968 resultados para NARANJO COTO, CARMEN, 1930-


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Ofrece un conjunto de ensayos acerca de las narraciones escritas por Claribel Alegría (El Salvador), Gloria Guardia (Panamá), Rosario Aguilar (Nicaragua), Rima Vallbona, Carmen Naranjo y Luisa González (Costa Rica). Todas estas autoras son consideradas importantes dentro de la literatura centroamericana

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Presenta una bibliografía comentada de las obras de la escritora costarricense Carmen Naranjo. La bibliografía está dividida en textos de la escritora (clasificados como narrativa, poesía, teatro, ensayo, artículos de periódicos, obras variadas, obras inéditas, traducciones autorizadas, premios, distinciones y puestos relevantes) y una crítica de su obra.

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En las primeras décadas del siglo XX en Bogotá se desarrolló un proceso de profesionalización de los artistas que permitió que estos mejoraran el estatus que tenían en la sociedad y se consolidaran una serie de roles que los identificarían como representantes de su ocupación. Este cambio se evidencia al notar que hasta finales del siglo XIX no existía una clara diferenciación entre las categorías de artista y artesano, mientras que para la década de 1930 comenzaron a aparecer propuestas estéticas que rompieron con los cánones tradicionales del arte académico. De este modo, a partir de la aplicación de un marco teórico basado en la sociología e historia de las profesiones y basándose en la socióloga e historia social del arte y los artistas se analizan las distintas etapas que atravesaron los integrantes de esta ocupación para poder ser reconocidos como “profesionales”. Se logró evidenciar que este tipo de procesos sociales se caracterizan por ser muy complejos, ya que para entender las dinámicas que se presentan dentro de los grupos profesionales se debe tener en cuenta que los distintos integrantes poseen identidades de género, clase o región, entre otras, que generan relaciones de amistad, enemistad y rivalidad, las cuales no siempre son visibilizadas en las investigaciones que han abordado este periodo.

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La colonia experimental de Schorlemerallee y las villas Am Rupenhorn son dos proyectos concluidos en 1930 por los hermanos Wassili y Hans Luckhardt con Alfons Anker en Berlín. Ambos proyectos forman parte del mismo proceso, que comienza en la Colonia -una exploración sobre el lenguaje moderno en una serie de fases sucesivas- y culmina con las Villas. Éstas últimas, realizadas inmediatamente después de la Colonia, son la síntesis de esa experiencia, aunque finalmente acabaron trascendiéndola, ya que se convirtieron en un modelo sobre la casa en la naturaleza, sobre la idea de la villa clásica y sobre los nuevos modos de habitar, alcanzando con el tiempo la condición de canon moderno. A pesar de ello, no es esta condición lo más importante. Lo singular en este caso, es el propio proceso de proyecto –Colonia versus Villas- un verdadero experimento en su concepción, método y resultados, a través del cual sus autores investigan nuevas tecnologías aplicadas a nuevas formas de habitar y desarrollan un nuevo lenguaje, cuyo resultado son unos prototipos tecnológicos, con los que pretenden, como diría Mies van der Rohe: “Me he esforzado por construir una arquitectura para una sociedad tecnológica. He intentado que todo resultara razonable y claro.....para que cualquiera pueda hacer arquitectura.” El momento y lugar no pueden ser más propicios: Berlín entre 1924 y 1930, en el mismo origen del Movimiento Moderno. El experimento se plantea con auténtico rigor científico. Los arquitectos diseñan, construyen y financian su proyecto, controlando todas sus variables. Especialmente, por lo insólito, es el control de la variable económica. Porque este factor, la economía, es para ellos una clave fundamental del proceso. Se trataba de demostrar que la Nueva Arquitectura (o Neues Bauen, como les gustaba denominarla) era capaz de construir mejor y más rápido la vivienda para una nueva sociedad. La revolución y la vanguardia van de la mano: son el Zeitgeist o espíritu de la época, un contexto que es parte sustancial del proceso, y como lo calificarían los Smithson, un contexto heroico. El concepto se centra en la tríada Bauhaus: diseño + tecnología x economía. En cuanto al método, se fijan una serie de parámetros –las variables del experimento- que se agrupan en tres categorías distintas: topología, tipología y tecnología. La combinación de las variables de cada categoría dará lugar a un sistema con unas características determinadas: una definición del espacio, una forma, un lenguaje y una tecnología, características que permiten establecer las reglas para su desarrollo. Los sistemas resultantes son tres, denominados según su doble condición tipológica/ tecnológica: 1. Sistema de muro de carga: Viviendas adosadas en zig-zag o Mauerwerksbauten. 2. Sistema de esqueleto de acero: Viviendas aisladas o Stahlskelettbauten 3. Sistema de hormigón armado: Viviendas en hilera recta o Betonbauten Las villas Am Rupenhorn se plantean a continuación como verificación de este proceso: la síntesis de las categorías desarrolladas en la Colonia. Pero llegan en un momento de gracia, justo cuando los Luckhardt y Anker se encuentran profundamente implicados en el proceso de desarrollo de un nuevo lenguaje y con la reciente experiencia de la Colonia, que ha sido un éxito en casi todos los aspectos posibles. “En 1930, están en la cumbre”, como diría su mejor crítico y antiguo colaborador: Achim Wendschuh. En las Villas, los arquitectos integran su lenguaje, ya plenamente moderno, con sus experiencias previas: las que los relacionan con su reciente expresionismo (que se podría calificar como Kunstwollen) y con la tradición clásica de la cultura arquitectónica alemana: el sentido del material que deben a Semper y la sensibilidad hacia el paisaje, que toman de Schinkel. El extraordinario interés de las Villas se debe a factores como el tratamiento de la relación dual, poco habitual en la arquitectura moderna, la síntesis de lenguajes y las circunstancias de su momento histórico, factores que las han convertido en una propuesta única e irrepetible de una de las vías experimentales más interesantes y desconocidas de la Modernidad. ABSTRACT The experimental Housing Estate of Schorlemerallee and the Am Rupenhorn Villas are two projects completed by the brothers Wassili and Hans Luckhardt with Alfons Anker in Berlin in 1930. Both projects are part of the same process, starting with the Housing Estate --an exploration of the modern language in a series of phases- which culminates with the Villas project. The Villas Am Ruperhorn, designed immediately after the Housing development, are the synthesis and crowning point of this experience, even finally over passing it, since they have become a model of the house in nature, related with both the ideal of the classical villa and the new ways of life, reaching the condition of a modern canon. However, this is not its most important issue. The most remarkable condition is the project process itself -Housing versus Villas- a true experiment in concept, method and results, in which the authors research new technologies for new ways of living, developing an innovative language, with results in new prototypes, in the way Mies van der Rohe was looking for: “I have tried to make an architecture for a technological society. I have wanted to keep everything reasonable and clear… to have an architecture that anybody can do." The time and place could not be more favourable: Berlin from 1924 to 1930, in the very origin of Modern Movement. The experiment takes place with genuine scientific accuracy. Architects design, build and finance their own project, controlling all variables. Especially, and quite unusual, the control of the economic variable. Precisely the economic factor is for them a fundamental key to the process. It was shown to prove that the new architecture (or Neues Bauen, as they liked to call it) was able to build not only faster, better and more efficient dwellings for a new society, but also at lower cost. Revolution and Avant-garde use to move forward together, because they share the Zeitgeist --or time's spirit--, a context which is a substantial part of the process, and as the Alison & Peter Smithsons would describe, an heroic context. The concept focuses on the Bauhaus triad: Design + Technology x Economy. For the method, a number of variables are fixed --the experimental parameters-- that are later grouped into three distinct categories: Topology, Typology and Technology. The combination of these variables within each category gives way to several systems, with specific characteristics: a definition of space, a form, a language and a technology, thus allowing to establish the rules for its development: The resulting systems are three, called by double typological / technological issue: 1. Terraced Housing in zig-zag or Mauerwerksbauten (bearing wall system) 2. Detached Housing or Stahlskelettbauten (steel skeleton system) 3. Terraced Housing in one row or Betonbauten (reinforced concrete system) The Am Rupenhorn Villas are planned as the check of this process: the synthesis of the categories developed all through the Housing Estate research. The Am Ruperhorn project is developed in a crucial moment, just as the Luckhardts and Anker are deeply involved in the definition process of a new language after the recent experience of Schorlemerallee, which has been a success in almost all possible aspects. "In 1930, they are on the top” has said his best critic and long-time collaborator, Achim Wendschuh. In the Villas, the authors make up their fully modern language with their own background, related with their recent Expressionist trend (Kunstwollen) and with the classical tradition of the German architectural culture: the notion of material related with Semper and the sensible approach to the landscape, linked with Schinkel. Its extraordinary interest lay on diverse factors, such as dual relationships, unusual in modern architecture, synthesis of languages and circumstances of their historical moment, all factors that have become a unique and unrepeatable proposal in one of the most extraordinary experimental ways of Modernity.

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La cuestión del asentamiento socialista en la URSS durante la década de 1920 estuvo caracterizada por el objetivo de definir y establecer un estado socialista en términos políticos, sociales y económicos. En este contexto de inestabilidad y cambio, un grupo de arquitectos pertenecientes a la Asociación de Arquitectos Contemporáneos, OSA, y liderado por Moisey Ginzburg, abordó el tema de la vivienda obrera asumiendo la responsabilidad y el compromiso por alcanzar un nuevo orden social. Su misión no consistió únicamente en solucionar el problema del alojamiento para los trabajadores en las grandes ciudades soviéticas, sino en redefinirlo como el marco adecuado para una sociedad sometida a un cambio sin precedentes que, al mismo tiempo y en un proceso dialéctico, debía contribuir a la construcción de esa nueva sociedad. La respuesta dada por la OSA trascendió el diseño inmediato bajo los estándares modernos establecidos en Occidente y tomó forma en un proceso de investigación que habría de prolongarse durante cinco años. Este trabajo, que culminó con la construcción y puesta en crisis de la Casa Narkomfin, se desarrolló en tres aproximaciones sucesivas. La primera, de carácter conceptual, consideró la participación ciudadana, así como de especialistas independientes, formalizándose en el Concurso entre Camaradas convocado por la OSA en 1926. La segunda aproximación al problema de la vivienda obrera se articuló a través de la investigación llevada a cabo por la Sección de Tipificación del Stroykom, esta vez desde premisas científicas y metodológicas. Finalmente, las conclusiones alcanzadas fueron transferidas a la práctica arquitectónica por medio de la construcción de seis Casas Experimentales de Transición, entre las que destacó la Casa Narkomfin. Este último acercamiento, de carácter empírico, ha sido tradicionalmente examinado por los expertos como un hecho aislado. Sin embargo, su estudio debe trascender necesariamente el genio del autor-creador en favor del proceso de investigación al que pertenece. En esta tesis, la Casa Narkomfin no se presenta sólo como el paradigma de vivienda soviética de vanguardia al que estamos acostumbrados, sino como un prototipo que recoge los principios y conclusiones alcanzados en las aproximaciones conceptuales y científicas precedentes. Únicamente desde este punto de vista cobra sentido la consideración de Ginzburg sobre su propio edificio como un medio propositivo y no impositivo: un proyecto concebido como una herramienta de transición hacia una sociedad más avanzada. ABSTRACT The question of mass housing in the USSR during the Twenties was marked by the drive to define and establish a socialist state in political, social and economic terms. In this context of instability and change, a group of architects gathered together under the Association of Contemporary Architects, OSA, led by Moisey Ginzburg, to address the issue of mass housing, thus taking on the responsibility and being committed to creating a new social order. Their quest not only involved solving the problem of housing for workers in large Soviet cities, but also redefining this solution as an appropriate framework for a society undergoing dramatic changes which, at the same time and in a dialectical process, would contribute to the creation of this new society. The solution provided by OSA transcended Modern standards of immediate design set by the West and was the result of a research process that would last five years. This work culminated in the construction of Narkomfin House and its self-criticism, developed in three successive approaches. The first was conceptual, being formalized in the Comradely Competition held by the OSA in 1926 and taking into account the participation of citizens and independent experts. The second approach to the problem of mass housing involved research developed by the Typification Section of the Stroykom, this time under scientific and methodological premises. Finally, the conclusions reached were put in practice with the construction of six Experimental Transitional Houses of which the most notable is Narkomfin House. This third empirical approach has traditionally been examined by scholars in isolation. However, its study must necessarily transcend the genius of the author-creator and involve the research process of which it is part. In this thesis, Narkomfin House is presented not only as the paradigm in Soviet housing avant-garde we are used to, but also as a prototype reflecting the principles and conclusions reached in the preceding conceptual and scientific approaches. Only from this point of view does Ginzburg’s understanding of his own building as a proactive and non-imposed environment make sense: a project conceived as a transition tool towards a more advanced society.

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[27]. Pasadizo que une la Catedral con el Palacio Arzobispal de Valencia en la calle de la Barcella, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [28]. Puerta románica de la Catedral de Valencia, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [29-30]. Fuente monumento al Márques de Campo situado en la plaza Emilio Castelar, 1917 (3 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [31]. Patio interior sin identificar, un hombre y un policia (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [32]. Estatua ecuestre de Don Jaime I El Conquistador en el Parterre, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [32 A y B]. Máximo López Roglá en el Parterre (2 par estereoscópico) (2 fot.) -- [33-35]. Nieve en Valencia, en la alameditas de Serranos, niños jugando con la nieve en la Glorieta, 30-12-1917 (3 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [36-38]. Claustro del Patriarca con la escultura del Beato Juan de Ribera, en una de las fotos un grupo de seminaristas, 1917 (5 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [39-40]. Museo del Patriarca de Valencia, relicarios, Cruz Patriarcal (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [41-48]. Antiguo Hospital Padre Jofré, acceso desde la calle, patio de entrada y estatua del Padre Jofré, pórtico del Real Monasterio de la Santísima Trinidad, miembros de la Congregación de la Inmaculada y San Luís, los congregantes con los enfermos en el patio del hospital, 1913 (8 pares estereoscópicos) (8 fot.) -- [49]. Estandarte de la Academia Valencianista del Centro Escolar y Mercantil, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [50-51].Miembros de la Congregación de la Inmaculada y San Luís y de la Academia Valencianista del Centro Escolar y Mercantil (calle libreros 2) junto a la falla, en una de las fotos llevan el estandarte de la Academia (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [52]. Sede de la Academia Valencianista del Centro Escolar y Mercantil (2 pares estereoscópicos) (1 fot.) -- [53-69]. Fallas, año 1917 (21 pares estereoscópicos) (14 fot.) -- [70]. Mercado de Colón, carruaje con caballo junto a la puerta principal, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [71]. Palacio de la Exposición, 1917 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [72-87]. Los Jardines de Viveros: ruinas en primer plano al fondo la torre del Palacio de Ripalda, jaulas de los pájaros, Francisco Roglá López en Viveros, Isabel Orrico Vidal con sus hijos y las niñeras en Viveros en distintos situaciones y contemplando el estanque con el Museo de San Pío V al fondo, 1922 (19 pares estereoscópicos) (17 fot.) -- [88-90]. La Hípica (5 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [91-94]. Jugando al tenis en un campo habilitado para el tenis entre pinos (8 pares estereoscópicos) (4 fot.) -- [95-97]. El Puerto de Valencia, 1921 (4 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [98-104]. Llegada al puerto de Valencia de cuatro submarinos, entre ellos el submarino Monturiol, escoltados por torpederos y acompañados por el buque de salvamento Canguro, 8 de septiembre de 1921 (7 pares estereoscópicos) (7 fot.) -- [105-107A-D]. Playa y Balneario de las Arenas: un hombre y tres mujeres patinando en las Arenas; Isabel Orrico Vidal (izquierda), Ignacio Roglá Orrico (bebe) en brazos de Pilar (la niñera de Chiva), Manolo Orrico Vidal con su mujer Mercedes Gay, la niñera con Luisito Roglá Orrico, los niños más mayores son Merceditas Orrico Gay y Paquito Roglá Orrico; en las Arenas a la izquierda de la foto Ignacio Roglá Orrico (bebe), Ana María Rodríguez Gay, Paquito Roglá Orrico, Manolo Orrico Vidal, Merceditas Orrico Gay, en el centro Mercedes Gay Lloveras (sentada) y Gonzalo Rodríguez Gay, a la derecha Gonzalo Rodríguez, Ana Gay Lloveras, Isabel Orrico Vidal con Luisito Roglá Orrico y Francisco Roglá López (6 pares estereoscópicos) (6 fot.) -- [109]. En la playa de la Malvarrosa barca tirada por bueyes, 1922 (1 pares estereoscópicos) (1 fot.) -- [110-117]. Fiesta de la Virgen de los Desamparados, tapíz de flores con la imagen de la Virgen colocada en el retablo de flor, salida de la Virgen de la Basílica en el traslado a la Catedral, salida de la Virgen de la Catedral para la procesión de la tarde (9 pares estereoscópicos) (7 fot.) -- [118-120]. Carroza del MArqués de Llanera (actualmente en el Museo Nacional de Cerámica y Artes Suntuarias "González Martí" por la calle Carniceros esquina con la calle Arolas, vista lateral de la carroza, procesión del Corpus? (5 pares estereoscópicos) (3 fot.) -- [121-122]. Gigantes y Cabezudos junto a la Catedral, Fiesta del Corpus (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [123]. Isabel Orrico Vidal en el balcón del nº 11 de la calle de la Paz (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [124]. Procesión del domingo de Ramos (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [125-136]. Desfile del cortejo fúnebre por la calle (de la Paz?) de los restos de Sorolla el 13 de agosto de 1923 (16 pares estereoscópicos) (10 fot.) -- [137]. Detalle de la fuente de la Alameda (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [138-139]. Francisco Roglá López con su caballo en la Alameda, carruaje por la Alameda (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [140-143]. Jura de bandera en la Alameda (4 pares estereoscópicos) (4 fot.) -- [144A, B, C, D, E]. Fuente con estatua de la Alameda, José Roglá López leyendo el periódico junto a la fuente, con un grupo de amigos, grupo de amigos y un barquillero en el Paseo de la Alameda, José Roglá López con unos amigos en una fuente de la Alameda que ahora está en el barrio del Carmen (5 fot.) -- [145]. Grupo de coches de la época en la plaza de la Virgen (1 fot.) -- [146A, B]. Pareja de novios saliendo de la Basílica de la Virgen? (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [147-148]. Niños de la Asociación de San Vicente Ferrer que representan los milagros en los altares (2 pares estereoscópicos) (2 fot.) -- [149-150]. Actos festivos, dos mujeres llevando una bandera con gente alrededor (2 fot.) -- [151-152]. Plaza de toros de Valencia, 1930 (2 fot.) -- [153]. Rosalía Roglá López con su abuela materna en el piso de la calle Liñán nº 3, a través de los cristales se ve el edificio de la Lonja (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [154]. Rosalía Roglá López en el balcón de su piso de la calle Liñán nº 3, al fondo a la izquierda se ve la plaza del mercado y la Lonja (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [155]. José Roglá López de pié junto a la ventana leyendo un periódico (1 fot.) -- [156-157]. Isabel Orrico Vidal en la Alameditas de Serranos, al fondo el Museo San Pío V (2 fot.) -- [158-159]. Ignacio Roglá Orrico, Luís Roglá Orrico y Francisco Roglá Orrico sentados en un banco en la Glorieta, los tres niños junto al monumento al Dr. Gómez Ferrer de la Glorieta, 1928 (2 fot.) -- [160-161]. Ignacio Roglá Orrico, Luís Roglá Orrico en el jardín de los Viveros, los dos niños con Paco bebiendo en una fuente de Viveros junto al estanque, 1929 (2 fot.) -- [162]. Grupo familiar sentado en el jardín de los Viveros, Manolo Orrico Gay, Manolo Orrico Vidal, Luís Roglá Orrico, Isabel Orrico Vidal, Mercedes Gay Lloveras y Mercedes Orrico Gay, 1930 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [163]. Isabel Orrico Vidal junto a Luís Roglá Orrico en bicicleta en el jardín de los Viveros, 1930 (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.) -- [164]. Manolo Orrico Gay y Luís Roglá Orrico (detrás) en bicicleta por el jardín de los Viveros (1 par estereoscópico) (1 fot.)

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This work examines the urban modernization of San José, Costa Rica, between 1880 and 1930, using a cultural approach to trace the emergence of the bourgeois city in a small Central American capital, within the context of order and progress. As proposed by Henri Lefebvre, Manuel Castells and Edward Soja, space is given its rightful place as protagonist. The city, subject of this study, is explored as a seat of social power and as the embodiment of a cultural transformation that took shape in that space, a transformation spearheaded by the dominant social group, the Liberal elite. An analysis of the product built environment allows us to understand why the city grew in a determined manner: how the urban space became organized and how its infrastructure and services distributed. Although the emphasis is on the Liberal heyday from 1880-1930, this study also examines the history of the city since its origins in the late colonial period through its consolidation as a capital during the independent era, in order to characterize the nineteenth century colonial city that prevailed up to 1890 s. A diverse array of primary sources including official acts, memoirs, newspaper sources, maps and plans, photographs, and travelogues are used to study the initial phase of San Jose s urban growth. The investigation places the first period of modern urban growth at the turn of the nineteenth century within the prevailing ideological and political context of Positivism and Liberalism. The ideas of the city s elite regarding progress were translated into and reflected in the physical transformation of the city and in the social construction of space. Not only the transformations but also the limits and contradictions of the process of urban change are examined. At the same time, the reorganization of the city s physical space and the beginnings of the ensanche are studied. Hygiene as an engine of urban renovation is explored by studying the period s new public infrastructure (including pipelines, sewer systems, and the use of asphalt pavement) as part of the Saneamiento of San José. The modernization of public space is analyzed through a study of the first parks, boulevards and monuments and the emergence of a new urban culture prominently displayed in these green spaces. Parks and boulevards were new public and secular places of power within the modern city, used by the elite to display and educate the urban population into the new civic and secular traditions. The study goes on to explore the idealized image of the modern city through an analysis of European and North American travelogues and photography. The new esthetic of theatrical-spectacular representation of the modern city constructed a visual guide of how to understand and come to know the city. A partial and selective image of generalized urban change presented only the bourgeois facade and excluded everything that challenged the idea of progress. The enduring patterns of spatial and symbolic exclusion built into Costa Rica s capital city at the dawn of the twentieth century shed important light on the long-term political social and cultural processes that have created the troubled urban landscapes of contemporary Latin America.

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The theme of this doctoral thesis is the Finnish printmaking in the years 1930-1939. During this decade, there were approximately 100 artists making prints in Finland. Indeed, the period was an especially important one for printmaking. Associations for printmakers were founded in Helsinki and Turku, training in the field was launched, and the number of printmaking exhibitions increased considerably. Through their national organisations, Finnish printmakers participated in many exhibitions abroad, interaction with Nordic printmakers being especially intense. Thus, a firm basis for post-war developments was created. However, printmakers' activity- which had continued throughout the 1930s - declined notably after the Winter War broke out in the autumn of 1939. As a result, the period 1930-1939 forms a coherent and distinct unity in Finnish printmaking history. The study consists of two parts: the main text and an appendix in which the production of each printmaking artist active in the 1930s is examined separately. The study also includes a comprehensive list of the prints made in the course of the decade. One of the central themes is the printmakers' relationship to "Finnish nationalist" art and concepts of art in the 1930s. I analyse the various manifestations of this way of thinking in the visual arts of the period. Finnish fine art in the period between the world wars has usually been characterised as conservative, introverted and spiritually isolated from the modern European trends of the time. On the basis of this study, such a view is too simple. Many artists and printmakers adopted a modernistic notion of art that approached the newest in European modernism, including such trends as avant-garde classicism and general European new Objective Realism (Die neue Sachlichkeit). On the other hand, choosing Finnish nationalist motifs did not necessarily mean that the artist was opposed to modernism: modernist artists could still be interested in national themes. The relationship of 1930s printmaking to the world of nationalist ideas is examined in this doctoral thesis from several perspectives. Towards the end of the main text, I examine the issue from the point of view of selected artists. Another feature that emerged during the study and turned out to be surprisingly widespread was the close relationship of many artists to religious, theosophical and pantheistic views. I deal with this issue in greater detail through a few representative printmakers.

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From Steely Nation-State Superman to Conciliator of Economical Global Empire – A Psychohistory of Finnish Police Culture 1930-1997 My study concerns the way police culture has changed within the societal changes in Finnish society between 1930 and 1997. The method of my study was psycho-historical and post-structural analysis. The research was conducted by examining the psycho-historical plateaus traceable within Finnish police culture. I made a social diagnosis of the autopoietic relationship between the power-holders of Finnish society and the police (at various levels of hierarchical organization). According to police researcher John P. Crank, police culture should be understood as the cognitive processes behind the actions of the police. Among these processes are the values, beliefs, rituals, customs and advice which standardize their work and the common sense of policemen. According to Crank, police culture is defined by a mindset which thinks, judges and acts according to its evaluations filtered by its own preliminary comprehension. Police culture consists of all the unsaid assumptions of being a policeman, the organizational structures of police, official policies, unofficial ways of behaviour, forms of arrest, procedures of practice and different kinds of training habits, attitudes towards suspects and citizens, and also possible corruption. Police culture channels its members’ feelings and emotions. Crank says that police culture can be seen in how policemen express their feelings. He advises police researchers to ask themselves how it feels to be a member of the police. Ethos has been described as a communal frame for thought that guides one’s actions. According to sociologist Martti Grönfors, the Finnish mentality of the Protestant ethic is accentuated among Finnish policemen. The concept of ethos expresses very well the self-made mentality as an ethical tension which prevails in police work between communal belonging and individual freedom of choice. However, it is significant that it is a matter of the quality of relationships, and that the relationship is always tied to the context of the cultural history of dealing with one’s anxiety. According to criminologist Clifford Shearing, the values of police culture act as subterranean processes of the maintenance of social power in society. Policemen have been called microcosmic mediators, or street corner politicians. Robert Reiner argues that at the level of self-comprehension, policemen disparage the dimension of politics in their work. Reiner points out that all relationships which hold a dimension of power are political. Police culture has also been called a canteen culture. This idea expresses the day-to-day basis of the mentality of taking care of business which policing produces as a necessity for dealing with everyday hardships. According to police researcher Timo Korander, this figurative expression embodies the nature of police culture as a crew culture which is partly hidden from police chiefs who are at a different level. This multitude of standpoints depicts the diversity of police cultures. According to Reiner, one should not see police culture as one monolithic whole; instead one should assess it as the interplay of individuals negotiating with their environment and societal power networks. The cases analyzed formed different plateaus of study. The first plateau was the so-called ‘Rovaniemi arson’ case in the summer of 1930. The second plateau consisted of the examinations of alleged police assaults towards the Communists during the Finnish Continuation War of 1941 to 1944 and the threats that societal change after the war posed to Finnish Society. The third plateau was thematic. Here I investigated how using force towards police clients has changed culturally from the 1930s to the 1980s. The fourth plateau concerned with the material produced by the Security Police detectives traced the interaction between Soviet KGB agents and Finnish politicians during the long 1970s. The fifth plateau of larger changes in Finnish police culture then occurred during the 1980s as an aftermath of the former decade. The last, sixth plateau of changing relationships between policing and the national logic of action can be seen in the murder of two policemen in the autumn of 1997. My study shows that police culture has transformed from a “stone cold” steely fixed identity towards a more relational identity that tries to solve problems by negotiating with clients instead of using excessive force. However, in this process of change there is a traceable paradox in Finnish policing and police culture. On the one hand, policemen have, at the practical level, constructed their policing identity by protecting their inner self in their organizational role at work against the projections of anger and fear in society. On the other hand, however, they have had to safeguard themselves at the emotional level against the predominance of this same organizational role. Because of this dilemma they must simultaneously construct both a distance from their own role as police officers and the role of the police itself. This makes the task of policing susceptible to the political pressures of society. In an era of globalization, and after the heyday of the welfare state, this can produce heightened challenges for Finnish police culture.

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The aim of this research is to define what kind of characters and images of teachers appear in Finnish school novels describing social changes and educational political reform from the 1930s to the 1990s written by teachers, particularly grammar school teachers. As comparison material, I use school novels written by Swedish school teachers, in which the changes in Swedish society and educational system and their expressions in the characters of teachers of the school novels are studied. The main focus of my study is centred particularly on school novels in which the images of grammar school teachers are described during times of school reform. From these starting points, the main objectives of the study are novels written by Finnish school teachers Anneli Toijala and Sampo Haahtela and Swedish school teacher Hugo Swensson, who was inspired by Haahtela. The research is qualitative multidisciplinary case analysis. The research method is content analysis, and the approach is hermeneutic. The research is divided into eight main chapters. After the introduction I introduce the essential concepts of my research. In the third main chapter I define the research function. In that context, besides the research objectives, I introduce former research on character description in literature, I define the methodological solutions with grounds and present the research material. Both literary research methods and sociological terminology are applied in the research alongside with pedagogical research. The research results show that images of teachers are diverse. At one end of the spectrum these represent immature pictures of teachers withdrawn into the routines of everyday life; at the other, they advance and reflect the reformist teacher. This becomes clearly evident when comparing the teacher "monsters" of the classic authors to the educational optimists at the end of the 20th century. The results show that the images of teachers in school novels are almost without exception coherent, psychologically credible and consistent, and hardly any different from the images of teachers in the Swedish school novels used as comparison material. On the contrary, plenty of similarities are found. The comprehensive school reform, educational political discourse and teachers' feelings are realistically clarified in the school novels that describe the period. Keywords: literature image, school reform, school novel, teacher image, reflection, internal co-operation in school

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Photocopies of poems