Democracy, Participation, and Deliberation in China : The discussion about democratic centralism in the official Chinese press, 1978-1981

This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.

Confucian education and enlightenment for the masses in the manner of Guwen guanzhi

The topic of this study is the most renowned anthology of essays written in Literary Chinese, Guwen guanzhi, compiled and edited by Wu Chengquan (Chucai) and Wu Dazhi (Diaohou), and first published during the Qing dynasty, in 1695. Because of the low social standing of the compilers, their anthology remained outside the recommended study materials produced by members of the established literati and used for preparing students in the imperial civil-service examinations. However, since the end of the imperial era, Guwen guanzhi has risen to a position as the classical anthology par excellence. Today it is widely used as required or supplementary reading material of Literary Chinese in middle-schools both in Mainland China and on Taiwan. The goal of this study is to explain the persistent longevity of the anthology. So far, Guwen guanzhi has not been a topic of any published academic study, and the opinions expressed on it in various sources are widely discrepant. Through a comparative study with a dozen classical Chinese anthologies in use during the early Qing dynasty, this study reveals the extent to which the compilers of Guwen guanzhi modelled their work after other selections. Altogether 86 % of the texts in Guwen guanzhi originate from another Qing era anthology, Guwen xiyi, often copied character by character. However, the notes and commentaries are all different. Concentrating on the special characteristics unique to Guwen guanzhi—the commentaries and certain peculiarities in the selection of texts—this study then discusses the possible reasons for the popularity of Guwen guanzhi over the competing readers during the Qing era. Most remarkably, Guwen guanzhi put in practise the equalitarian, educational ideals of the Ming philosopher Wang Shouren (Yangming). Thus Guwen guanzhi suited the self-enlightenment needs of the ”subordinate classes”, in particular the rising middle-class comprised mainly of merchants. The lack of moral teleology, together with the compact size, relative comprehensiveness of the selection and good notes and comments, have made Guwen guanzhi well suited for the new society since the abolition of the imperial examination system. Through a content analysis, based on a sample of the texts, this study measures the relative emphasis on centralism and localism (both in concrete and spiritual terms) expressed in the texts of Guwen guanzhi. The analysis shows that the texts manifest some bias towards emphasising innate virtue on the expense of state-defined moral. This may reflect hidden critique towards intellectual oppression by the centralised imperial rule. During the early decades of the Qing era, such critique was often linked to Ming-loyalism. Finally, this study concludes that the kind of ”spiritual localism” that Guwen guanzhi manifests gives it the potential to undermine monolithic orthodoxy even in today’s Chinese societies. This study has progressed hand in hand with the translation of a selection of texts from Guwen guanzhi into Finnish, published by Gaudeamus Helsinki University Press: Jadekasvot – Valittuja tarinoita Kiinan muinaisajoilta (2005), Jadelähde – Valittuja kirjoituksia Kiinan keskiajalta (2007) and Jadepeili – Valittuja kirjoituksia keisarillisen Kiinan kulta-ajoilta (2008). All translations are critical editions, complete with extensive notation. The trilogy is the first comprehensive translation based on Guwen guanzhi in a European language.

Rebelle devant les extrêmes : Paul Levi, une biographie politique

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque.

The Integrated Mass Transit Systems Program in Colombia: an Example of Recentralization of the Cities´ Management?

The Integrated Mass Transit Systems are an initiative of the Colombian Government to replicate the experience of Bogota’s Bus Rapid Transit System —Transmilenio— in large urban areas of the country, most of them over municipal perimeters to provide transportation services to areas undergoing a metropolization process. Management of these large scale metropolitan infrastructure projects involves complex setups that present new challenges in the interaction between stakeholders and interests between municipalities, tiers of government and public and private sectors. This article presents a compilation of the management process of these projects from the national context, based on a document review of the regulatory framework, complemented by interviews with key stakeholders at the national level. Research suggests that the implementation of large-scale metropolitan projects requires a management framework orientated to overcome the traditional tensions between centralism and municipal autonomy.

Devolution and the political representation of business interests in the UK

The devolution of political power in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are widely read as a significant reconfiguration of the institutions and scales of economic governance. The process is furthest developed in Scotland while Wales and Northern Ireland, in their own distinct ways, provide intermediate cases. Devolution is least developed in England where regional political identities are generally weak and the historical legacy of regional institutions is limited. Within the overall context of devolution government policy has continued to emphasize partnership forms of. governance. Accordingly, the political representation of business interests has a particular salience in the new arrangements. This paper reports on findings from a study designed to examine the relationship between devolution and changes in the political representation of business interests in the territories and regions of the UK. It highlights a number of changes in the nature and extent of business representation. While some of these are significant the evidence suggests that they fail to mark a fundamental shift in the institutional foundation for sub-national business interest representation in the UK. Indeed the political geography of business representation remains dominated by an overarching centralism that is likely to provide a significant check on the further devolution of political power and democratic authority. (c) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Devolution and the political representation of business interests in the UK

The devolution of political power in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are widely read as a significant reconfiguration of the institutions and scales of economic governance. The process is furthest developed in Scotland while Wales and Northern Ireland, in their own distinct ways, provide intermediate cases. Devolution is least developed in England where regional political identities are generally weak and the historical legacy of regional institutions is limited. Within the overall context of devolution government policy has continued to emphasize partnership forms of. governance. Accordingly, the political representation of business interests has a particular salience in the new arrangements. This paper reports on findings from a study designed to examine the relationship between devolution and changes in the political representation of business interests in the territories and regions of the UK. It highlights a number of changes in the nature and extent of business representation. While some of these are significant the evidence suggests that they fail to mark a fundamental shift in the institutional foundation for sub-national business interest representation in the UK. Indeed the political geography of business representation remains dominated by an overarching centralism that is likely to provide a significant check on the further devolution of political power and democratic authority. (c) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Gestão ambiental e planejamento urbano em Abaetetuba: uma análise a partir das concepções e ações do poder público local

O presente trabalho discutirá a gestão ambiental e o planejamento urbano enquanto instrumentos da política pública municipal, através das concepções e ações que envolvem os órgãos e agentes sociais na dinâmica sócio-ambiental no espaço urbano de Abaetetuba. Analisando as atuações da administração municipal no que concernem as atividades desenvolvidas pela SESMAB e SEMOB, no período de 2004-2006, tentará esclarecer as visíveis e inegáveis contradições na paisagem urbana do Município, principalmente no que tange a qualidade do meio ambiente (o qual implica na qualidade de vida das pessoas) e a ausência de mecanismos mais específicos para desenvolver a proteção do meio ambiente e a inclusão social nos fóruns de decisão. Considerando o enorme potencial legislativo e jurídico brasileiro, esta pesquisa vai tentar mostrar que a falta de mobilidade político-administrativa municipal, mesmo com o recém criado Plano Diretor Municipal (Out./2006) ainda compromete os padrões ambientais urbanos, devido, entre outros, a desarticulação entre as secretarias municipais, o caráter físico-territorial das políticas urbanas e o centralismo do investimento público em áreas já servidas de infra-estrutura.

Cooperación nacional e internacional universitaria

Cumplidos 500 años del descubrimiento de América, la Junta Andalucía (Universidades de Córdoba, Sevilla, Cádiz y Málaga), decide contactarse con Universidades Argentinas (Tucumán, Jujuy, Santiago del Estero, La Rioja; San Juan y Mendoza) para trabajar temas de la Región Andina Argentina , poblada por españoles desde siglo XVI. Cuyo cumple entonces un importante rol socioeconómico en la franja árida sudamericana por la fuerte vinculación con Capitanía General de Chile, con dependencia política del Alto Perú. La posterior inclusión de Cuyo en Virreinato del Río de la Plata (1756) significa una decadencia. Pasa a tener posición marginal, gran dependencia del mercado interno y del centralismo de Buenos Aires. La UNCuyo integra el equipo dirigido por la UNTucumán para llevar adelante el programa “Inventario de Recursos y Servicios para la Gestión y Planificación Regional de la Región Andina Argentina ", que consta de subproyectos que encaran las actividades agropecuarias e industrial, los sistemas de asentamientos, ordenamiento del territorio y población.

Héroe y gente en el resurgimiento italiano : el caso Garibaldi

Desde 1861 hasta hoy, aunque con interpretaciones muy diferentes, Garibaldi es un ícono de la historia italiana y ha sido y es la opción ideal del héroe que luchó por la unificación de Italia, por la libertad de los otros pueblos, al representar siempre un modelo de personaje funcional en perspectiva pedagógica para la dimensión unitaria del país. Se desencadenó así un proceso sociológico de identificación a través de las imágenes y un registro de la memoria que ha encontrado su desarrollo en la epopeya garibaldina de la Primera Guerra Mundial y más tarde en la epopeya de la Resistencia. La leyenda garibaldina se transmitió, además, a través de la literatura, gracias a escritores como Edmundo de Amicis, a través del cual se puede apreciar el elogio del patrimonio cultural que representan los grandes escritores del pasado, como humus de la alcanzada unidad del país. Después de su muerte, la iconografía monumental intentará enviar un mensaje de unidad política de los italianos, erigiendo estatuas en las que se representan a Garibaldi y a Vittorio Emanuele, ambos a caballo, con la idea simbólica de un encuentro entre la revolución democrática de uno y el centralismo monárquico del otro.

Post-1988 civil-military relations in Myanmar

This paper explores the development of civil–military relations in Myanmar since 1988. After the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) took over the state by means of a coup d’état in 1988, the top generals ruled the country without recourse to significant formal political institutions such as a constitution, elections and parliament. A unique authoritarian regime, where political power was predominantly under the military’s influence, lasted for more than 20 years in the country. It seemed to many observers that the military regime was highly durable and that its dictator, General Than Shwe, had no intention of altering the highly repressive character of the political system. However, a new leader, President Thein Sein, who came to power in March 2011, has decided to implement some political and economic reforms that could undermine the Tatmadaw’s dominant role in politics and the economy. This paper examines the background to this sudden political change in Myanmar, focusing on the relationship between its dictator, the military and the state. This paper’s main argument is that Than Shwe has carefully prepared the transition of 2011 as a generational change in the Tatmadaw and in state leadership. The argument is also made that the challenges created by Thein Sein can be understood as a result of his redefinition of national security and balancing of security-centralism with state-led developmentalism.

A identidade regional na imprensa de proximidade beirã. Dois periódicos viseenses de 1959 a 2011.

Os contornos de um mundo em mudança e a evolução do pensamento há muito que se afastaram dos conceitos de identidades unas e imutáveis. A própria aceitação da mutabilidade traduz-se também nos cenários das vastas possibilidades para os fenómenos identitários à escala global. Também por isso, e mais do que nunca, se revela preponderante a reflexão sobre tais fenómenos identitários e a compreensão da sua intervenção e pertinência nas constantes reconfigurações sociais da atualidade. Esse será o universo do presente trabalho, onde serão auscultadas atuais conceções identitárias e o seu lugar no caso português. Este estudo configura-se, portanto, a partir de objetivos centrais bem delimitados: identificar e caracterizar a eventual existência de identidades regionais em Portugal, no caso particular dos territórios associados a Viseu. Este ponto de partida surge da análise da frequente cartografia das identidades territoriais na realidade portuguesa, bem como da continuidade de anteriores estudos do autor. Com efeito, verifica-se que frequentemente se definem duas grandes tipologias identitárias no que concerne à relação com o território: a local e a nacional. Tal posição surge em aberta contradição com os discursos mediáticos recorrentes onde a constante presença de um discurso de matriz regional obriga à dúvida inevitável. Nesse sentido, falando-se de região, foi necessário percorrer os conceitos de limite e de fronteira que a delimitam e lhe conferem sentido, indagando-se sobre o lugar da sua criação e da sua vivência. Assim, o trabalho orientou-se em dois grandes sentidos iniciais: o do levantamento da ação delimitadora do Estado, tido como autor das demarcações regionais em Portugal e o da auscultação da produção discursiva dos media regionais, agentes e expressão da identidade regional. A segunda dimensão obrigaria a um estudo aturado sobre a imprensa regional, objeto essencial do presente trabalho e a partir do qual será possível alcançar conclusões validáveis para o período entre 1959 e 2011. É então pelo cruzamento das duas dimensões referidas que se surpreende a existência de traços identitários regionais bem vincados, profundamente arreigados ao discurso do Estado Novo, raramente correspondendo aos intentos de delimitação das sucessivas iniciativas governamentais posteriores que, desse modo, revelam também um profundo distanciamento desse território que insistentemente vão dividindo. Entre o discurso eivado de simbolismo – embora centralista – do Estado Novo e as denominações técnicas – embora com o propósito de promover a descentralização do poder – da democracia, o discurso identitário da imprensa regional de Viseu alimenta-se ainda hoje do primeiro. Não porque vise os seus objetivos, mas porque é o que melhor caracteriza uma identidade relativamente pacificada: sempre pronta a recorrer ao passado beirão para afirmar as suas diferenças, sem no entanto pôr em causa o espírito da Nação; sempre pronta a denunciar o centralismo de Lisboa, esquecendo embora que foi esse centralismo que outrora lhe atribuiu a característica da genuinidade de, o que quer que seja, ser português.