936 resultados para Political context
Resumo:
Despite their initial interest in shale gas exploration, over the past year Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Romania have become increasingly sceptical about the development of unconventional gas resources. In January of this year Bulgaria introduced an indefinite ban on the exploration and production of shale gas and Romania followed suit in May by introducing a six-month moratorium on exploration work, which it plans to extend by another two years following the country’s parliamentary elections scheduled for December. Similar measures are being planned by the government in Prague. The aim of this report is to explore the reasons why countries which claim to want to improve their energy security have been showing increasing scepticism towards shale gas.
Resumo:
After years of unchallenged commercial domination of a sizeable portion of the EU's gas market, Gazprom is confronted with a statement of objections issued on 22 April by the EU Commission for abusing its dominant market position. The company was already prevented from going ahead with its South Stream project aimed at consolidating Gazprom's grip on Southeast Europe's markets by bypassing Ukraine – due to alleged non-compliance of intergovernmental agreements with the EU regulatory framework. Furthermore, it walked away from negotiations that could have allowed it to access more than 50% of the OPAL pipeline – an onshore branch of the offshore Russian German Nord Stream pipeline –, whilst its attempts to go downstream through the acquisition of European distribution and transmission operators, such as Wingas and DESFA, failed due to current political tensions and the risk of a negative Commission ruling on the operation. Does this mean that the Russian gas behemoth – so often portrayed as the energy arm of the Kremlin – is not so powerful after all? This Policy Brief aims to frame the erosion of Gazprom's power in a wider perspective, analysing its peculiar position at a time of transition, with the global gas business going from a sellers' to a buyers' market, and providing recommendations on how Europe should deal with it. It will be argued that Gazprom – despite still being affected by the Kremlin's political priorities – is moving towards more commercially sound behavior. The EU should profit from this evolution without being tempted by mercantilist options, and rather use the political momentum provided by the energy union to remove barriers to solidarity and to increase competition on the trading platforms.
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The Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools is a novel foray into a genre previously associated with so-called “transitional” democracies from the post-Communist world and the global South. This basic fact notwithstanding, a systematic comparison with the broader universe of truth commission-hosting countries reveals that the circumstances surrounding the Canadian TRC are not entirely novel. This article develops this argument by distilling from the transitional justice literature several bases of comparison designed to explain how a truth commission’s capacity to promote new cultures of justice and accountability in the wake of massive violations of human rights is affected by the socio-political context in which the commission occurs; the injustices it is asked to investigate; and the nature of its mandate. It concludes that these factors, compounded by considerations unique to the Canadian context, all militate against success. If Canadian citizens and policymakers fail to meet this profound ethIcal challenge, they will find themselves occupying the transition-wrecking role played more familiarly by the recalcitrant and unreformed military and security forces in the world’s more evidently authoritarian states.
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There has been an increased amount of scholarly interest lately in T.S. Eliot's unfinished sequence, Coriolan (1932)—interest drawn from its Shakespearian allusiveness, and from analysis of this writing's particularly rebarbative, jarring poetic. Although, however, the two parts of the sequence published by Eliot are acknowledged as being his nearest approach to poetic commentary upon contemporary political ideas, little criticism exists establishing the hinterland of the political thought, with which Eliot was most familiar, as editor of the Criterion. Coriolan emerges at a time when the lure of fascism pulled hardest at Eliot's sensibility. This article reviews the full political context provided by Eliot's journal, as well as considering the connections between that political engagement and the readings of Shakespeare he was also promulgating through this forum, in order to provide a more complex sense than hitherto of the diverse pressures underlying the unsettled nature of the existing Coriolan poems.
Resumo:
This article explores the role of political context in shaping economic biases in representation-the degree to which wealthy citizens' views are more strongly represented than poorer citizens' views in the choices of policymakers. I develop a general model that explains why poorer citizens will be better represented relative to the rich in certain political contexts than others, arguing that the relative representation of the poor will be stronger in contexts that make the views of the poor relevant and accessible to policymakers. I then derive several specific hypotheses that flow from this model and test these hypotheses through a study of the dyadic relationships between citizens and their representatives in the U.S. Congress. The results show that poorer citizens are better represented relative to the rich in Congressional districts that are electorally competitive, have low median incomes, have relatively equal distributions of incomes, have a significant organized labor presence, and are represented by Democrats.
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In this paper the characteristics of the cyclical political polarization of the Spanish media system are defined. From this study, a prospective analysis raises doubts about this scenario remains unchanged because of the political and economic crisis. It seeks to define the role played by political and media actors in polarization focusing on the two legislatures where the tension reached higher levels (1993-1996 and 2004-2008) and compares it with the developments faced by them in the current economical and political context of crisis. To achieve these aims, it has been performed an analysis of media content (since 1993) and looked through primary sociological sources and the scientific literature about polarization. This is an exploratory, critical and descriptive case analysis.
Resumo:
This text offers some contributions to the debate on the changes proposed to the National Curricular Directives to reform secondary education in Brazil. In the first part, the political and economic scene is evaluated as the context which generated the last stage of reforms in the educational field in the 90s. It questions the option for a model of structural reform (in the Brazilian case more restricted to the Program for Reform of Professional Education - PROEP) and of the curriculum, whose themes find their justification in the contemporary economic, social cultural and political context. It discusses the use of a model that bases itself on experiences developed in other countries and takes the international orientation of the multilateral organizations as its theoretical methodological reference, leaving out the peculiarities and injunctions of the Brazilian political administrative system. Such a policy measure can increase the tension and distance normally existing between government programs and the possibility of their real implementation in the school network. In the second part, it discusses the Resolution of the National Education Council, the Congress on Basic Education, no.3, of 16.698 that instituted the National Curricular Directives for secondary education, as well as the Legal Bases - Part I - of the National Curricular Parameters for secondary education. The analysis of official discourse takes Bardin's (1977, p. 209) proposals as its methodological reference for the models of structural analysis, seeking to make the implicit values and the connotations of the legal texts explicit
Resumo:
Riscos e controvérsias na construção social do conceito de alimento saudável são discutidos, tendo a soja como objeto de estudo. Estudos dos impactos da soja sobre a saúde e da sojicultura sobre o meio socioambiental foram revisados para analisar as controvérsias científicas da pesquisa na área de soja e saúde humana, bem como seu contexto político e as repercussões socioambientais da sojicultura. Com base na Sociologia do Conhecimento Científico e na Sociologia Ambiental, argumenta-se que a fronteira entre o alimento saudável e o de risco é tênue e vulnerável a diferentes influências construídas reflexivamente. Destaca-se a importância de ampliar o conceito de alimento saudável para o de alimentação saudável, considerando sua dimensão cultural e socioambiental.
Resumo:
The purpose of this study was to examine how key occupational therapy terminologies are used by Brazilian occupational therapists. A nominal group approach combined with a Delphi technique involving 31 Brazilian occupational therapists was applied. A sociolinguistic approach was adopted since it broadens our understanding of the social and cultural determinants of terminology consolidation. Brazilian occupational therapists were found to adopt the term activity more often than human action or doing. Even less often were praxis and occupation applied. No consensus was reached regarding which of the terms is most preferred. While Brazilian occupational therapists have been developing their profession from international standards, it is still embedded in local demands and policies. Additionally, the political context must be considered when building an international dialogue between members of a professional body. Such a dialogue could engage professionals from different countries in meaningful exchanges about their practices. These exchanges may lead to the development of solid professional communities that can contribute meaningfully to social change. Copyright (C) 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Resumo:
This paper briefly outlines how the political scenario and the mobilization of different actors have contributed to the construction of a public health policy in response to the AIDS epidemics in Brazil. Three factors are presented and discussed: the political context of the 1980s, characterized by redemocratization, growth of social movements, and consolidation of the Brazilian health care reform; the socio-cultural context of the 1970s and 1980s, characterized by achievement of individual freedom, which was key to the organization of the AIDS movement; and finally the actions carried out in the international scenario to support the sustainability of the Brazilian domestic policy and the reinforcement of a global response to face the epidemics in lower-middle income economies.
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In the last two decades, increasing numbers of workplaces in Australia have introduced 12-hour shifts. This increase is due, in part, to government policies aimed at promoting labour flexibility. The purpose of this paper is to examine the cover afforded by the Workplace Relations Act 1996 and other industrial relations legislation in terms of shift-workers’ health and safety. Particular reference is made to the broader social, economic and political context surrounding the introduction and use of 12-hour shifts, as it is this context that shapes the constraints and opportunities facing employers and employees in the work arrangements they choose and how they are negotiated. We conclude that the current system of regulating industrial relations in Australia is largely outcome-focused and inadequate. The bargaining process receives little regulation in terms of considering how changes could affect health and safety in the workplace or how changes might affect individual workers. As a result, the increased introduction of unsafe shiftworking arrangements is a worrying, and likely, prospect.
Resumo:
O artigo rev??, com base na bibliografia especializada, as reformas e tentativas de reformas administrativas realizadas no pa??s, desde o Estado Novo, passando pelas tentativas dos governos militares e pelas propostas mais recentes da Nova Rep??blica, e chegando at?? a reforma Bresser Pereira. O balan??o cr??tico ?? bastante negativo, sobretudo, porque as grandes reformas, precisamente pela sua abrang??ncia, nunca foram efetivamente implementadas. O sistema do m??rito no servi??o p??blico federal ?? um bom exemplo. As dificuldades de implementa????o das grandes reformas, advindas principalmente de sua grande complexidade, resultam tamb??m de sua intera????o negativa com o contexto pol??tico mais geral, pela carga ret??rica de que se fazem acompanhar, e pelo fato de subestimarem os aspectos t??cnicos necess??rios ?? sua implementa????o.
Resumo:
O objetivo deste artigo ?? expor e explicar um momento espec??fico da evolu????o pol??tico institucional brasileira. S??o explorados os conflitos que est??o na origem da escolha e a implementa????o de uma nova ordem pol??tico-administrativa no p??s-1930. S??o examinadas as origens, a concep????o e os objetivos que guiaram a inven????o de um aparelho burocr??tico que, juntamente com o interventor federal, n??o s?? controlou as elites pol??ticas regionais, mas tamb??m contribuiu para a organiza????o do poder do Estado em bases nacionais, cooperando para viabilizar a capacidade estatal: os Departamentos Administrativos. Analiso o contexto pol??tico, os antecedentes legais e as inova????es institucionais do decreto-lei n?? 1202/39, a fim de responder a duas quest??es bem espec??ficas: por que e com que objetivo essa lei sobre a administra????o dos estados e dos munic??pios foi criada durante o Estado Novo?