The making of a void sovereignty: political implications of the military checkpoints in the West Bank

Research on the Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank has emphasized not only that these checkpoints have dire implications for the Palestinians living there, at the personal, familial, and communal levels, and devastating eff ects on the Palestinian economy, but also that they have far-reaching consequences for the ability of the Palestinians to establish an independent political entity. At the same time, analysis of the Israeli forms of domination over the Palestinians has also stressed the role of a Palestinian governing authority in sustaining the Israeli rule, since the former relieves the latter of its responsibility to care for the occupied Palestinian population. This paper aims to address this apparent contradiction claiming that a comprehensive analysis of Israeli forms of domination requires a spatial examination of the operation of sovereignty with an assessment of governmentalizing arrays. This combined analysis suggests that a Palestinian sovereignty, but one which is emptied of its actual ruling power, is construed at the checkpoints as an epiphenomenon of Israeli apparatuses of control. © 2013 Pion and its Licensors.

Ideological Closure : Drug Prevention in a Post-political Society

The aim of this thesis is to critically examine drug prevention as a field of problematizations  – how drug prevention becomes established as a political technology within this field, how it connects to certain modes of governance, how and under which conditions it constitutes it’s problematic, the questions it asks,  it´s implications in terms of political participation and representation, the various bodies of knowledge through which it constitutes the reality upon which it acts, the limits it places on ways of being, questioning, and talking  in the world. The main analyses have been conducted in four separate but interrelated articles. Each article addresses a specific dimension of drug prevention in order to get a grasp of how this field is organized. Article 1 examines the shift that has occurred in the Swedish context during the period 1981–2011 in how drugs have been problematized, what knowledge has grounded the specific modes of problematization and which modes of governance this has enabled. In article 2, the currently dominant scientific discipline in the field of drug prevention – prevention science – is critically examined in terms of how it constructs the “drug problem” and the underlying assumptions it carries in regard to reality and political governance. Article 3 addresses the issue of communities’ democratic participation in drug prevention efforts by analyzing the theoretical foundations of the Communities That Care prevention program. The article seeks to uncover how notions of community empowerment and democratic participation are constructed, and how the “community” is established as a political entity in the program. The fourth and final article critically examines the Swedish Social and Emotional Training (SET) program and the political implications of the relationship the program establishes between the subject and emotions. The argument is made that, within the field of drug prevention, questions of political values and priorities in a problematic way are decoupled from the political field and pose a significant problem in terms of the possibilities to engage in democratic deliberation. Within this field of problematizations it becomes impossible to mobilize a politics against social injustice, poverty and inequality. At the same time, the scientific grounding of this mode of governing the drug “problem” acts to naturalize a specific – highly political – way of engaging with drugs.

Luonto, tiede ja teknologia : Kansanvalistuksen Suomi-kuva 1870-1920

Nature, science and technology. The image of Finland through popular enlightenment texts 1870-1920 This doctoral thesis looks at how Finnish popular enlightenment texts published between 1870 and 1920 took part in the process of forming a genuine Finnish national identity. The same process was occurring in other Nordic countries at the time and the process in Finland was in many ways influenced by them, particularly Sweden. In Finland the political realities under Russian rule especially during the Russification years, and the fact that its history was considered to be short compared to other European countries, made this nation-building process unique. The undertaking was led by members of the national elite, influential in the cultural, academic as well as political arenas, who were keen to support the foundation of a modern Finnish identity. The political realities and national philosophy of history necessitated a search for elements of identity in nature and the Finnish landscape, which were considered to have special national importance: Finland was very much determined as a political entity on the basis of its geography and nature. Nature was also used as means of taking a cultural or political view in terms of, for example, geographical facts such as the nation s borders or the country s geographical connections to Western Europe. In the building of a proper national identity the concept of nature was not, however, static, but was more or less affected by political and economic progress in society. This meant that nature, or the image of the national landscape, was no longer seen only as a visual image of the national identity, but also as a source of science, technology and a prosperous future. The role of technology in this process was very much connected to the ability to harness natural resources to serve national interests. The major change in this respect had occurred by the early 20th century, when indisputable scientific progress altered the relationship between nature and technology. Concerning technology, the thesis is mainly interested in the large and at the time modern technological manifestations, such as railways, factories and industrial areas in Finland. Despite the fact that the symbiosis between national nature and international but successfully localized technology was in Finnish popular enlightenment literature depicted mostly as a national success story, concerns began to arise already in last years of the 19th century. It was argued that the emerging technology would eventually destroy Finland s natural environment, and therefore the basis of its national identity. The question was not how to preserve nature through natural science, but more how to conserve such natural resources and images that were considered to be the basis of national identity and thus of the national history. National parks, isolated from technology, and distant enough so as to have no economic value, were considered the solution to the problem. Methodologically the thesis belongs to the genre of science and technology studies, and offers new viewpoints with regard to both the study of Finnish popular enlightenment literature and the national development process as a whole.

Normalization and Charter 77 : Violence, Commitment and Resistance in Czechoslovakia

In Czechoslovakia, the occupation of 1968 denoted the beginning of normalization , a political and societal stagnation that lasted two decades. Dissident initiative Charter 77 emerged in 1977, demanding that the leaders of the country respect human rights. The Helsinki process provided a macro-level framework that influenced opposition and dissident activities throughout Eastern Europe. The study contributes a focused empirical analysis of the period of normalization and the dissident movement Charter 77. Dissent in general is seen as an existential attitude; it can be encapsulated as a morally rationalized critical stance as derived from shared experience or interpretation of injustice, which serves as a basis for a shared collective identity comprising oppositional consciousness as one unifying factor. The study suggests that normalization can be understood as a fundamentally violent process and discusses the structural and cultural manifestations of violence with relation to Charter 77. In general, the aim of the system was to passivize the society to such an extent that it would not constitute a potential threat to the hegemonic rule of the regime. Normalization caused societal stagnation and apoliticization, but it also benefited those who accepted the new political reality. The study, however, questions the image of Czechoslovakia s allegedly highly repressive rule by showing that there was also quite considerable tolerance of Charter 77 and consideration before severe repression was brought to bear against dissidents. Furthermore, the study provides understanding of the motives and impetuses behind dissent, the strategic shifts in Charter 77 activities, and the changes in the regime s policies toward Charter 77. The study also adds new perspective on the common image of Charter 77 as a non political initiative and suggests that Charter 77 was, in fact, a political entity, an actively political one in the latter half of the 1980s. Charter 77 was a de facto hybrid of a traditional dissident initiative and an oppositional actor. Charter 77 adopted a two-dimension approach: firstly, it still emphasized its role as a citizens initiative supporting human rights, but, secondly, at the same time, it was a directly political actor supporting and furthering the development of political opposition against the ruling power.

Bronze and iron weapons from Luristan

The 30,000 km2 province of Luristan is situated in western Iran and encompasses the upper valleys of the Zagros Mountains. Even today, local tribesmen inhabit Luristan with their settlement patterns similar to ancient times. Several scientific excavations in the Luristan region have uncovered evidence that this particular region was a major attraction for human settlements from the Paleolithic era onwards. In Ancient Iran, the existence of rich mines together with discoveries made by innovative and inventive artisans spurred the growth of the metalworking culture as an art and a skill among early human communities in Ancient Iran. The art of Luristan can be described as the art of nomadic herdsmen and horsemen with an emphasis on the crafting of small, easily portable objects, among these a number of bronze daggers, swords and other weapons. Throughout its history, Luristan was never an ethnic or political entity because Luristan has been occupied by various tribes and races, throughout its history. Next to Elamites, other tribes who inhabited Luristan were the Hurrians, Lullubians, Kutians, and Kassites. As local tribesmen of Luristan were illiterate, information about their history can only be partially reconstructed from the literature of their southern neighbors: the Elamites and Babylonians. Luristan smiths made weapons for both civilizations. The region was later invaded by Assyrians and finally the Iranians settled the area and absorbed the local tribes. Following an accidental find by the local inhabitants in Luristan in 1928 CE, a number of unlawful diggings reveal a number of metal objects made of bronze and iron that showed a high level of craftsmanship. These objects were offered for sale on the art market with fancy names to hide their origin. The subsequent scientific excavations several decades after the initial discovery provided fascinating information about the culture of Luristan. The metalworking art of Luristan spans a time period from the third millennium BC to the Iron Age. The artifacts from Luristan seem to possess many unique and distinctive qualities, and are especially noteworthy for the apparently endless, intricate diversity and detail that they characteristically depict. The bronze artifacts found in or attributed to Luristan can be each be classed under five separate heads: a) arms and armor, including swords, dirks, daggers, axes, mace heads, spearheads, shields, quiver plaques, protective bronze girdles, helmets; b) implements related to horsemanship, including decorative or ornamental objects for horses as well as bits and snaffles; c) items for personal adornment and hygiene, including anklets, bangles, bracelets, finger rings, earrings and tweezers; d) ceremonial and ritual objects, including talismans, idols, pins, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines; and e) utilitarian objects comprising various vessels and tools, including beakers, bowls and jugs. The scope of this article is limited to a discussion of the bronze and iron weapons made in Luristan. The techniques used for making bronze weapons in Luristan included: casting with open molds, casting with close molds, and casting with lost wax process. For metal sheets used for quiver plaques and bronze protective belts, the hammering technique was used. Edged weapons made in Luristan can be classified into: a) daggers, dirks, and swords with tangs; b) daggers, dirks, and swords with flanges; and c) daggers, dirks, and swords with cast-on hilts. Next to bronze, iron was also used for making weapons such as the characteristic weapon from this area, the iron mask sword.

Los títulos de los reyes de León en los documentos medievales como reflejo de la continuidad del reino visigodo de Toledo

Resumen: Partiendo de la idea expuesta por S. Teillet de que en los últimos tiempos del reino visigodo de Toledo quedó configurada una plena identificación de esta formación política con Hispania, así como del hecho de que la continuidad entre el reino visigodo y el reino de Asturias fue real y evidente (si bien, el reino de Asturias es una realidad desde luego diferente del reino visigodo de Toledo), como creemos haber demostrado en trabajos anteriores, hemos considerado que la identificación de Hispania y el regnum gothorum permite una valoración más matizada de determinados títulos utilizados por los reyes de León, sucesores de los reyes de Asturias. A este tema en concreto dedicamos este trabajo, mediante el que hemos podido apreciar cómo la idea de continuidad de esta comunidad política con respecto al reino visigodo de Toledo, que se manifiesta en los más diversos aspectos, se plasma de alguna manera en la titulación de sus reyes que fueron, en efecto, los continuadores de los reyes del reino visigodo de Toledo. Por ello aspiraron al dominio de toda la Península, de Hispania, y tales aspiraciones quedaron reflejadas en la titulatura: rex o imperator Hispaniae, sin que se pueda afirmar, como se ha venido haciendo, que tales títulos eran un mero reflejo de los ideales neogóticos, elaborados a finales del siglo IX.

La conexión árabe : una hipótesis sobre el surgimiento sociopolítico de Israel en Palestina

Abstract: Recent scholarship has shown that there is no solid archaeological or epigraphic evidence to deem the narratives about the rise to kingship of David and his son Solomon as reflecting the rise and consolidation of Israel as a Nation-State during the 10th century BCE. It is rather during the 9th century in the Palestinian highlands that we can find the emergence of a socio-political entity named Bīt Humri/ya or Israel in the contemporary archaeological and epigraphic records, but with an ambiguous character as a state. In this paper, it is suggested the possibility that the rise of such a polity and the constitution of an ethnogenesis are notably and directly related to the appearance of the Arabian network of exchanges in the early first millennium BCE in the Near East. Furthermore, from a critical point of view, one may suggest that there is no direct ethnic connection between the kingdoms of Israel and Judah and the later Jewish cults of Yahweh in Palestine.

Biblical evidence from Obadiah and Psalm 137 for an Edomite treaty betrayal of Judah in the sixth century B.C.E.

Abstract: Focusing on Obadiah and Psalm 137, this article provides biblical evidence for an Edomite treaty betrayal of Judah during the Babylonian crisis ca. 588–586 B.C.E. After setting a context that includes the use of treaties in the ancient Near East to establish expectations for political relationships and the likelihood that Edom could operate as a political entity in the Judahite Negev during the Babylonian assault, this article demonstrates that Obadiah’s poetics include a density of inverted form and content (a reversal motif) pointing to treaty betrayal. Obadiah’s modifications of Jeremiah 49, a text with close thematic and terminological parallels, evidence an Edomite treaty betrayal of Judah. Moreover, the study shows that Obadiah is replete with treaty allusions. A study of Psalm 137 in comparison with Aramaic treaty texts from Sefire reveals that this difficult psalm also evidences a treaty betrayal by Edom and includes elements appropriate for treaty curses. The article closes with a discussion of piecemeal data from a few other biblical texts, a criticism of the view that Edom was innocent during the Babylonian crisis, and a suggestion that this treaty betrayal may have contributed to the production of some anti-Edom biblical material.

''We are an island”: Geographical Imagery in Accounts of Citizenship, Civil Society, and National Identity in Scotland and in England

In this article we question recent psychological approaches that equate the constructs of citizenship and social identity and which overlook the capacity for units of governance to be represented in terms of place rather than in terms of people. Analysis of interviews conducted in England and Scotland explores how respondents invoked images of Britain as “an island” to avoid social identity constructions of nationality, citizenship, or civil society. Respondents in Scotland used island imagery to distinguish their political commitment to British citizenship from questions relating to their subjective identity. Respondents in England used island imagery to distinguish the United Kingdom as a distinctive political entity whilst avoiding allusions to a common or distinctive identity or character on the part of the citizenry. People who had moved from England to Scotland used island imagery to manage the delicate task of negotiating rights to social inclusion in Scottish civil society whilst displaying recognition of the indigenous population’s claims to distinctive national culture and identity.

The Ulster Covenant and the Pulse of Protestant Ulster

The signing of the Ulster Covenant on 28 September 1912 by almost 450,000 men and women was a powerful act of defiance on the part of Unionists in the context of what they perceived as the threat to their way of life represented by the Liberal Government's policy of Irish Home Rule. This article attempts to look beyond the well-studied leadership figures of Carson and Craig in order to fashion insights into the way Ulster Protestant society was mobilised around the Covenant and opposition to Home Rule. It draws attention to hitherto over-shadowed personalities who can be said to have exerted crucial local influence. It also contends that although pan-Protestant denominational unity provided the basis for the success of the Covenant, the Presbyterian community was particularly cohesive and purposeful in the campaign. The article further argues that the risk-taking defiance that came more easily to the Presbyterians, on account of a troubled history, largely evaporated in the new political circumstances of Northern Ireland when it became a separate devolved political entity within the UK from 1921.

Le gouvernement du Québec, les relations internationales et l'environnement économique international (1973-1994)

L'objectif de ce mémoire est de jeter les bases d'un nouveau récit historique portant sur les relations internationales du Québec, en rupture partielle avec le récit traditionnel, essentiellement issu des écrits provenant de la science politique, qui décrit l'activité internationale du gouvernement québécois en cherchant dans les particularités de l'histoire québécoise elle-même les forces de changement. Ce faisant, nous tentons plutôt de montrer que l'histoire des relations internationales du Québec est inexorablement enchâssée dans l'histoire canadienne, dans l'histoire nord-américaine et surtout dans l'histoire du capitalisme et du néolibéralisme. Depuis le début de son existence en tant qu'entité politique moderne, le gouvernement québécois entretient des liens avec des gouvernements étrangers, l'intensité de ceux-ci étant function des grandes transformations affectant le système capitaliste international au grand complet. Vers la fin de la période 1867-1973, la politique internationale du gouvernement québécois est institutionnalisée politiquement et juridiquement grâce à la formulation de la doctrine Gérin-Lajoie, qui s'appuie sur les dispositions constitutionnelles propres au Canada pour élaborer la politique internationale québécoise. Dans la période 1973-1981, les relations internationales du Québec se focalisent davantage sur des questions économiques, telles que la quête de capitaux étrangers et la projection d'une image de marque positive sur les marchés étrangers. Puis, dans la période 1981-1994, l'activité internationale du Québec est marquée par le virage néolibéral qui affecte tous les gouvernements capitalistes dans le monde. Ainsi, l'appareil diplomatique du Québec est de plus en plus perçu comme un outil de promotion des exportations des entreprises québécoises et d'adaptation à l'augmentation de l'interdépendance économique, et de moins en moins comme un réseau de contacts politiques et culturels. Afin de faire cette démonstration, nous puisons essentiellement dans deux types de sources primaires : d'une part, des sources gouvernementales, dont les rapports annuels des différents ministères associés aux relations internationales du Québec et du Canada au fil de la période et les livres blancs de politique internationale qu'ils ont publié, et d'autre part, des publications issues du milieu des affaires, dont la revue Les Affaires, excellent baromètre de la mentalité dominante de la classe entrepreneuriale du Québec et du Canada francophone.

El papel del Estado en los países andinos: ¿ocaso o transformación?

A juicio de muchos analistas, el Estado-nación –piedra angular de la organización política del mundo desde la suscripción del Tratado de Wesfalia, en 1648– está experimentando una profunda crisis. En esta visión, el poder efectivo de dicha entidad política se está desbordando en tres direcciones: hacia arriba, por la globalización y la supranacionalización; horizontalmente, por el desmonte del Estado de bienestar, la privatización y la desregulación, y hacia abajo, por la descentralización y la devolución de autonomías a las polis regionales y locales.La acción conjunta de estas tendencias estaría determinando el vaciamiento (hollowing out) del Estado-nación, en la medida en que muchas de sus competencias tradicionales se están transfiriendo hacia arriba, a las instituciones internacionales y supranacionales; hacia los lados, al mercado, las empresas privadas y las transnacionales, y hacia abajo, a las entidades de orden subnacional. En este artículo analizaremos el impacto de tales tendencias en los países andinos.-----According to many analysts, the Nation State is undergoing a deep crisis, because the effectiveness of its power is being broken up in three ways: upward, because of globalization and supranationalization; horizontally, because of the dismantling of the Welfare State, privatization and deregulation, and downward, because of decentralization and the empowerment of the regional and local entities. According to these interpretations, the joint action of such trends would be eroding the traditional competences of the Nation State and determining the irrelevance of this political entity in the global dynamics of power and the economy. This paper analyses the impact of the above mentioned trends in the Andean countries. It concludes by stating that in this context the processes aimed at reducing the role of the State, have paradoxically turned into the widening of its sphere of action in other fields.

On Rememberance of Things Past: Woodstock and the Counterculture

The natural disposition of mankind is to want Utopia. In literature from the very beginning, from our most primitive to our most sophisticated verses, from the pens of atheists to acolytes, the human spirit has always scratched out, searched, even longed, for Utopias. When Utopias can somehow be linked to a political entity, the subsequent delirium from would-be followers numbers millions.

A previdência rural universalista e a sua relevância na economia dos municípios do Rio Grande do Norte

This study deals with the rural social security Universalist established by the Constitution of 1988 and its importance in the economy of the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. In this context, the study seeks to satisfy two important criteria that guide the selection of objects of social science research: a consideration of issues that have relevance to the real world and the intention to make the contribution to the scholarly literature on theoretical and empirical aspects. The research seeks to reveal what is the economic importance of the subsystem of social security for rural municipalities in RN. The hypothesis is that the transfer of income received by beneficiaries from the rural social security tax exceeds the explicit mechanisms for most municipalities in RN, in many cases significantly, proving the importance of this policy as a mechanism for combating poverty and reducing social inequality, especially before the fragility of the federal system on the national political entity hall. The study presents theoretical cores - chapters 1-3 - and empirical - Chapter 4. The first core is about the evolution of social protection as a state policy, addressing the influential theories and typologies of the State of Social Welfare and the characteristics of the Brazilian social security model, but mainly, its rural social security subsystem, its history until universalistic model inaugurated by the Federal Constitution of 1988. The second begins with an overview of studies that have emphasized the impact of Social Security on the local economy of small municipalities, then passing data and statistics in order to gauge the socioeconomic importance of pension income in the rural municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. To this end, the final chapter provides a comparison of the monetary value transferred by the payment of social security benefits - rural and urban - to each of the 167 municipalities in RN with the equally important sources of income in the budget of municipal entities. Apart from their own tax revenues, are objects of comparison with the value of pension benefits awarded in RN, transfer quota state relating to the municipality on the federal ICMS and the transfer on the FPM

Representações de adolescentes e jovens em Belém sobre o ECA

Objetivou-se analisar as representações de adolescentes e jovens em Belém sobre o ECA. A dissertação procurou se orientar a partir dos fundamentos do método Materialismo Histórico e Dialético, particularmente a referência de Henri Lefebvre acerca da representação social. A abordagem metodológica se expressou por meio de levantamento e análise documental como o ECA, decretos e leis, relatório da I Conferência Nacional para a Política de Juventude e consulta aos sites governamentais. Foram realizadas entrevistas com treze adolescentes e jovens, na faixa etária de 16 a 28 anos, de ambos os sexos. Porém, somente oito entrevistados participaram na discussão empírica. O critério utilizado na definição da amostra priorizou a vinculação dos informantes de três segmentos: das medidas socioeducativas, Programa ProJovem/adolescente e jovens militantes de uma entidade política. Verificou-se que os adolescentes que têm sido alvo de ações das políticas sociais propostas pelo ECA, como as medidas socioeducativas e o ProJovem, não conseguem perceber as ações como materialização de direito proporcionado para os mesmos. Eles também informaram ter pouco conhecimento sobre o que Estatuto representa de positivo, mas apresentam a consciência de que predomina uma representação negativa sobre o ECA. Já os jovens, demonstraram entendimento mais conscientes e/ou politizados acerca do ECA e das políticas para juventude, destacando ganhos e limites das mesmas. Para estes, a Lei não atende as necessidades reais de Crianças e de Adolescentes, principalmente, porque a atuação dos operadores da mesma linha é limitada. Conclui-se que muitos outros trabalhos têm discutido esta temática, sem desconsiderar a importância do Estatuto, mas destaca-se que muito ainda há de ser feito para que Lei possa melhor ser reconhecida pelos que dele necessitam.