997 resultados para Social fights


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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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El tema general de mi artículo refiere a lo que Axel Honneth denomina “sentimientos negativos" o de “agravio moral". Mi interés es dilucidar cómo estos sentimientos motivan diferentes tipos de reacción grupal: de resistencia, de conformidad, de vergüenza social. Asimismo, buscaré precisar si para Honneth puede afirmarse que exista una manipulación de los sentimientos negativos que propicie la consolidación de las prácticas de dominación. Si así fuera, el autor estaría revisando algunas reflexiones que hiciera en su libro Crítica del poder y que apuntaban en dirección a una nueva comprensión del dominio social.

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O presente estudo tem como objectivo desenvolver a História de vida de um conjunto de deportados enviados para Timor na sequência das lutas sociais vividas nos finais da 1ª República e das revoltas reviralhistas contra a imposição da ditadura militar. Data do início do século XVI a chegada dos primeiros missionários portugueses a Timor mas durante séculos a presença portuguesa foi muito ténue, restringindo-se somente a missionários, militares, funcionários da administração e degredados, naturais não só da Metrópole, mas também das restantes Colónias. Dado o contexto, a chegada de um elevado número de homens a Timor teve com certeza um enorme impacto. Através da reconstrução da História de vida de cada um, pretendemos compreender quais foram as consequências disto no que respeita os contextos sociais e traços culturais locais.

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Proposta de compreensao da relação entre educaçao e lutas sociais no contexto histórico da Colonização Dirigida. O trabalho de campo realizou-se na região do Alto Turi, na pré-Amazônia maranhense, onde se desenvolve o Projeto de Colonização do Alto Turi(PCAT), executado pela Companhia de Colonização do Nordeste (COLONE), empresa mista, subsidiária da Superintendência de Desenvolvimento do Nordeste (SUDENE). A questão fundamental do estudo é como os colonos se educam e se transformam, de produtores passivos e dependentes de relações assistencialistas e paterna por mudanças no PCAT. A análise do processo educativo, da reflexão e da ação desenvolvida pelos colonos, passa pela compreensão do processo histórico do Alto Turi Maranhense, isto é: do movimento migratório nordestino a partir da década de 50; da resposta a esse movimento dada pela SUDENE com a criação, em 1962, do projeto de colonização da região; da continuação do processo migratório introduzindo novos personagens (fazendeiros e comerciantes); da criação, em 1972, da COLONE, substituindo a SUDENE na execução do PCAT; da análise dos trabalhos de organização de comunidades, educação, extensão rural e cooperativismo oferecidos pela SUDENE e, posteriormente, pela COLONE à população nucleada. Esta linha de trabalho ainda implica, metodologicamente, em analisar a estrutura de classes da região, verificando o papel político e o peso social do grupo formado pelos colonos, assim como compreender as contradições que dinamizam a luta de classes na região, percebendo esse movimento no interior do processo social mais amplo, regional e nacional.

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The dynamics of social fights in Santa Maria district, Aracaju, represents, in this study, the search process for understanding and analyzing the articulations of the social movements, their victories, and their ways of practicing politics, it proposes, therefore, a search for explanations and to reflect upon some issues such as: what are the dynamics of social fights and victories of the popular social movements is Santa Maria District? How do they work to solve their problems and to answer the demands along with the institutions that are responsible for the public policies in the district? With the answers to these and other questions, an analysis of the population‟s fights with the support of local social movements will be conducted. It will be done based on the historical-critical perspective of the social movements within the context of social live, through a qualitative approach based on semi=structured interviews applied to people who are close observers of the district‟s reality, and on the analysis of News contents that were published in two newspapers from Aracaju in previous years, especially from 2004 to 2008. In face of the material studied about the News from newspapers and the contents of magazines, it is evident that the local popular movements began as a new way of practicing politics that was characterized by a reproductive practice of the status quo. There is one perspective left for the population from Santa Maria District, that they demand the local leadership to take actions in face of their dynamic of fights

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Background: High rates of co-morbidity between Generalized Social Phobia (GSP) and Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD) have been documented. The reason for this is unclear. Family studies are one means of clarifying the nature of co-morbidity between two disorders. Methods: Six models of co-morbidity between GSP and GAD were investigated in a family aggregation study of 403 first-degree relatives of non-clinical probands: 37 with GSP, 22 with GAD, 15 with co-morbid GSP/GAD, and 41 controls with no history of GSP or GAD. Psychiatric data were collected for probands and relatives. Mixed methods (direct and family history interviews) were utilised. Results: Primary contrasts (against controls) found an increased rate of pure GSP in the relatives of both GSP probands and co-morbid GSP/GAD probands, and found relatives of co-morbid GSP/GAD probands to have an increased rate of both pure GAD and comorbid GSP/GAD. Secondary contrasts found (i) increased GSP in the relatives of GSP only probands compared to the relatives of GAD only probands; and (ii) increased GAD in the relatives of co-morbid GSP/GAD probands compared to the relatives of GSP only probands. Limitations: The study did not directly interview all relatives, although the reliability of family history data was assessed. The study was based on an all-female proband sample. The implications of both these limitations are discussed. Conclusions: The results were most consistent with a co-morbidity model indicating independent familial transmission of GSP and GAD. This has clinical implications for the treatment of patients with both disorders. (C) 2006 Elsevier B.V. All fights reserved.

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The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive

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We investigated the association of eye color with the dominant-subordinate relationship in the fish Nile tilapia, Oreochromis niloticus. Eye color pattern was also examined in relation to the intensity of attacks. We paired 20 size-matched fish (intruder: 73.69 ± 11.49 g; resident: 75.42 ± 8.83 g) and evaluated eye color and fights. These fish were isolated in individual aquaria for 10 days and then their eye color was measured 5 min before pairing (basal values). Twenty minutes after pairing, eye color and fights were quantified for 10 min. Clear establishment of social hierarchy was observed in 7 of 10 pairs of fish. Number of attacks ranged from 1 to 168 among pairs. The quartile was calculated for these data and the pairs were then divided into two classes: low-attack (1 to 111 attacks - 2 lower quartiles) or high-attack (112 to 168 attacks - 2 higher quartiles). Dominance decreased the eye-darkening patterns of the fish after pairing, while subordinance increased darkening compared to dominance. Subordinate fish in low-attack confrontations presented a darker eye compared to dominant fish and to the basal condition. We also observed a paler eye pattern in dominants that shared low-attack interactions after pairing compared to the subordinates and within the group. However, we found no differences in the darkening pattern between dominants and subordinates from the high-attack groups. We conclude that eye color is associated with social rank in this species. Moreover, the association between eye color and social rank in the low-attack pairs may function to reduce aggression.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Revolução popular, com profundas implicações políticas, históricas e sociais no Pará, a Cabanagem desdobrou-se em lutas protagonizadas por legalistas e cabanos de 1835 a 1840. Neste período, segundo historiadores, o número de mortos chegou a 30 mil. Vista pelos olhos dos vencedores como uma simplória revolta de camadas menos favorecidas do extrato social, ao longo do tempo a Cabanagem teve sua memória recuperada por intelectuais e estudiosos da História do Pará, até alcançar o status de Revolução Popular. Este trabalho tem como base teórica estudos sobre textos históricos e de teoria literária, com ênfase à inter-relação entre a memória histórica, o imaginário amazônico e o papel do poeta nas questões sociais de seu tempo, mais especificamente, na poética de José Ildone e o entrecruzamento deste poeta com o olhar do contista João Marques de Carvalho, para mostrar visões diferenciadas sobre a Cabanagem, através de textos ficcionais de escritores de expressão amazônica. A principal proposta da pesquisa é mostrar até que ponto uma produção literária local se projeta em um contexto mais global e o quanto estes textos podem contribuir para analisar e compreender um fenômeno histórico, social e político como foi a revolta cabana, em um período de dissidências, motins, protestos militares e revoluções que eclodiram no Brasil nos nove anos de desorganização política e social do Período Regencial (1831/1840).

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Esta dissertação discute a participação e alternativas de desenvolvimento na Transamazônica, a partir de estudo acerca da Organização Não-Governamental Associação Solidária e Econômica de Frutas da Amazônia (ASSEEFA) que é a encarregada pelos Projetos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (PDSs), no município de Anapu, Transamazônica, Estado do Pará. Objetiva-se, verificar as imagens construídas sobre a ASSEEFA e os PDSs e, assim, apontar o grau de participação da sociedade civil de Anapu no processo de formulação e implementação de políticas alternativas de desenvolvimento para aquela região. Objetiva-se, ainda, explicitar em que campo se construíram as referências ao meio ambiente, presentes nas lutas dos movimentos sociais locais. Tomando como referência os conceitos apresentados por Ammann (1978) e Bordenave (1994), questionamos a existência ou não de participação social na criação da ASSEEFA e na implementação dos PDSs? Nesse sentido, as categorias participação social, sociedade civil, desenvolvimento, meio ambiente e Amazônia, com reflexos latentes nessa região, foram selecionadas como elementos centrais de análise, o que é realizado logo no primeiro capítulo. Com o intento de oferecer respostas à altura dos objetivos acima apontados, analisou-se, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e de campo, primeiro momento, a trajetória de constituição da ASSEEFA e dos PDSs. Observou-se, assim, que, nas parcerias, disputas e negociações da sociedade civil, existiam componentes relevantes que evidenciavam que aqueles movimentos possuem propostas voltadas para um tipo de desenvolvimento que valorize o meio ambiente e que, sobretudo, compromete-se com o resgate da cidadania. A análise dos pontos de vista das instituições governamentais como Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA) e Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis (IBAMA) e representantes da associação de madeireiros, serviu como referência para compreensão das diversas possibilidades, interesses e conflitos com que se apresentam as iniciativas da sociedade civil e a realização do desenvolvimento na Transamazônica. Tomamos como hipótese principal a formulação de que a participação social na ASSEEFA e nos PDSs de Anapu está ligada aos mais diversos interesses e que esta significa um rompimento com antigas práticas e visões sobre o desenvolvimento e a possibilidade desses agricultores de garantia de suas liberdades efetivas, como o direito a terra, ao trabalho, a educação e à saúde, em suma aos direitos fundamentais do ser humano.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Approximately 50 years ago, Nile tilapia were accidentally introduced to Brazil, and the decline of pearl cichlid populations, which has been intensified by habitat degradation, in some locations has been associated with the presence of Nile tilapia. There is, however, little strong empirical evidence for the negative interaction of non-native fish populations with native fish populations; such evidence would indicate a potential behavioural mechanism that could cause the population of the native fish to decline. In this study, we show that in fights staged between pairs of Nile tilapia and pearl cichlids of differing body size, the Nile tilapia were more aggressive than the pearl cichlid. Because this effect prevailed over body-size effects, the pearl cichlids were at a disadvantage. The niche overlap between the Nile tilapia and the pearl cichlid in nature, and the competitive advantage shown by the Nile tilapia in this study potentially represent one of several possible results of the negative interactions imposed by an invasive species. These negative effects may reduce population viability of the native species and cause competitive exclusion.

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The purpose of our study is to investigate the effects of chronic estrogen administration on same-sex interactions during exposure to a social stressor and on oxytocin (OT) levels in prairie voles (Microtus orchrogaster). Estrogen and OT are two hormones known to be involved with social behavior and stress. Estogen is involved in the transcription of OT and its receptor. Because of this, it is generally thought that estrogen upregulates OT, but evidence to support this assumption is weak. While estrogen has been shown to either increase or decrease stress, OT has been shown to have stress-dampening properties. The goal of our experiment is to determine how estrogen affects OT levels as well as behavior in a social stressor in the voles. In addition, estrogen is required for many opposite-sex interactions, but little is known about its influence on same-sex interactions. We hypothesized that prairie voles receiving chronic estrogen injections would show an increase in OT levels in the brain and alter behavior in response to a social stressor called the resident-intruder test. To test this hypothesis, 73 female prairie voles were ovariectomized and then administered daily injections of estrogen (0.05 ¿g in peanut oil, s.c.) or vehicle for 8 days. On the final day of injections, half of the voles were given the resident-intruder test, a stressful 5 min interaction with a same-sex stranger. Their behavior was video-recorded. These animals were then sacrificed either 10 minutes or 60 minutes after the conclusion of the test. Half of the animals (no stress group) were not given the resident-intruder test. After sacrifice, trunk blood and brains were collected from the animals. Videos of the resident-intruder tests were analyzed for pro-social and aggressive behavior. Density of OT-activated neurons in the brain was measured via pixel count using immunohistochemistry. No differences were found in pro-social behavior (focal sniffing, p = 0.242; focal initiated sniffing p = 0.142; focal initiated sniffing/focal sniffing, p = 0.884) or aggressive behavior (total time fighting, p= 0.763; number of fights, p= 0.148; number of strikes, p = 0.714). No differences were found in activation of OT neurons in the brain, neither in the anterior paraventricular nucleus (PVN) (pixel count p= 0.358; % area that contains pixelated neurons p = 0.443) nor in the medial PVN (pixel count p= 0.999; % area that contains pixelated neurons p = 0.916). These results suggest that estrogen most likely does not directly upregulate OT and that estrogen does not alter behavior in stressful social interactions with a same-sex stranger. Estrogen may prepare the animal to respond to OT, instead of increasing the production of the peptide itself, suggesting that we need to shift the framework in which we consider estrogen and OT interactions.