990 resultados para National Masculinity-femininity
Resumo:
Hofstede's dimension of national culture termed Masculinity-Femininity [Hofstede (1991). Cultures and organizations: software of the mind. London: McGraw-Hill] is proposed to be of relevance for understanding national-level differences in self-assessed agoraphobic fears. This prediction is based on the classical work of Fodor [Fodor (1974). In: V. Franks & V. Burtle (Eds.), Women in therapy: new psychotherapies for a changing society. New York: Brunner/Mazel]. A unique data set comprising 11 countries (total N = 5491 students) provided the opportunity of scrutinizing this issue. It was hypothesized and found that national Masculinity (the degree to which cultures delineate sex roles, with masculine or tough societies making clearer differentiations between the sexes than feminine or modest societies do) would correlate positively with national agoraphobic fear levels (as assessed with the Fear Survey Schedule-III). Following the correction for sex and age differences across national samples, a significant and large effect-sized national-level (ecological) r = +0.67 (P = 0.01) was found. A highly feminine society such as Sweden had the lowest, whereas the champion among the masculine societies, Japan, had the highest national Agoraphobic fear score. (C) 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
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Hofstede's dimensions of national cultures termed Masculinity-Femininity (MAS) and Uncertainty Avoidance (UAI) (Hofstede, 2001) are proposed to be of relevance for understanding national-level differences in self-assessed fears. The potential predictive role of national MAS was based on the classical work of Fodor (Fodor, 1974). Following Fodor, it was predicted that masculine (or tough) societies in which clearer differentiations are made between gender roles (high MAS) would report higher national levels of fears than feminine (or soft/modest) societies in which such differentiations are made to a clearly lesser extent (low MAS). In addition, it was anticipated that nervous-stressful-emotionally-expressive nations (high UAI) would report higher national levels of fears than calm-happy and low-emotional countries (low UAI), and that countries high on both MAS and UAI would report the highest national levels of fears. A data set comprising 11 countries (N > 5000) served as the basis for analyses. As anticipated, (a) high MAS predicted higher national levels of Agoraphobic fears and of Bodily Injury-Illness-Death fears; (b) higher scores on both UAI and MAS predicted higher national scores on Bodily Injury-Illness-Death fears, fears of Sexual and Aggressive Scenes, and Harmless Animals fears; (c) higher UAI predicted higher national levels of Harmless Animals, Bodily Injury-Illness-Death, and Agoraphobic fears. (C) 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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Data provided by 7380 middle managers from 60 nations are used to determine whether demographic variables are correlated with managers’ reliance on vertical sources of guidance in different nations and whether these correlations differ depending on national culture characteristics. Significant effects of Hofstede’s national culture scores, age, gender, organization ownership and department function are found. After these main effects have been discounted, significant although weak interactions are found, indicating that demographic effects are stronger in individualist, low power distance nations than elsewhere. Significant non-predicted interaction effects of uncertainty avoidance and masculinity-femininity are also obtained. The implications for theory and practice of the use of demographic attributes in understanding effective management procedures in various parts of the world are discussed.
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This dissertation addressed several questions relevant to vocational interests and personality characteristics, examining (a) the roles of personality, vocational interests, and sexual fantasies in defining a general factor of Masculinity/Femininity (M/F) (Study 1), (b) the validity of a new measure of vocational interests (Study 2), and (c) the individual difference characteristics that discriminate between students in various academic majors, and that predict academic outcomes (Study 3). In Study 1, vocational interests, personality, and sexual fantasies were examined to find whether these variables would yield a general Masculinity/Femininity (M/F) factor, and whether that factor would still emerge when controlling for participant sex. The results of Study 1 revealed that a general factor of M/F did emerge. When sex was removed, the loadings of vocational interests decreased from high to very low, suggesting that the link of vocational interests with other indicators of M/F is mainly due to sex differences in these variables. The purpose of Study 2 was to validate the Oregon Vocational Interest Scales (ORVIS), a new public domain vocational interests questionnaire designed to measure eight vocational interest scales. ORVIS scores obtained in a college and community sample were compared with those of two personality measures and two cognitive ability tests. Results from this study showed that the ORVIS scales were reliable and showed good construct validity. The purpose of Study 3, using the ORVIS along with the HEXACO-PI and tests of cognitive ability, was to examine the individual difference characteristics of students in different academic majors, and to use the congruence between a student's academic major and vocational interests as a predictor of academic outcomes, such as GPA, academic major change, and satisfaction with major. The results of Study 3 revealed that students in different academic majors show theoretically meaningful differences in personality, abilities, and interests. Conscientiousness and math ability were found to be the best predictors of academic outcomes. However, congruence between major and interests did not add significant predictive validity to any of these outcomes beyond personality and ability. Together, these three studies show the role of vocational interests in defming MlF and in predicting various academic outcomes.
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The facial width-to-height ratio (face ratio), is a sexually dimorphic metric associated with actual aggression in men and with observers’ judgements of aggression in male faces. Here, we sought to determine if observers’ judgements of aggression were associated with the face ratio in female faces. In three studies, participants rated photographs of female and male faces on aggression, femininity, masculinity, attractiveness, and nurturing. In Studies 1 and 2, for female and male faces, judgements of aggression were associated with the face ratio even when other cues in the face related to masculinity were controlled statistically. Nevertheless, correlations between the face ratio and judgements of aggression were smaller for female than for male faces (F1,36= 7.43, p= 0.01). In Study 1, there was no significant relationship between judgements of femininity and of aggression in female faces. In Study 2, the association between judgements of masculinity and aggression was weaker in female faces than for male faces in Study 1. The weaker association in female faces may be because aggression and masculinity are stereotypically male traits. Thus, in Study 3, observers rated faces on nurturing (a stereotypically female trait) and on femininity. Judgements of nurturing were associated with femininity (positively) and masculinity (negatively) ratings in both female and male faces. In summary, the perception of aggression differs in female versus male faces. The sex difference was not simply because aggression is a gendered construct; the relationships between masculinity/femininity and nurturing were similar for male and female faces even though nurturing is also a gendered construct. Masculinity and femininity ratings are not associated with aggression ratings nor with the face ratio for female faces. In contrast, all four variables are highly inter-correlated in male faces, likely because these cues in male faces serve as ‘‘honest signals’’.
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There is an awareness of the importance of gender equality in most western societies, both at the political level and in everyday life. In academia, for instance, gender is nowadays a scientific field which indicates that there is a lot of knowledge about the subject. What we do not have much knowledge about is whether gender knowledge leads to changes in gender relations in practice. The aim of this study is to explore how gender scholars relate to using – practicing – gender knowledge. Key issues in this study are how gender scholars construct gender, how they practice gender theoretical knowledge, and their reflections of gender boundaries. Theoretically, this study is mainly based on Sara Ahmed’s perspective on gender. The main finding of the study is that despite gender knowledge gender scholars tend to reproduce traditional gender orders. By identifying concepts such as reflected and unreflected masculinity/femininity, different ideals of masculinity/femininity are made visible. There seems to be an ideal among gender scholars to practice their gender knowledge. This ideal is practiced among “gender scholar women” by doing reflected masculinity and reflected femininity. Among “gender scholar men”, however, the ideal to practice gender knowledge by doing unreflected masculinity and reflected femininity seems to be a taboo at the same time. For men, it seems important to mark a distance to a certain type of femininity and to maintain the heterosexual – straight – line. For women, it seems desirable both to distance themselves from a certain type of masculinity and femininity and thereby follow alternative – queer – lines.
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Homogamy has been suggested as crucial for human mate preferences and mate choice. People are attracted to and choose romantic partners that are similar to them in socio-demographic, physical, and psychological traits. However, only a few studies have shown homogamy in preferences for evolved sex-typical traits. Here, we have investigated male and female preferences for the level of cognitive masculinity-femininity (MF). We tested whether self-reported MF positively correlates with preferences for MF. One hundred men and one hundred women from Brazil filled in questionnaires on their own level of cognitive MF and preferred level of cognitive MF in their ideal partner. Half of the respondents were asked to indicate their preferences for long-term, and the other half for short-term relationships. We found a positive correlation between self-ascribed and preferred level of cognitive MF in women (P = 0.002), but no significant correlation in men (P = 0.309). There was no significant effect of the temporal context of the relationship, but there was a positive correlation between self-ascribed and preferred level of cognitive MF only in women answering about long-term partner. By subtracting the preferred from the selfascribed level of cognitive MF, we created a self-similarity index. We found that women desire potential mates more self-similar and more masculine than men (P < 0.001) and that in men there is greater variation in the self-similarity index than in women. Our results thus add to previous evidence on the role of homogamy in human mating, by showing preferences for self-similarity also in cognitive MF for women, especially for long-term partner preferences. Future studies should cross-culturally test whether the higher self-similar preference found in women is universal.
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Our propose in this article is to articulate the ways how women that call themselves lesbians, live and consider the masculinities and the femininities. The discourses were obtained through semi-structured interviews with ten women from different ages, who live in different towns in São Paulo and Paraná states. Theoretical references were sought in poststruturalists authors who approach the social construction of gender and sexes as category analysis, necessary for the reflection of the subjectivity processes that are permeated by materiality and transitoriness that are inherent to social, historical, cultural, political and territorial contexts.
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The gender diagnosticity (GD) approach of Lippa (1995) was used to evaluate the relationship of within-sex differences in psychological masculinity-femininity to a genetic characteristic, the length of a repeated CAG sequence in the X-linked androgen receptor (AR) gene. Previously assessed adult samples in Australia and Sweden were used for this purpose. A weak relationship (correlations in the range .11 to .14) was obtained in both countries. Additional data from adolescent twins from Australia (12-, 14-, 16-year-olds) did not confirm such a relationship at those ages, especially for males. The fact that this sample consisted of twins permitted two kinds of within-pair comparisons: (1) Did the dizygotic twin who had the longer AR sequence have the higher GD score? (2) Was one twin's GD score more highly correlated with the other twin's AR score in MZ than in DZ pairs? The answer in both cases was negative. Clarification of these relationships will require large samples and measurements at additional ages.
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This manuscript is comprised of three papers that examine the far-reaching and often invisible political outcomes of gender role socialization in the United States. These papers focus primarily on two areas: political confidence amongst girls and women, and the effects of gender on survey measurement and data quality.
Chapter one focuses on political confidence, and the likelihood that women will run for political office. Women continue to be underrepresented at all levels of political leadership, and their lack of political ambition, relative to men, has been identified as a primary cause. In this paper, I explore the relationship between an individual's masculinity and femininity and her development of political ambition. Using original survey data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), I first empirically demonstrate that gender (masculinity/femininity) and sex (male/female) are unique elements of identity and, moreover, are both independently related to political ambition. I then explore the relevance of gender for the study of candidate emergence, testing whether and how masculinity and femininity might be related to political ambition are supported empirically. While the results suggest that masculinity is positively associated with the development of political ambition, the relationship between femininity and candidate emergence seems to be more complicated and not what prevailing stereotypes might lead us to expect. Moreover, while the relationship between masculinity and political ambition is the same for men and women, the relationship between femininity and political ambition is very different for women than it is for men. This study suggests that gender role socialization is highly related with both men's and women's desire to seek positions of political leadership.
Chapter two continues this exploration of gendered differences in the development of political ambition, this time exploring how social attractiveness and gendered perceptions of political leadership impact the desire to hold political office.Women are persistently underrepresented as candidates for public office and remain underrepresented at all levels of government in the United States. Previous literature suggests that the gendered ambition gap, gender socialization, insufficient recruitment, media scrutiny, family responsibilities, modern campaign strategies, and political opportunity structures all contribute to the gender imbalance in pools of officeholders and candidates. To explain women's reticence to run, scholars have offered explanations addressing structural, institutional, and individual-level factors that deter women from becoming candidates, especially for high positions in the U.S. government. This paper examines a previously unexplored factor: how dating and socialized norms of sexual attraction affect political ambition. This study investigates whether young, single, and heterosexual women's desire for male attention and fear of being perceived as unattractive or "too ambitious" present obstacles to running for office. The results of these experiments suggest that social expectations about gender, attraction and sexuality, and political office-holding may contribute to women's reticence to pursue political leadership. Chapter two is a co-authored work and represents the joint efforts of Laura Lazarus Frankel, Shauna Shames, and Nadia Farjood.
Chapter 3 bridges survey methodology and gender socialization, focusing on how interviewer sex affects survey measurement and data quality. Specifically, this paper examines whether and how matching interviewer and respondent sex affects panel attrition--respondents dropping out of the study after participating in the first wave. While the majority of research on interviewer effects suggests that matching interviewer and respondent characteristics (homophily) yields higher quality data, little work has examined whether this pattern holds true in the area of panel attrition. Using paradata from the General Social Survey (GSS), I explore this question. My analysis reveals that, despite its broader positive effects on data quality, matching interviewer and respondent sex increases likelihood to attrit. Interestingly, this phenomenon only emerges amongst male respondents. However, while assigning female interviewers to male respondents decreases their propensity to attrit, it also increases the likelihood of biased responses on gender related items. These conflicting outcomes represent a tradeoff for scholars and survey researchers, requiring careful consideration of mode, content, and study goals when designing surveys and/or analyzing survey data. The implications of these patterns and areas for further research are discussed.
Together, these papers illustrate two ways that gender norms are related to political outcomes: they contribute to patterns of candidate emergence and affect the measurement of political attitudes and behaviors.
Resumo:
En este texto mostramos como la masculinidad y la feminidad son construcciones sociales, atendiendo a los sexos (diferencia biológica) del ser humano. Las personas influidas por su cultura han hecho suyas las creencias, ideas, estereotipos, correspondientes a un sexo u otro. Así se establecen dos mundos distintos, contrarios, la masculinidad relativa al varón y la feminidad en relación con la mujer. Ambos mundos se presentan de forma muy distinta, marcando mucho las diferencias y el perfil de persona dependiendo de su sexo. De esta forma los varones tienen que ser fuertes, valientes, agresivos, fogosos, conquistadores y dedicados a su profesión. Por el contrario, las mujeres deben ser comprensivas, amables, cariñosas, trabajadoras, buenas madres y esposas y dedicadas a su familia. Nosotros optamos por la persona sin diferencia de sexo, por la igualdad de oportunidades, por deconstruir los estereotipos de masculinidad y feminidad, creando un ser único, una persona que da igual su sexo, un ser humano capaz de ser y hacer sin límites, porque nuestras diferencias biológicas no son determinantes para que mujeres y varones se desarrollen en igualdad de oportunidades.
Resumo:
Recibido 15 de marzo de 2012 • Corregido 04 de octubre de 2012 • Aceptado 07 de noviembre de 2012A continuación se presentan diversas ideas creadas alrededor del tema de la masculinidad y feminidad. El objetivo es esclarecer dichos conceptos desde un punto de vista crítico y de género sensitivo, en un lenguaje sencillo. El fin es que la información sea accesible a una mayor cantidad de personas; eso, sin menoscabar la importancia de transmitir las ideas desde un carácter académico y científico. Por tanto, se busca aclarar el carácter de ambos conceptos en la construcción de su identidad, principalmente para el hombre que cimienta su identidad a partir del rechazo de lo que es femenino. Se trata de mostrar cómo dichas construcciones son atravesadas por diversos mandatos sociales que se expresan según la cultura en la que se desarrollen; además, se plantea el reto de la educación para deconstruir estereotipos ligados a los géneros.