POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT AND BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT IN THE ARCTIC Strategic opportunities and threats for Finnish companies

The Arctic environment is changing constantly. There are several factors that constitute to the rate and immensity of the development. The region differs from the surrounding markets that most of the countries in the region have been used to. Therefore the purpose of the study was to understand how the political environment affects Finnish companies’ strategies and business operations. The issues analyzed were the political environment in the region, the business environment and economic development, and the opportunities and threats that the Finnish companies have in Arctic. The main theories were found from strategic management and market analysis tools. The different theories and definitions were gone through in order to understand the context of the study. This is a qualitative study that uses content analysis as its main method of analyzing the data. Therefore the data analyzed was gathered from already existing material and it was analyzed until the saturation point was found. This was done in order to minimize the risks related to using secondary data. The data collected was then categorized into themes accordingly. First the general political environment in the Arctic was studied, especially the Arctic Council and its work as the main political entity. From there the focus shifted to the business environment and the general opportunities and threats that are found from Arctic economic development. China offered another point of view to this as it represented a non-Arctic state with a keen interest on the region. Lastly the two previous objectives were combined and looked through from a Finnish perspective. Finnish companies have a great starting point to Arctic business and the operational business environment gives them the framework with which they have to operate in. As a conclusion it can be said that there are three main factors leading the Arctic economic development; the climate change, the development of technology, and the political environment. These set the framework with which the companies operating in the region must comply with. The industry that is likely to lead the development is the marine industry. Furthermore it became evident that the Finnish companies operating in the Arctic face many opportunities as well as threats which can be utilized, taken advantage of or controlled through effective strategic management. The key characteristics needed in the region are openness and understanding of the challenging environment and the ability to face and manage the arising challenges.

Ideological Closure : Drug Prevention in a Post-political Society

The aim of this thesis is to critically examine drug prevention as a field of problematizations  – how drug prevention becomes established as a political technology within this field, how it connects to certain modes of governance, how and under which conditions it constitutes it’s problematic, the questions it asks,  it´s implications in terms of political participation and representation, the various bodies of knowledge through which it constitutes the reality upon which it acts, the limits it places on ways of being, questioning, and talking  in the world. The main analyses have been conducted in four separate but interrelated articles. Each article addresses a specific dimension of drug prevention in order to get a grasp of how this field is organized. Article 1 examines the shift that has occurred in the Swedish context during the period 1981–2011 in how drugs have been problematized, what knowledge has grounded the specific modes of problematization and which modes of governance this has enabled. In article 2, the currently dominant scientific discipline in the field of drug prevention – prevention science – is critically examined in terms of how it constructs the “drug problem” and the underlying assumptions it carries in regard to reality and political governance. Article 3 addresses the issue of communities’ democratic participation in drug prevention efforts by analyzing the theoretical foundations of the Communities That Care prevention program. The article seeks to uncover how notions of community empowerment and democratic participation are constructed, and how the “community” is established as a political entity in the program. The fourth and final article critically examines the Swedish Social and Emotional Training (SET) program and the political implications of the relationship the program establishes between the subject and emotions. The argument is made that, within the field of drug prevention, questions of political values and priorities in a problematic way are decoupled from the political field and pose a significant problem in terms of the possibilities to engage in democratic deliberation. Within this field of problematizations it becomes impossible to mobilize a politics against social injustice, poverty and inequality. At the same time, the scientific grounding of this mode of governing the drug “problem” acts to naturalize a specific – highly political – way of engaging with drugs.

Un país amb 7 territoris

El nou Estatut d’autonomia de Catalunya (2006) preveu la creació de vegueries, enteses en la doble funció d’ens local en substitució de les diputacions i com a àmbit d’actuació perifèrica de la Generalitat. Resta per aclarir l’encaix de la vegueria amb la província estatal. Hores d’ara la planificació del territori i bona part de l’administració perifèrica de la Generalitat s’organitza en 7 àmbits, en tant que l’Estat manté inalterada la seva organització en 4 províncies. S’estudien els precedents històrics de les vegueries contemporànies i en particular el debat i gestació de 9 regions en temps de la Generalitat republicana (1931-1939). Es posa de relleu la important aportació intel·lectual d’Enric Lluch en la reforma i simplificació del mapa de vegueries (de 9 a 7). Es planteja el feixuc trànsit efectuat des de la idea de “província única” al plantejament d’un increment en el nombre de províncies-vegueries.

Le gouvernement du Québec, les relations internationales et l'environnement économique international (1973-1994)

L'objectif de ce mémoire est de jeter les bases d'un nouveau récit historique portant sur les relations internationales du Québec, en rupture partielle avec le récit traditionnel, essentiellement issu des écrits provenant de la science politique, qui décrit l'activité internationale du gouvernement québécois en cherchant dans les particularités de l'histoire québécoise elle-même les forces de changement. Ce faisant, nous tentons plutôt de montrer que l'histoire des relations internationales du Québec est inexorablement enchâssée dans l'histoire canadienne, dans l'histoire nord-américaine et surtout dans l'histoire du capitalisme et du néolibéralisme. Depuis le début de son existence en tant qu'entité politique moderne, le gouvernement québécois entretient des liens avec des gouvernements étrangers, l'intensité de ceux-ci étant function des grandes transformations affectant le système capitaliste international au grand complet. Vers la fin de la période 1867-1973, la politique internationale du gouvernement québécois est institutionnalisée politiquement et juridiquement grâce à la formulation de la doctrine Gérin-Lajoie, qui s'appuie sur les dispositions constitutionnelles propres au Canada pour élaborer la politique internationale québécoise. Dans la période 1973-1981, les relations internationales du Québec se focalisent davantage sur des questions économiques, telles que la quête de capitaux étrangers et la projection d'une image de marque positive sur les marchés étrangers. Puis, dans la période 1981-1994, l'activité internationale du Québec est marquée par le virage néolibéral qui affecte tous les gouvernements capitalistes dans le monde. Ainsi, l'appareil diplomatique du Québec est de plus en plus perçu comme un outil de promotion des exportations des entreprises québécoises et d'adaptation à l'augmentation de l'interdépendance économique, et de moins en moins comme un réseau de contacts politiques et culturels. Afin de faire cette démonstration, nous puisons essentiellement dans deux types de sources primaires : d'une part, des sources gouvernementales, dont les rapports annuels des différents ministères associés aux relations internationales du Québec et du Canada au fil de la période et les livres blancs de politique internationale qu'ils ont publié, et d'autre part, des publications issues du milieu des affaires, dont la revue Les Affaires, excellent baromètre de la mentalité dominante de la classe entrepreneuriale du Québec et du Canada francophone.

El papel del Estado en los países andinos: ¿ocaso o transformación?

A juicio de muchos analistas, el Estado-nación –piedra angular de la organización política del mundo desde la suscripción del Tratado de Wesfalia, en 1648– está experimentando una profunda crisis. En esta visión, el poder efectivo de dicha entidad política se está desbordando en tres direcciones: hacia arriba, por la globalización y la supranacionalización; horizontalmente, por el desmonte del Estado de bienestar, la privatización y la desregulación, y hacia abajo, por la descentralización y la devolución de autonomías a las polis regionales y locales.La acción conjunta de estas tendencias estaría determinando el vaciamiento (hollowing out) del Estado-nación, en la medida en que muchas de sus competencias tradicionales se están transfiriendo hacia arriba, a las instituciones internacionales y supranacionales; hacia los lados, al mercado, las empresas privadas y las transnacionales, y hacia abajo, a las entidades de orden subnacional. En este artículo analizaremos el impacto de tales tendencias en los países andinos.-----According to many analysts, the Nation State is undergoing a deep crisis, because the effectiveness of its power is being broken up in three ways: upward, because of globalization and supranationalization; horizontally, because of the dismantling of the Welfare State, privatization and deregulation, and downward, because of decentralization and the empowerment of the regional and local entities. According to these interpretations, the joint action of such trends would be eroding the traditional competences of the Nation State and determining the irrelevance of this political entity in the global dynamics of power and the economy. This paper analyses the impact of the above mentioned trends in the Andean countries. It concludes by stating that in this context the processes aimed at reducing the role of the State, have paradoxically turned into the widening of its sphere of action in other fields.

On Rememberance of Things Past: Woodstock and the Counterculture

The natural disposition of mankind is to want Utopia. In literature from the very beginning, from our most primitive to our most sophisticated verses, from the pens of atheists to acolytes, the human spirit has always scratched out, searched, even longed, for Utopias. When Utopias can somehow be linked to a political entity, the subsequent delirium from would-be followers numbers millions.

A previdência rural universalista e a sua relevância na economia dos municípios do Rio Grande do Norte

This study deals with the rural social security Universalist established by the Constitution of 1988 and its importance in the economy of the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. In this context, the study seeks to satisfy two important criteria that guide the selection of objects of social science research: a consideration of issues that have relevance to the real world and the intention to make the contribution to the scholarly literature on theoretical and empirical aspects. The research seeks to reveal what is the economic importance of the subsystem of social security for rural municipalities in RN. The hypothesis is that the transfer of income received by beneficiaries from the rural social security tax exceeds the explicit mechanisms for most municipalities in RN, in many cases significantly, proving the importance of this policy as a mechanism for combating poverty and reducing social inequality, especially before the fragility of the federal system on the national political entity hall. The study presents theoretical cores - chapters 1-3 - and empirical - Chapter 4. The first core is about the evolution of social protection as a state policy, addressing the influential theories and typologies of the State of Social Welfare and the characteristics of the Brazilian social security model, but mainly, its rural social security subsystem, its history until universalistic model inaugurated by the Federal Constitution of 1988. The second begins with an overview of studies that have emphasized the impact of Social Security on the local economy of small municipalities, then passing data and statistics in order to gauge the socioeconomic importance of pension income in the rural municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte. To this end, the final chapter provides a comparison of the monetary value transferred by the payment of social security benefits - rural and urban - to each of the 167 municipalities in RN with the equally important sources of income in the budget of municipal entities. Apart from their own tax revenues, are objects of comparison with the value of pension benefits awarded in RN, transfer quota state relating to the municipality on the federal ICMS and the transfer on the FPM

Representações de adolescentes e jovens em Belém sobre o ECA

Objetivou-se analisar as representações de adolescentes e jovens em Belém sobre o ECA. A dissertação procurou se orientar a partir dos fundamentos do método Materialismo Histórico e Dialético, particularmente a referência de Henri Lefebvre acerca da representação social. A abordagem metodológica se expressou por meio de levantamento e análise documental como o ECA, decretos e leis, relatório da I Conferência Nacional para a Política de Juventude e consulta aos sites governamentais. Foram realizadas entrevistas com treze adolescentes e jovens, na faixa etária de 16 a 28 anos, de ambos os sexos. Porém, somente oito entrevistados participaram na discussão empírica. O critério utilizado na definição da amostra priorizou a vinculação dos informantes de três segmentos: das medidas socioeducativas, Programa ProJovem/adolescente e jovens militantes de uma entidade política. Verificou-se que os adolescentes que têm sido alvo de ações das políticas sociais propostas pelo ECA, como as medidas socioeducativas e o ProJovem, não conseguem perceber as ações como materialização de direito proporcionado para os mesmos. Eles também informaram ter pouco conhecimento sobre o que Estatuto representa de positivo, mas apresentam a consciência de que predomina uma representação negativa sobre o ECA. Já os jovens, demonstraram entendimento mais conscientes e/ou politizados acerca do ECA e das políticas para juventude, destacando ganhos e limites das mesmas. Para estes, a Lei não atende as necessidades reais de Crianças e de Adolescentes, principalmente, porque a atuação dos operadores da mesma linha é limitada. Conclui-se que muitos outros trabalhos têm discutido esta temática, sem desconsiderar a importância do Estatuto, mas destaca-se que muito ainda há de ser feito para que Lei possa melhor ser reconhecida pelos que dele necessitam.

Falkland Island English

This chapter examines some of the grammatical variability and non-standardness found in the English of the Falkland Islands. The Falklands are an archipelago of over 700 islands located in the western South Atlantic Ocean, 480km off the east coast of Argentina. Although the population is small – around 3000 - the islands cover an area of over 12000km2 – slightly larger than Jamaica and half the size of Wales, making them, after Greenland, the most sparsely populated political entity in the world. In political terms, the Falklands are an Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom. In contrast to the rural isolated image that the Falklands perhaps conjure up, the community is, in demographic terms, an urban and diverse one. Over 85% of the population living in the capital Stanley. The 2006 census (Government of the Falkland Islands 2007: 6) shows that 55% of the population were not born on the Islands, with the largest migrant groups coming from the UK, St Helena (another British Overseas Territory, located in the eastern South Atlantic), Chile and Australia. It also highlighted the fact that people born in 62 different countries were resident on the islands at the time (Pascoe and Pepper 2008: 38). By way of a comparison, only Monaco and Andorra, in Europe, have a higher proportion of their populations made up of migrants. In addition to the local Falkland population, there is a large military presence on the islands at the Royal Airforce Base at Mount Pleasant, 50km south-west of Stanley. The Head of State is the monarch of the UK, who is represented on the islands by a governor. The democratically elected 11-member Legislative Assembly is responsible for day-to-day government of the islands. The Falklands are perhaps most famous because of their 74 day occupation by Argentina in 1982. It is not appropriate here to go into detail about the dispute between the UK and Argentina about the sovereignty of the Islands. What is undisputed is that there has been a continuous Anglophone speech community on the islands since the early 1830s, making it one of the most recently developed ‘Inner Circle’ (Kachru 1985) Englishes in the world. This chapter examines the grammatical characteristics of Falkland Island English, drawn from a transcribed corpus of over 500,000 words of informal conversational speech, collected by Andrea Sudbury both in Stanley and in ‘Camp’ (the local name for the rest of the islands) (see Sudbury 2000, 2001 for more details about the methods used in the survey).

Populismo en América Latina : Desde la teoría hacia el análisis político. Discurso, sujeto e inclusión en el caso argentino

Los procesos actuales han revitalizado el debate en torno al populismo en América Latina; no obstante, el estatus teórico de la categoría está lejos de ser clarificado. En este contexto, el artículo propone una contribución a la teoría política del populismo a partir de la perspectiva abierta por Ernesto Laclau, a la vez que avanza en la definición de campos funcionales al análisis político: el populismo como discurso, como construcción del sujeto político y como inclusión de lo excluido en el orden social. A partir de estos desarrollos, en la segunda parte del artículo se utilizan estos aportes para analizar el proceso político actual en Argentina, a saber, el fenómeno del kirchnerismo

Populismo en América Latina : Desde la teoría hacia el análisis político. Discurso, sujeto e inclusión en el caso argentino

Los procesos actuales han revitalizado el debate en torno al populismo en América Latina; no obstante, el estatus teórico de la categoría está lejos de ser clarificado. En este contexto, el artículo propone una contribución a la teoría política del populismo a partir de la perspectiva abierta por Ernesto Laclau, a la vez que avanza en la definición de campos funcionales al análisis político: el populismo como discurso, como construcción del sujeto político y como inclusión de lo excluido en el orden social. A partir de estos desarrollos, en la segunda parte del artículo se utilizan estos aportes para analizar el proceso político actual en Argentina, a saber, el fenómeno del kirchnerismo

Populismo en América Latina : Desde la teoría hacia el análisis político. Discurso, sujeto e inclusión en el caso argentino

Los procesos actuales han revitalizado el debate en torno al populismo en América Latina; no obstante, el estatus teórico de la categoría está lejos de ser clarificado. En este contexto, el artículo propone una contribución a la teoría política del populismo a partir de la perspectiva abierta por Ernesto Laclau, a la vez que avanza en la definición de campos funcionales al análisis político: el populismo como discurso, como construcción del sujeto político y como inclusión de lo excluido en el orden social. A partir de estos desarrollos, en la segunda parte del artículo se utilizan estos aportes para analizar el proceso político actual en Argentina, a saber, el fenómeno del kirchnerismo

On the periphery of Europe:an investigation of the construction of Turkish-Cypriot adolescent identities

This research study investigates the identities of a group of adolescent Turkish Cypriot (TC) students in their final year of secondary education in northern Cyprus, which it is argued, lies on the periphery of Europe. The main aim is to explore the linguistic construction of TC youth identities within school contexts but primarily the classroom in a political context in which the uniquely ambiguous status of Turkish Cypriots within the European Union (EU) continues, and where Turkish Cypriots are considered to be Europeans as individuals but not as a separate political entity. A secondary focus is upon the students’ investment in learning the English language. Identity is defined as a lifelong process of 'the social positioning of self and the other' (Bucholtz and Hall, 2005:586) which is endlessly re-created (Tabouret-Keller, 1997) and the distinction between the terms 'identity' and 'identities' is discussed. The study explores the social construction of TC students' identities using an ethnomethodological case study. By using Conversation Analysis of selected extracts from the data collected through observations of classroom interactions, focus group discussions and interviews, the thesis shows that TC students perceive and enact 'in-betweener identities' in terms of their ethnicity, societal values, age, religion, languages and Europeanness. Being on the periphery of the EU, it is argued that the Turkish Cypriots of northern Cyprus are the ‘peripheral members of the EU, remaining present yet absent. They are personally EU citizens but not as a society and cannot be represented within EU institutions. But will they ever acquire full membership, as any peripheral member would aspire to have or will they remain in between occident and orient? The possible answers to this question and the resulting ideological associations will shape how and to what extent these TC students perceive and enact their identities.

Rebooting the constitutional debate: deliberative constitutionalism in the European Union

The aim of my thesis is to investigate the possibility and necessity to rethink a constitutional framework and debate in a transnational polity such as the European Union. My effort focuses on a promising theory called deliberative constitutionalism, which carries on new insights on how democracy and constitutions relate each other. The EU is a unique political entity which poses unanswered questions about its political legitimacy and constitutional foundation, if a Constitution will ever be possible. Going beyond the classical conception of the national and sovereign ‘people’, we keep wondering how citizens may deliberate and discuss about their rights and political communities across borders, in what could be defined as a transnational civic society. The development of the latter brings with it necessary constitutional changes, if not an evolution of constitutionalism itself. Chapter 1 deals with defining the theoretical framework, which develops the distinctiveness of the deliberative constitutional paradigm not only with respect to other more 'classical' models of democracy, but also with respect to other deliberative models that have marked the constructivist debate. Chapter 2 presents a conceptual history of constituent power, mainly studying the evolution of the constitution-sovereignty-constituent power dialectic, up to contemporary theories that explain the negation, separation, union or plurality of a transnational constituent with respect to its national counterparts. Chapter 3 develops the discourse of constitutional pluralism, through its main claims and strands that especially pertain to Neil Walker's (2002, 2016) institutional and epistemic claims. Chapter 4 applies a deliberative constitutionalist framework to the case of the European Union. Through the exposition of DC normative tenets, a form of self-learning process is proposed that can reconcile the heterarchical arrangement of constitutional claims and the new demand for legitimacy, as well as the relationship between European peoples and European citizens.

Syndrome métabolique: syndrome fourre-tout des patients obèses ou entité spécifique? Quel traitement: hygiene de vie ou potypill [Metabolic syndrome: jumble syndrome of obesity or specific entity? Which treatment: diet or polypill?]

The reality of metabolic syndrome (MS) as a specific entity is debatable. However, the simple measure of waist circumference (>94 cm in men and >80 cm in women) is useful: (1) to check for insulin resistance by measuring serum levels of fasted glucose and insuline, cholesterol, triglycerides; (2) to look for diseases associated with MS such as hypertension, non alcohoolic steatohepatitis, sleep apnea, polycystic ovary disease, hypogonadism and to measure serum levels of ferritine, ALAT, ASAT, urate acid, CRP hs, testosterone and (3) to make obese people aware of their risk of becoming diabetic and to motivate them to change their life style. The utility of exercise and of various diets is discussed as well as the efficiency of drugs acting on different components of MS such as rimonabant, orlistat, metformin, glitazones, telmisartan and testosterone. The importance of political measures to fight the obesity epidemic is underlined.