976 resultados para Political Ecology


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One of the reasons for the 'fin de seicle' angst within western liberal capitalist societies is the rise in prominance of ecological concerns within these societies. Long before the New Right declared the post-war welfare state to be untenable, early green critics had claimed it to be ecologically unsustainable. The addiction of the welfare state on ever increasing levels of economic growth was pronounced to be simply impossible within the context of a finite planet. Although it was not expressed in this manner, what these early ecological concerns with Limits to Growth were in effect saying was that the accumulation of capital rendered capitalism unsustainable. Yet the ecological critique of capitalism has not found much favour within the Marxist critique untile recently. Early Marxist analyses of the ecology movement dismissed them as ‘petty bourgeios radicals’ while many greens still view Marxism as ‘fair shares in extinction’. The lack of positive engagement and dialogue between Marxism and ecology has in recent years been put right with a discernable overlap between the two critiques of capitalism. This article seeks to present the areas of disagreement and agreement between the two and seeks to provide an ‘environmental audit’ on both the Marxist method and political project.

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Every German consumes per year, 15% is salmon, which is the third most popular fish in Germany after Alaska-Seelachs and Hering (Keller/Kress 2013: 9). But where does the salmon that ends up on our plates every 6th time we eat fish come from? There's no obligation for producers to declare the origin of their fish products, but if they do so, the latin name of the fish, catching method and catch area should be declared. Salmon, of which about 40% are captured in the wild and the rest brought up in aquacultures, could then be declared as follows: Salmon (salmo salar), aquaculture from Chile. Without any doubt, this makes consumption more transparent, but the standards of production – both, social and ecological ones – and the ecological impacts are still kept in the dark.

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Since the 1990s, international water sector reforms have centred heavily on economic and market approaches. In regard to water resources management, tradable water rights have been promoted, often supported by the neoliberal model adopted in Chile. Chile's 1981 Water Code was reformed to comprise a system of water rights that could be freely traded with few restrictions. International financial institutions have embraced the Chilean model, claiming that it results in more efficient water use, and potentially fosters social and environmental benefits. However, in Chile the Water Code is deeply contested. It has been criticised for being too permissive and has produced a number of problems in practice. Moreover, attempts to modify it have become the focus of a lengthy polemic debate. This paper employs a political ecology perspective to explore the socio-environmental outcomes of water management in Chile, drawing on a case study of agriculture in the semi-arid Norte Chico. The case illustrates how large-scale farmers exert greater control over water, while peasant farmers have increasingly less access. I argue that these outcomes are facilitated by the mode of water management implemented within the framework of the Water Code. Through this preliminary examination of social equity and the environmental aspects of water resources management in Chile, I suggest that the omission of these issues from the international debates on water rights markets is a cause for concern.

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Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) is an activity intimately associated with social deprivation and environmental degradation, including deforestation. This paper examines ASM and deforestation using a broadly poststructural political ecology framework. Hegemonic discourses are shown to consistently influence policy direction, particularly in emerging approaches such as Corporate Social Responsibility and the Forest Stewardship Council. A review of alternative discourses reveals that the poststructural method is useful for critiquing the international policy arena but does not inform new approaches. Synthesis of the analysis leads to conclusions that echo a growing body of literature advocating for policies to become increasingly sensitive to local contexts, synergistic between actors at difference scales, and to be integrated across sectors.

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Lands inhabited by indigenous peoples often have low population density but abundant natural resources. For those reasons, many actors have historically attempted to occupy those lands or use the resources in them. Increasing pressures over lands occupied by indigenous peoples have resulted in the awakening of indigenous peoples over their rights to land and resources generating many debates over indigenous peoples' rights to land and self-governance. In this article, we provide a historical and geographical overview of territorial and governance issues among the Tsimane', an indigenous group native to the Bolivian Amazon. We examine how the Bolivian state economic policies implemented during the 20th century affected the Tsimane' ancestral lands, and how – over the late-20th century – the Bolivian state accommodated Tsimane' claims to lands in between multiple interests. We show how national policies led to the reconfiguration of Tsimane' territoriality and to a fragmented institutional representation. Current indigenous territories and indigenous political representation are an expression of conflictive policies that have involved multiple actors and their specific interests on indigenous lands and its resources.

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400 ppm is an eco-political music video which encapsulates climate crisis and climate justice in three minutes flat. It is an intervention in popular political ecology/economy, aimed at those who are uneasy with the increasingly obvious deterioration of the living systems of which we are an inextricable part.

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Territoriality is a central issue in indigenous peoples struggles. The territorial struggles involve struggles over the control of natural resources and over political participation and representation, but also over the perception of territorial rights and the symbolic representation of the territory. These struggles are carried through both in material and symbolic ways through recurring to different discourses and representations that provide legitimation for the territorial claims of the group. The study is located in the Northern Autonomous Atlantic Region of Nicaragua. The study concerns the territorial strategies, conceptions and practices of the indigenous people and other actors. Territorial conflicts exist between the autonomous region and the central government of Nicaragua, between mestizo settlers and indigenous people, between different indigenous groups, and between these and development agents such as conservation projects. The study focuses on how territorial discourses and representations are used to legitimate territorial control. Environmental, historical and cartographical discourses are the most important discourses recurred to. The influence of discourses and representations on the territorial practices and policies of the different actors, the links between the local struggles and global processes, and the broader structural factors impacting on the territorial struggles are also analysed. Among the structural factors are the problems related to land tenure and management and the use of natural resources, the advance of the agricultural frontier, the institutional weaknesses of the central and regional governments and the legislative processes. The territorial discourses are both recurred to in a strategic way and also grounded in local ideals and practices. The discourses have produced real effects for example in legislation, land tenure systems, political representation and environmental practices. Although the use of discourses and representations are an important power tool in territorial struggles, territorial control cannot be effectively accomplished merely through representing territorial claims in a legitimate way or through reforming legislation, as the conflicts are also largely a result of structural factors affecting the region. The fieldwork was carried out during a total of twelve months between 2000 and 2002. The research methods used were semi-structured interviews, participant observation and participatory research methods. A broad range of literary sources were also used to collect data. The study is located within the field of critical political geography with a discursive political ecology approach. It can be called a critical realist approach to the discursive analysis of indigenous territoriality.

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This Ph.D. thesis Participation or Further Exclusion? Contestations over Forest Conservation and Control in the East Usambara Mountains, Tanzania describes and analyses the shift in the prevailing discourse of forest and biodiversity conservation policies and strategies towards more participatory approaches in Tanzania, and the changes in the practises of resource control. I explore the scope for and limits to the different actors and groups who are considered to form the community, to participate in resource control, in a specific historical and socio-economic context. I analyse whether, how and to which extent the targets of such participatory conservation interventions have been able to affect the formal rules and practices of resource control, and explore their different responses and discursive and other strategies in relation to conservation efforts. I approach the problematic through exploring certain participatory conservation interventions and related negotiations between the local farmers, government officials and the external actors in the case of two protected forest reserves in the southern part of the East Usambaras, Tanzania. The study area belongs to the Eastern Arc Mountains that are valued globally and nationally for their high level of biodiversity and number of endemic and near endemic species. The theoretical approach draws from theorising on power, participation and conservation in anthropology of development and post-structuralist political ecology. The material was collected in three stages between 2003 and 2008 by using an ethnographic approach. I interviewed and observed the actors and their resource use and control practices at the local level, including the representatives of the villagers living close to the protected forests and the conservation agency, but also followed the selected processes and engaged with the non-local agencies involved in the conservation efforts in the East Usambaras. In addition, the more recent processes of change and the actors strategies in resource control were contextualised against the social and environmental history of the study area and the evolvement of institutions of natural resource control. My findings indicate that the discourse of participation that has emerged in global conservation policy debate within the past three decades, and is being institutionalised in the national policies in many countries, including Tanzania, has shaped the practices of forest conservation in the East Usambaras, although in a fragmented and uneven way. Instrumental interpretation of participation, in which it is to serve the goals of improving the control of the forest and making it more acceptable and efficient, has prevailed among the governmental actors and conservation organisations. Yet, there is variation between the different projects and actors promoting participatory conservation regarding the goals and means of participation, e.g. to which extent the local people are to be involved in decision-making. The actors representing communities also have their diverse agendas, understandings and experiences regarding the rationality, outcomes and benefits of being involved in forest control, making the practices of control fluid. The elements of the exclusive conservation thinking and practices co-exist with the more recent participatory processes, and continue to shape the understandings and strategies of the actors involved in resource control. The ideas and narratives of the different discourses are reproduced and selectively used by the parties involved. The idea of forest conservation is not resisted as such by most of the actors at local level, quite the opposite. However, the strict regulations and rules governing access to resources, such as valuable timber species, continue to be disputed by many. Furthermore, the history of control, such as past injustices related to conservation and unfulfilled promises, undermines the participation of certain social groups in resource control and benefit sharing. This also creates controversies in the practices of conservation, and fuels conflicts regarding the establishment of new protected areas. In spite of this, the fact that the representatives of the communities have been invited to the arenas where information is shared, and principles and conditions of forest control and benefit sharing are discussed and partly decided upon, has created expectations among the participants, and opened up opportunities for some of the local actors to enhance their own, and sometimes wider interests in relation to resource control and the related benefits. The local actors experiences of the previous government and other interventions strongly affect how they position themselves in relation to conservation interventions, and their responses and strategies. However, my findings also suggest, in a similar way to research conducted in some other protected areas, that the benefits of participation in conservation and resource control tend to accrue unevenly between different groups of local people, e.g. due to unequal access to information and differences in their initial resources and social position.

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O Parque Nacional do Itatiaia, fundado em 1937, é o primeiro Parque Nacional do Brasil e apresenta dois planos distintos em seus espaços Parte Alta e Parte Baixa compreendendo municípios dos estados do Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais. O estudo do conflito socioambiental existente no Parque Nacional do Itatiaia (PNI) foi realizado, nesta tese, a partir do processo de ampliação territorial ocorrido nesta Unidade de Conservação, em 1982, que incorporou pequenas propriedades particulares ao território da Parte Alta do PNI sem que o Estado efetivasse as indenizações e as desapropriações territoriais preconizadas pela legislação ambiental brasileira para unidades de conservação de proteção integral (SNUC Lei Federal n. 9.985/2000). A caracterização do PNI foi feita levando-se em consideração as correntes ambientalistas que fundamentaram a criação de áreas protegidas desde o surgimento da primeira unidade de conservação nos Estados Unidos da América, no séc. XIX. As assimetrias identificadas nas relações de poder estabelecidas pelos atores sociais envolvidos na questão fundiária do PNI foram destacadas com base nas contribuições do campo da ecologia política. Nessa perspectiva, o estudo caracterizou a relação das comunidades tradicionais com o meio ambiente e as práticas socioambientais dela decorrentes e identificou alternativas de sustentabilidade socioambiental para enfrentamento dos conflitos fundiários existentes no PNI. A possibilidade de desenvolvimento de práticas produtivas alternativas à agropecuária, como o turismo de base comunitária, por exemplo, que permite a inclusão das famílias residentes no território do PNI até que se conclua o processo de regularização fundiária e a sua consolidação territorial, foi ressaltada com vistas a apontar a construção de um arranjo institucional como estratégia de compatibilização de dois direitos fundamentais garantidos pela Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF/88): o direito ao meio ambiente equilibrado e o direito cultural. Nesse parque, a atividade turística manifesta-se como uma das alternativas viáveis para o enfrentamento dos conflitos sobre a ocupação fundiária, tendo em vista que políticas públicas de turismo têm concebido ações de geração de trabalho e renda, de inclusão social e de sustentabilidade econômica e ambiental. A adoção da metodologia de pesquisa qualitativa, com base na técnica de observação participante, permitiu a imersão do pesquisador na problemática vivenciada por comunidades tradicionais que vivem em UCs e possibilitou a obtenção de dados singulares que auxiliaram na interpretação dos resultados. A partir das análises empreendidas com base no trabalho de campo e nas entrevistas, esta tese reforça a importância da celebração de um arranjo institucional entre o Estado brasileiro, por meio do órgão ambiental, e as famílias residentes nas comunidades da Serra Negra e da Vargem Grande, dentro dos limites territoriais do PNI, como forma de se criar uma alternativa sustentável aos impasses vivenciados pelo Estado brasileiro frente às reivindicações de grupos sociais envolvidos em conflitos socioambientais, não só no PNI, mas em diversas Unidades de Conservação do Brasil.

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El litoral de Alicante ha sufrido grandes transformaciones territoriales desde las décadas de 1960 y 1970 a raíz de la actividad turística. Uno de los servicios que necesita esta actividad, entre otros, es el abastecimiento de agua potable. En este sentido, por su papel estratégico, el suministro de agua en alta es decisivo para abastecer a los municipios turístico-residenciales. El objetivo de este estudio es conocer y analizar los diferentes sistemas de abastecimiento de agua en alta en la costa de Alicante, sus características, infraestructuras, recursos hídricos disponibles y medidas de gestión llevados a cabo. Algunas de las conclusiones extraídas son el papel estratégico que ejercen en el territorio, especialmente con el agua, un recurso escaso y de vital importancia para la orla costera alicantina, sobre todo en los meses estivales.

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This report circumambulates around the environmental issue, examining mobilizations in favour of public access to the seafront and protest events against the recent devastating forest fires. By framing this discussion within existing scholarly contributions on related dimensions of the environmental issue (environmental consciousness, grassroots environmental contestation) in Southern Europe in general and Greece in particular, it suggests that the environmental mobilization dynamic in Greece has been infused with a new, global, mobilizing resource that offers new avenues to evaluate the potency of Greek civil society. Finally, the article discusses the results of the 2007 national elections and ponders the chances of political ecology becoming a permanent feature of Greek parliamentary politics.