an unprecedented extent in economic activities intended to consolidate the gains of the 2000s. These include formal involvement in the economy, streamlined in a consortium of military enterprises and social foundations that are intended to put the Colombian defense sector “on the map” nationally and internationally, and informal involvement expanded mainly through new civic action development projects intended to consolidate the security gains of the 2000s. However, failure to roll back paramilitary groups other than through the voluntary amnesty program of 2005 has facilitated the persistence of illicit collusion by military forces with reconstituted “neoparamilitary” drug trafficking groups. It is therefore crucially important to enhance oversight mechanisms and create substantial penalties for collusion with illegal armed groups. This is particularly important if Colombia intends to continue its new practice of exporting its security model to other countries in the region. The Santos government has initiated several promising reforms to enhance state capacity, institutional transparence, and accountability of public officials to the rule of law, which are crucial to locking in security gains and revitalizing democratic politics. Efforts to diminish opportunities for illicit association between the armed forces and criminal groups should complement that agenda, including the following: Champion breaking existing ties between the military and paramilitary successor groups through creative policies involving a mixture of punishments and rewards directed at the military; Investigation and extradition proceedings of drug traffickers, probe all possible ties, including as a matter of course the possibility of Colombian military collaboration. Doing so rigorously may have an important effect deterring military collusion with criminal groups. Establish and enforce zero-tolerance policies at all military ranks regarding collusion with criminal groups; Reward military units that are effective and also avoid corruption and criminal ties by providing them with enhanced resources and recognition; Rely on the military for civic action and development assistance as minimally as possible in order to build long-term civilian public sector capacity and to reduce opportunities for routine exposure of military forces to criminal groups circulating in local populations.

Detecting conflictive cultural factors in complex scenarios of intervention: Military and local actors in interaction

The integration of cultural elements into the operational planning process is a complex task that requires practical and theroretical tools for a wide comprehension of the context to help solve the problem. This article shows the results of an empirical research which presents conflicting cultural factors as the starting point for the construction of mediating structures. The main result of our research is a partial cognitive structure, a system of ideas, represented in a template listing the basic conflictive factors at the tactical level that military could find in the development of their tasks. The template is also a valuable aid to design military training curricula and to be applied to any post-conflict stability operation in complex environments resulting from irregular or asymmetric conflicts.

Álcool e tabaco nos militares em Forças Nacionais Destacadas

RESUMO - Introdução: Segundo a Organização Mundial de Saúde, a evolução verificada nos últimos anos no consumo de álcool e tabaco e outras substâncias psicoactivas está a aumentar rapidamente e a contribuir de maneira importante para a carga das doenças em todo o mundo. A nível militar e nos elementos destacados para as missões de apoio à paz, é pertinente conhecer e caracterizar os padrões de consumo de álcool e tabaco a que estão sujeitos nestes contextos específicos de modo a compreender esta realidade e a sua importância e a poder intervir face às suas consequências. De ainda referir que existe escassez de estudos nesta área em Portugal. Objectivo: O objectivo deste estudo consiste em caracterizar os padrões de consumo de álcool e de tabaco dos militares das Forças Nacionais Destacadas, em missão de apoio à paz, no pré-deslocamento ainda em Portugal, no deslocamento em Teatro de Operações e no pós-deslocamento em território nacional. Metodologia: Apresenta-se o delineamento do estudo e o tipo de estudo que é longitudinal e analítico, a metodologia utilizada, bem como, as hipóteses colocadas, consolidadas na revisão de literatura efectuada previamente; faz-se a caracterização das variáveis sócio demográficas e instrumentais utilizadas. São definidos os critérios de inclusão e exclusão assim como aspectos éticos necessários. Definem-se ainda os testes estatísticos considerados apropriados para este tipo de estudo. Simulação de resultados, discussão e conclusões: Faz-se uma simulação do modo de apresentação dos resultados de acordo com os objectivos e hipóteses traçados tendo em conta a aplicação estatística considerada mais conveniente. Quanto ao ponto de discussão e conclusões dever-se-á após a realização do estudo comparar os resultados obtidos com os resultados de outros estudos análogos e no mesmo âmbito e tecer algumas considerações pertinentes sobre os mesmos. Assim seria importante sugerir novas orientações para outros estudos tendo em conta os resultados mais significativos que possam ser apurados e ainda ser reflectido e até apontado algumas respostas em termos de intervenção neste contexto.

O emprego de uma força de segurança de natureza militar nas missões de paz

The conflicts currently taking place around the world demand that the international intervention fits the intensity and extent of the threat. This is particularly important in post-conflict scenarios, leading to a greater participation of the Security Forces in those scenarios, in order to foster lasting peace, enforce the order and improve law enforcement services in those regions. The transition from armed conflict to peacekeeping may entail high risk situations and greater instability periods, so-called “intermediate situations”. Accordingly, in the face of persisting high volatility, a robust response is still required post-conflict. Therefore, it is appropriate to deploy Security Forces with military nature and status, the gendarmeries, which have training and response capabilities similar to Armed Forces in peacekeeping operations. Their double facet as police and military forces enables them to perform police duties in high risk and unsafe environments. In light of these features, the Portuguese gendarmerie, Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR), is able to carry out tasks in these scenarios, which it has been doing through individual operatives or larger units. This dissertation focuses on the use of Security Forces of military nature in peacekeeping missions, in particular the Portuguese GNR, relying mostly on the inductive approach and using literature research, document analysis, interviews and statistics. After a brief description of international peacekeeping missions, we describe the contribution of Security Forces of a military nature in such operations. Then we introduce and analyse the GNR, focusing on its deployment in different kinds of peacekeeping operations, from its first participation in 1995 until today. We also report some reactions to the performance of GNR. Finally, we discuss whether there is indeed a unique role for this type of forces in international peacekeeping missions.

Tahko Pihkalan kokoelma

Prof. Lauri Pihkalan testamentin perusteella Jyväskylän yliopiston kirjastolle luovutettu kokoelma koti- ja ulkomaista urheilukirjallisuutta 1800-luvun loppupuolelta 1970-luvulle. Sisältää urheilua ja ruumiinkulttuuria käsittelevän kirjallisuuden lisäksi poliittista historiaa, sotalaitosta ja naisliikettä koskevaa kirjallisuutta sekä ainutlaatuisen Amerikka-kokoelman. Kirjoissa näkyy Pihkalan lukutavat ja merkinnät.

Le Japon en mal de reconnaissance internationale. Victoires militaires et paix ratées, 1895-1923

À la fin du 19e siècle, le Japon inaugure une politique expansionniste qu’il mène avec succès contre la Chine, puis la Russie et enfin l’Allemagne. De 1895 à 1923, les forces armées japonaises cumulent les victoires militaires impressionnantes et indéniables. Contre toute attente, cependant, Tokyo peine à convertir ces triomphes en un capital politique qui lui assurerait le statut de puissance tant convoité et une paix durable, proche de l’hégémonie régionale. Pour expliquer cet échec politique, il n’est pas à regarder vers la mise en œuvre de guerres de revanche menées par les vaincus. Ce sont plutôt étonnamment des puissances étrangères au conflit qui viennent brimer les aspirations stratégiques du Japon. Parce qu’ils sont inquiets des impacts de la montée en puissance du Japon, des pays neutres comme des nations alliées à Tokyo font obstacles à la pleine exploitation des victoires. Mêlant menaces militaires et manœuvres diplomatiques, certains pays européens et les États-Unis réussissent à contrer les ambitions impériales japonaises, à refuser l’obtention du statut de puissance et à contester la reconnaissance de l’égalité raciale. Par le biais d’une analyse du premier impérialisme japonais, notre étude veut démontrer que l’intervention d’une tierce partie, non impliquée dans la guerre, peut obliger le vainqueur à reconsidérer comment il compte profiter de ses tributs de guerre. Pour qu’un traité de paix soit durable, celui-ci ne peut prendre naissance sans égard du contexte général, sans égard des intérêts des principaux acteurs internationaux de l’époque.

Análisis sectorial del GSED

El Grupo Social Empresarial de la Defensa GSED es el ente encargado de dirigir y orientar las políticas corporativas de las empresas que constituyen el Ministerio de Defensa, con el único fin de contribuir paz y seguridad en el territorio Colombiano. Aunque el grupo no es reconocido como tal sino por las empresas que lo componen se define al grupo para la comprensión de los lectores del presente trabajo. De igual forma se explica y analiza el objeto y función de las mismas Por medio de un análisis de la estructura del grupo, abarcando ejes como el administrativo y financiero se determina el impacto del mismo y su importancia en la economía del país como Grupo Empresarial.

Evaluación del riesgo cardiovascular usando la escala de Framingham en aviadores militares del ejército colombiano

Objetivo La enfermedad coronaria es la causa más frecuente de incapacitación súbita en vuelo, su etiología se debe a factores de riesgo cardiovascular. Los pilotos militares probablemente tienen una prevalencia diferente a las aviaciones civiles. Con el presente estudio se estima la prevalencia y proporción de factores de riesgo en aviadores militares del Ejército Colombiano. Metodología Estudio descriptivo correlacional. Se revisaron controles médicos de aviadores del Ejército Colombiano certificados, completando 1317 historias clínicas. Se obtuvieron datos como edad, presión arterial, tabaquismo, peso, talla, índice de masa muscular, colesterol total, triglicéridos y colesterol HDL. Según los datos recolectados, se calculó el Índice de Framingham y se estimó el índice de riesgo cardiovascular. Se calculó la prevalencia de sobrepeso, obesidad, hipertensión, hiperlipidemia, diabetes, HDL bajo y tabaquismo activo y la proporción de las mismas discriminando por grupos. Los datos fueron analizados mediante SPSS y los resultados expresados según estadística descriptiva. Resultados La prevalencia de factores de riesgo en aviadores militares fue HTA 3.34%, hiperlipidemia 56.9 %, HDL bajo 67.27%, diabetes 0%, tabaquismo 12.8 %, sobrepeso 55.1% obesidad 4.3% Hubo diferencia entre pilotos y tripulantes de las diferentes aeronaves y según sus equipos de vuelo. Conclusiones La prevalencia de factores de riesgo difiere entre el personal militar de vuelo y los aviadores civiles. Se identificó entre leve y latente el riesgo cardiovascular, según la escala Framingham, lo cual obliga a la realización de programas específicos y seguimiento estricto para modificar el perfil de riesgo y mejorar así la salud ocupacional de los aviadores del Ejército Colombiano.

Análisis del rol de las ONG como voceras en la escena internacional de las víctimas del conflicto armado en Colombia. Estudio de caso: Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó ante el sistema interamericano de derechos humanos. Período 1997-2011

El presente trabajo de grado hace referencia a la población de San José de Apartadó, víctima del conflicto armado por la pugna entre grupos subversivos que buscan tener el control territorial, por la riqueza de los recursos y la ubicación geoestratégica que posee. La población se encuentra en una situación de crisis humanitaria y de desplazamiento forzado por más de 50 años. El conflicto se vio agudizado desde la llegada de los paramilitares en la década de los 90, estos en aparente connivencia con las fuerzas militares. Dicha situación llevó a que los civiles se organizaran bajo una iniciativa de resistencia civil no violenta para rechazar el conflicto y exigir el respeto a los derechos humanos. Se declaran Comunidad de Paz el 23 de marzo de 1997, lo cual generó un ambiente de descontento y represalias por parte de los grupos armados. Los pobladores se vieron en la obligación de acudir a actores externos como las ONG, con la capacidad de mediar por la población víctima y elevar el caso a nivel internacional, para que desde las instituciones internacionales pertinentes se ejerza presión externa al Estado colombiano, exigiendo la reparación y protección de las víctimas. El presente caso toma como referencia al Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos- SIDH.