977 resultados para colonial trade


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The Charleston issue [1806] has title: The numbers of Phocion, which were originally published in the Charleston courier, in 1806, on the subject of neutral rights.

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Au cours des années comprises entre 1744 et 1763, le monde atlantique connaît deux guerres majeures. La France et ses colonies américaines sont impliquées dans une lutte acharnée contre l’Empire britannique. Les deux puissances rivales misent alors largement sur la guerre de course. Au-delà des conséquences commerciales et militaires évidentes, la guerre de course perturba aussi les communications transatlantiques. En effet, la prise d’un navire signifiait le plus souvent la perte des lettres qu’il transportait ou, dans le meilleur des cas, leur saisie, interrompant du même coup l’acheminement maritime du courrier. Les archives des Prize Papers, conservant des lettres et autres documents saisis par des corsaires britanniques, incarnent bien cette réalité. On y trouve notamment de nombreuses lettres françaises interceptées dans ces circonstances. Considérant que l’intérêt historique de ce fonds d’archives mérite d’être davantage souligné, cette recherche analysera donc certaines de ces correspondances françaises trouvées au sein des Prize Papers. À travers celles-ci, nous tenterons de reconstituer le système de communication transatlantique français et de ses acteurs en temps de guerre. Nous nous pencherons d’abord sur l’histoire de la constitution de ce fonds d’archives bien particulier, avant de présenter les pratiques de communication employées par les correspondants transatlantiques et les façons dont la guerre a pu les affecter. Il sera ensuite question des informations elles-mêmes qui furent véhiculées dans ce contexte si difficile.

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This paper has approached the coastal and Atlantic characters of such commercial activity in the port of Santos between 1808 and 1822 and the contradictions arising of this double condition, which is unique in the Southern coast of Portuguese America. This discussion was based on data collected in importation and exportation maps produced by customs of Santos to the Royal Board of Trade.

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The Iberian Union allowed the existence of formal mechanisms of government authority in Portugal. In what concerns the Iberian trade dynamics, including the colonial circuits, the Habsburgs legislated according to those that would be the most politically convenient circumstances, making an impact on Iberian affairs. Over the last decade, historical literature has highlighted the transnational nature of Early Modern business partnerships. On the other hand, Iberian scholars have put forward many case studies that show formal or informal Portuguese participations in the Spanish Indies affairs. However, the inverse situation as not been considered yet. What was the role played by Castilian merchants in the Portuguese colonial trade? This paper aims to present data about the collaboration between Portuguese and Castilian merchants within the European and the overseas trade dynamics, approaching the Iberian Union as an event that favored these business partnerships. It also debates the formal or informal nature of these relationships. Were they promoted by the State’s policies or, alternatively, were they devised as a means to bypass the Crown’s monopolistic policies? For this propose, we will analyze Portuguese notarial records from the period between 1580 and 1590.

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"With a commentary on the Industrial Property Convention, 1883, and the provisions concerning British inventions and designs at French exhibitions."

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A central tenet of life-history theory is the presence of a trade-off between the size and number of offspring that a female can produce for a given clutch. A crucial assumption of this trade-off is that larger offspring perform better than smaller offspring. Despite the importance of this assumption empirical, field-based tests are rare, especially for marine organisms. We tested this assumption for the marine invertebrate, Diplosoma listerianum, a colonial ascidian that commonly occurs in temperate marine communities. Colonies that came from larger larvae had larger feeding structures than colonies that came from smaller larvae. Colonies that came from larger larvae also had higher survival and growth after 2 weeks in the field than colonies that came from smaller larvae. However, after 3 weeks in the field the colonies began to fragment and we could not detect an effect of larval size. We suggest that offspring size can have strong effects on the initial recruitment of D. listerianum but because of the tendency of this species to fragment, offspring size effects are less persistent in this species than in others.

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El projecte de recerca ha analitzat la complexitat ètnica, social i de gènere de l’assentament colonial d’Empúries a partir d’un exhaustiu estudi contextual dels materials ceràmics d’ús quotidià provinents de diferents sectors excavats als anys vuitanta a la Neàpolis empuritana (N-7000, N-5000 i N-1000). Aquests sectors datats els segles V i IV a.C., corresponen a un moment en el qual s’està construint una identitat colonial diferenciada en l’espai emporità. La comparació dels aixovars domèstics usats quotidianament pels habitants d’aquest tres sectors situats en punts distants de la Neàpolis mostra que estem davant d’un assentament colonial molt heterogeni, on conflueixen materialitats, tradicions tecnològiques i pràctiques quotidianes iberes, gregues i híbrides. Els estudis de materials confirmen que no va existir una segregació espacial entre poblacions d’origen grec i iber en aquest assentament i suggereixen la cohabitació de gent –tant d’homes com de dones- d’origen grec i iber a les diferents àrees estudiades d’aquest assentament portuari. En el registre material ceràmic de totes les zones estudiades s’observa un predomini dels productes ceràmics de tradició grega (colonials o àtics) en els serveis de taula, però no així en els estris utilitzats a la cuina, que són majoritàriament de tradició ibera. També els materials ceràmics relacionats amb l’emmagatzematge domèstic i amb el transport i el comerç (àmfores) són predominantment ibers. Aquest patró suggereix que els ibers que van cohabitar amb els grecs al port emporità no van assumir en tots els casos posicions subalternes, sinó que tingueren un rol rellevant en la gestió econòmica i comercial d’aquest espai portuari.

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When did overseas trade start to matter for living standards? Traditional real-wage indices suggest that living standards in Europe stagnated before 1800. In this paper, we argue thatwelfare rose substantially, but surreptitiously, because of an influx of new goods as a result ofoverseas trade. Colonial luxuries such as tea, coffee, and sugar transformed European diets afterthe discovery of America and the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope. These goods became household items in many countries by the end of the 18th century. We use three different methodsto calculate welfare gains based on price data and the rate of adoption of these new colonialgoods. Our results suggest that by 1800, the average Englishman would have been willing to forego 10% or more of his income in order to maintain access to sugar and tea alone. These findings are robust to a wide range of alternative assumptions, data series, and valuation methods.

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Opium purchasing campaigns, initiated in 1915, were abruptly interrupted ten years later following the discovery that the Douanes & Régies of the General Government of Indochina had been victim of a gigantic fraud. Various inquiries expedited with a view to establishing responsibility for the fiasco, involving purchases made at Luang Prabang in 1925, highlight the dysfunctions affecting the colonial civil service. The 1925 scandal revealed not only the difficulties encountered by the French in their attempts to control the drug trade, but also the prevailing circumstantial inefficiency of the colonial bureaucracy.

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Within the scope of the TECNOLONIAL (HAR2008-02834/HIST) project, an archaeologi- cal and archaeometric research is being conduct- ed in order to clarify and systematize transport jars production in the Iberian peninsula and their distribution abroad, especially to the Americas, from the 15th to the 17th century. The production centre of Seville, in the Crown of Castile, produced large glazed and unglazed transport jars, called botijas, which were mainly devoted to the Atlantic trade network. The pres- ent study accounts for the first results obtained from an initial sample of 34 transport jars dated around the 15th-16th centuries from the produc- tion centre of Seville and the reception site of Santa María de la Antigua del Darién (gulf of Urabá, Colombia). This latter site is especially significant since it was the first Spanish founda- tion (1510) in continental America that obtained the title of town, and was the seat for the Governor of the new region called Castilla de Oro, as well as for the first diocese. All individuals were analyzed by means of x-ray fluorescence and diffraction analyses and then compared with the majolica production database from Seville. The results enabled us to define the first refer- ence groups for such modern transport jars, and to get a first insight into the jars coming to the Americas in the early 16th century whose prove- nance can be linked to Seville, but not Triana.

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This study deals with the import of West Central African slaves and their religious practices to Minas Gerais in the eighteenth century. The captaincy of Minas Gerais in the interior of Brazil developed into the world’s largest gold producing region in the beginning of the eighteenth century. The large-scale mining of gold, and later diamonds, was only possible through massive imports of slaves from Africa to Brazil. The first part of this study discusses the Atlantic slave trade in the southern Atlantic world. The discovery of gold in Minas Gerais led to an increasing demand for slaves in Brazil, which was largely met by supplies from Angola. The study analyzes the formation of Central Africans’ identities both in their homelands and in Brazil. Slave identities or “nations” have often been seen as creations of the slave owners. By interpreting major Central African “nations” such as Angola, Congo, and Benguela as regional identities that were tied to the slaves’ origins in Africa, this study offers a new interpretation of what these identities meant for Central Africans in Minas Gerais. The second part of this study concentrates on the religious universe of Central Africans. Processes of cultural creolization affected West Central African societies after the Portuguese landed in the kingdom of Kongo in the late fifteenth century and led to the development of an Atlantic Creole culture. The spread of Catholicism in West Central Africa affected religious life especially in the kingdom of Kongo, in the city of Luanda, and in the Portuguese colony of Angola. Central African religious specialists were often denounced to the authorities in Angola for organizing healing and divination rituals. Diagnosis in these rituals was often made through spirit possession. Central Africans took these healing and divining methods to Minas Gerais, where numerous African religious specialists enjoyed great prominence. In the Brazilian mining region, it was commonplace that African healers served not only the African slave population, but also free whites. In the eighteenth century, Central African popular healers made a significant contribution to the therapeutic arts practiced in Minas Gerais and elsewhere in Brazil.