Avoiding the cause : Australia and political persecution in West Papua

Despite formally acknowledging that political persecution exists in West Papua by granting 43 West Papuans TPVs on the grounds that if they were forcibly returned they would face a well founded fear of persecution, the Australian Government treats the symptoms of the problem - deterring further boat people by making it more difficult for them to assert their asylum claims - than its cause - Indonesia's persecution of independence activists in the province

Nicaragua's Interior Ministry : instrument of political consolidation.

"August 1987."

Ich war nie ein Bernhardiner 1933-1983

The memoir was written in New York between 1981 and 1983. Recollections of the Nazi take-over in Germany and their growing awareness of the upcoming danger. Closure of the cabaret of Friedrich Hollaender, where Lotte and her husband were working, due to its "subversive" political views. After the burning of the "Reichstag" (parliament) Lotte and Victor emigrated to France. Life of emigres in Paris. Lotte found work as a foreign language secretary. Victor worked with a film editor. Extradition from France due to their expired carte d'identite. Move to Amsterdam. In 1935 they went to friends in Spain, where Victor had a position as a film editor. They lived in Barcelona until outbreak of civil war. Escape to London via Prague. Exit visas for the United States. Arrival in New York in 1937. Victor was invited by Friedrich Hollaender to Hollywood, where Lotte joined him a few months later. Work as butler and cook in a family. Lotte found only a few engagements in theater and film. Divorce from her husband and remarriage with actor Wolfgang Zilzer (Paul Andor).

Spaete Schaeden der Psyche nach politischer Verfolgung 1965

Manuscript: "Spaete Schaeden der Psyche nach politischer Verfolgung". Radio broadcast on psychiatric disorders suffered by individuals who had been subject to political persecution, especially those who spent time in concentration camps.

A (her)story of ones own: fiction and autobiography in Julia Alvarezs novels

Escritoras migrantes frequentemente publicam romances autobiográficos que mesclam ficção com suas histórias pessoais. Essas escritoras usam suas experiências pessoais para discutir questões coletivas relacionadas aos diversos tipos de deslocamento associados ao processo diaspórico. As migrações em massa das ex-colônias para as metrópoles dos países desenvolvidos cresceram significantemente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, gerando ao mesmo tempo contato mais próximos e conflitos entre culturas. Essa dissertação pretende analisar os romances autobiográficos How the García Girls Lost their Accents (1991) e Yo! (1997) da escritora dominicana-americana Julia Alvarez, A família Alvarez migrou para os Estados Unidos em 1960 devido a perseguição política. Em seus romances, a escritora lida com os traumas do deslocamento e com o processo de crescimento de meninas divididas entre valores culturais diferentes. Pretendo discutir como Alvarez, em sua prática autobiográfica, problematiza questões relacionadas à migração, como gênero, hibridismo cultural, memória lacunar e identidades fragmentadas. Também analiso como essas narrativas contestam as convenções formais tanto do gênero autobiográfico como da ficção, frisando o quanto o limite entre o real e o fictício, entre o privado e o político, é tênue

Graffiti, memory and contested space : mnemonic initiatives following trauma and/or repression in Buenos Aires, Argentina

Graffiti, Memory and Contested Space: Mnemonic Initiatives Following Periods of Trauma and/or Repression in Buenos Aires, Argentina This thesis concerns the popular articulation ofmemory following periods or incidents of trauma in Argentina. I am interested in how groups lay claim to various public spaces in the city and how they convert these spaces into mnemonic battlegrounds. In considering these spaces of trauma and places of memory, I am primarily interested in how graffiti writing (stencils, spray-paint, signatures, etchings, wall-paintings, murals and installations) is used to make these spaces transmit particular memories that impugn official versions of the past. This thesis draws on literatures focused on popular/public memory. Scholars argue that memory is socially constructed and thus actively contested. Marginal initiatives such as graffiti writing challenge the memory projects of the state as well as state projects that are perceived by citizens to be 'inadequate,' 'inappropriate,' and/or as promoting the erasure of memory. Many of these initiatives are a reaction to the proreconciliation and pro-oblivion strategies of previous governments. I outline that the history of silences and impunity, and a longstanding emphasis on reconciliation at the expense of truth and justice has created an environment of vulnerable memory in Argentina. Popular memory entrepreneurs react by aggressively articulating their memories in time and in space. As a result of this intense memory work, the built landscape in Buenos Aires is dotted with mnemonic initiatives that aim to contradict or subvert officially sanctioned memories. I also suggest that memory workers in Argentina persistently and carefially use the sites of trauma as well as key public spaces to ensure official as well as popular audiences . The data for this project was collected in five spaces in Buenos Aires, the Plaza de Mayo, Plaza Congreso, La Republica Cromanon nightclub, Avellaneda Train Station and El Olimpo, a former detention centre from the military dictatorship.

Epicurus’ Apolitical Attitude

Le conseil épicurien d’éviter la participation politique a reçu maintes interprétations, souvent obscures et mal fondées. L’attitude apolitique ne peut être définie comme un simple manque d’intérêt ou de préoccupation pour la politique ; en effet, selon l’opinion de Pierre Hadot, la philosophie ancienne est profondément ancrée dans l’existence et les doctrines philosophiques n’acquièrent de l’importance que lorsqu’elles assistent le praxis. L’attitude d’Épicure est donc enracinée dans le refus de vivre selon des normes prescrites par l’établissement politique. Selon lui, la politique traditionnelle est vouée à l’échec puisqu’elle poursuit aveuglément le pouvoir et la richesse. En réaction à cette situation, Épicure crée une communauté qui instaure de nouvelles valeurs et au sein de laquelle il est possible de vivre conformément à ces nouvelles valeurs. Se situant en totale opposition aux modes de vie les plus fondamentaux de la cité, les adeptes d’Épicure, s’ils participaient à la vie politique, déclencheraient une grande hostilité de la part des partisans des valeurs traditionnelles. Pour cette raison, l’attitude épicurienne peut d’abord représenter une manière d’éviter la persécution politique. De plus, s’il est admis que la politique implique la poursuite du pouvoir, les épicuriens ne peuvent s’y adonner puisque cela serait contradictoire à leur quête d’ataraxie. À tous égards et indépendamment de ces deux motifs justifiant le retrait de la vie politique, il est clair que si l’attitude d’Épicure ne reposait pas sur une conscience politique, alors, ses critiques à l’égard de la vie politique, son désir de s’y soustraire et la création d’une communauté distincte n’auraient pas été. La politique a le pouvoir de profondément modeler la vie des gens. Considérant que ce conditionnement s’appuie sur des valeurs malsaines, le projet épicurien s’applique donc à remodeler, à la lumière de nouvelles valeurs, la vie de ceux qui ne trouvent aucune satisfaction à poursuivre la vie de la cité.

About the Triple A. Argentina 1973 - 1976

On May 25, 1973, Peronism returned to govern Argentina after about two decades of prohibition and political persecution. After its establishment, certain crimes began to be signed with “AAA”. The Triple A adopted the particularity of disappearing with the coup on March 24 1976. Why could this organization only exist in a democracy erected in the middle of two military dictatorships? Why did it exist during the very wished Peronist government? The article offers an approach to the Triple A, that is, from the perspectives of history, sociology and politics. It seeks to unravel the socio-historical conditions of the Triple A by analyzing the international, ideological, utilitarian and strategic factors. Our hypothesis is that this illegal group failed in trying a strategy of non-state conducted repression, which ended up legitimizing the coup option crowned on March 24, 1976.

Duas mãos e o sentimento do mundo: Hélio Vasconcelos

This thesis deals with the intellectual itinerary of the humanist, lawyer and educator RN Helio Vasconcelos in building a more cohesive society, just and egalitarian, less marked by inequality, by poverty, ignorance and lack of freedom of his people suffered and loved. It also shows, as after suffering the hardships caused by the political persecution and imprisonment, exile faced with dignity, developing an exemplary job of defending the rights of children and adolescents. For this, redo the way that intellectual humanist, simple man who never gave up their way of thinking, of viewing the world, to love and respect all that surrounds him, thinking globally and acting locally, always holding the defense Rights human. Helium shows how solidarity exercised intensely and as bothered with the real interests of the community to hold public office. It seeks to demonstrate the need for reformulation of Legal Education in order to stimulate the formation of a lawyer gifted humanist profile

Saberes em campo: a configuração do ensino escolar da educação física no Estado de São Paulo (1964-1985)

Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR

A experiência da clandestinidade política: relatos orais de ex-militantes de esquerda durante a ditadura militar (1964-1979)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Slovak Policy, 1956-1960

The project looked at crucial political events in Slovakia between 1956 and 1960. 1956 saw the first attempt by Slovak intellectuals to reform the communist regime by increasing the degree of democracy and 1960 was the culmination of the strengthening of the political persecution that began after 1957. The period was characterised by the partial replacement of the informal-political instruments of control over society by formal measures, and the gradual weakening of the role of terror in people's daily life. Marusiak studied the gradual accommodation of the communist regime by the people, analysing the social and political history against the background of political development and of specific aspects such as the conflict of youth and intellectuals with the regime, the collectivisation of agriculture and the liquidation of the rest of the private sector in the economy, public opinion and the changes in the political system, the relations between state and churches, and ethnic problems in Czechoslovakia. He concludes that there was a continuity between the aims and methods used by the communist regime before and after 1953 (or 1956) and that the communist regime in this period remained fundamentally totalitarian.

Between “incidents of intolerance” and “massacre” : British interpretations of the early Modern Polish religious persecution

Este ensaio analisa o modo como as vias através das quais a razão humana, definida como um instrumento para eliminar os obstáculos da existência, na deriva da civilização resultaram frequentemente em “eliminações racionais” dos potenciais inimigos e de pessoas comuns.O autor realça esses processo desumanos com base em vários exemplos da história moderna. Começa com a Revolução Francesa até chegar ao século XX com a experiência devastadora dos totalitarismo, acabando por lembrar os massacres do Ruanda.