32 resultados para Meritocracy


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Youth population is increasing explosively particularly in developing countries as a result of rapid urbanization. This increase is bringing large number of social and economic problems. For instance the impacts of job and training availability, and the physical, social and cultural quality of urban environment on young people are enormous, and affect their health, lifestyles, and well-being (Gleeson and Sipe 2006). Besides this, globalization and technological developments are affecting youth in urban areas in all parts of the world, both positively and negatively (Robertson 1995). The rapidly advancing information and communications technologies (ICTs) helps in addressing social and economic problems caused by the rapid growth of urban youth populations in developing countries. ICTs offer opportunities to young people for learning, skill development and employment. But there are downsides: young people in many developing countries lack of having broad access to these new technologies, they are vulnerable to global market changes, and ICTs link them into global cultures which promote consumer goods, potentially eroding local cultures and community values (Manacorda and Petrongolo 1999). However we believe that the positives outweigh such negatives. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the world’s young population number more than they ever have. There are over a billion young people between the ages of 15 and 24, which 85 per cent of them live in developing countries and mainly in urban environments. Many of these young people are in the process of making, or have already made, the transition from school to work. During the last two decades all around the world, these young people, as new workers, have faced a number of challenges associated with globalization and technological advances on labour markets (United Nations 2004). The continuous decrease in the manufacturing employment is made many of the young people facing three options: getting jobs in the informal economy with insecurity and poor wages and working conditions, or getting jobs in the low-tier service industries, or developing their vocational skills to benefit from new opportunities in the professional and advanced technical/knowledge sectors. Moreover in developing countries a large portion of young people are not even lucky enough to choose among any of these options, and consequently facing long-term unemployment, which makes them highly vulnerable. The United Nations’ World Youth Employment report (2004) indicates that in almost all countries, females tend to be far more vulnerable than males in terms of long-term unemployment, and young people who have advanced qualifications are far less likely to experience long-term unemployment than others. In the limited opportunities of the formal labour market, those with limited vocational skills resort to forced entrepreneurship and selfemployment in the informal economy, often working for low pay under hazardous conditions, with only few prospects for the future (United Nations 2005a). The International Labour Organization’s research (2004) revealed that the labour force participation rates for young people decreased by almost four per cent (which is equivalent of 88 million young people) between 1993 and 2003. This is largely as a result of the increased number of young people attending school, high overall unemployment rates, and the fact that some young people gave up any hope of finding work and dropped out of the labour market. At the regional level, youth unemployment was highest in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) (25.6%) and sub-Saharan Africa (21%) and lowest in East Asia (7%) and the industrialized economies(13.4%) (International Labour Organization 2004). The youth in economically disadvantaged regions (e.g. the MENA region) face many challenges in education and training that delivers them the right set of skills and knowledge demanded by the labour market. As a consequence, the transition from school to work is mostly unsuccessful and young population end up either unemployed or underemployed in the informal sectors (United Nations 2005b). Unemployment and lack of economic prospects of the urban youth are pushing many of them into criminal acts, excessive alcohol use, substance addiction, and also in many cases resulting in processes of social or political violence (Fernandez-Maldonado 2004; United Nations 2005a). Long-term unemployment leads young people in a process of marginalisation and social exclusion (United Nations 2004). The sustained high rates of long-term youth unemployment have a number of negative effects on societies. First, it results in countries failing to take advantage of the human resources to increase their productive potential, at a time of transition to a globalized world that inexorably demands such leaps in productive capacity. Second, it reinforces the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Third, owing to the discrepancy between more education and exposure to the mass media and fewer employment opportunities, it may encourage the spread of disruptive behaviours, recourse to illegal alternatives for generating income and the loss of basic societal values, all of which erode public safety and social capital. Fourth, it may trigger violent and intractable political conflicts. And lastly, it may exacerbate intergenerational conflicts when young people perceive a lack of opportunity and meritocracy in a system that favours adults who have less formal education and training but more wealth, power and job stability (Hopenhayn 2002). To assist in addressing youth’s skill training and employment problems this paper scrutinises useful international practices, policies, initiatives and programs targeting youth skill training, particularly in ICTs. The MENA national governments and local authorities could consider implementing similar initiative and strategies to address some of the youth employment issues. The broader aim of this paper is to investigate the successful practice and strategies for the information and communication related income generation opportunities for young people to: promote youth entrepreneurship; promote public-private partnerships; target vulnerable groups of young people; narrow digital divide; and put young people in charge. The rest of this paper is organised in five parts. First, the paper provides an overview of the literature on the knowledge economy, skill, education and training issues. Secondly, it reviews the role of ICTs for vocational skill development and employability. Thirdly, it discusses the issues surrounding the development of the digital divide. Fourthly, the paper underlines types and the importance of developing ICT initiatives targeting young people, and reviews some of the successful policy implementations on ICT-based initiatives from both developed and developing countries that offer opportunities to young people for learning, skill development and employment. Then the paper concludes by providing useful generalised recommendations for the MENA region countries and cities in: advocating possible opportunities for ICT generated employment for young people; and discussing how ICT policies could be modified and adopted to meet young people’s needs.

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This paper explores two of the tensions Tarc (2009) identifies in the history of the International Baccalaureate (IB) Diploma: firstly between its design for meritocratic competition and its internationalist vision; and secondly between the IB as a global commodity and its localised interpretations. Using data from three case studies of Australian schools offering both the IB Diploma and the local government curriculum, and student responses to an online survey across 26 such schools, the analysis shows how choices behind the IB’s growing popularity foreground strategies for optimising meritocratic competition. Framed through Bourdieu’s concepts of field and ‘rules of the game’, the analysis shows how students act on their own comparative analyses of each curriculum to optimise their chances to access desirable university pathways within the local rules of the game for university placement. Schools are shown to offer the IB Diploma to recruit and retain academically ambitious students by pooling their relative advantage in different local ecologies. Students are shown to carefully evaluate the benefits and costs of the IB choice. The conclusion reflects on how the choice of the IB Diploma for meritocratic advantage by some might change conditions for others not choosing it.

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As media institutions are encouraged to explore new production methodologies in the current economic crisis, they align with Schumpeter’s creative destruction provocation by exhibiting user-led political, organisation and socio-technical innovations. This paper highlights the significance of the cultural intermediary within the innovative, co-creative production arrangements for cultural artefacts by media professionals in institutional online communities. An institutional online community is defined as one that is housed, resourced and governed by commercial or non- commercial institutions and is not independently facilitated. Web 2.0 technologies have mobilised collaborative peer production activities for online content creation and professional media institutions face challenges in engaging participatory audiences in practices that are beneficial for all concerned stakeholders. The interests of those stakeholders often do not align, highlighting the need for an intermediary role that understands and translates the norms, rhetoric tropes and day-to-day activities between the individuals engaging in participatory communication activities for successful negotiation within the production process. This paper specifically explores the participatory relationship between the public service broadcaster (PSB), the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) and one of its online communities, ABC Pool (www.abc.net.au/pool). ABC Pool is an online platform developed and resourced by the ABC to encourage co-creation between audience members engaging in the production of user-generated content (UGC) and the professional producers housed within the ABC Radio Division. This empirical research emerges from a three-year research project where I employed an ethnographic action research methodology and was embedded at the ABC as the community manager of ABC Pool. In participatory communication environments, users favour meritocratic heterarchical governance over traditional institutional hierarchical systems (Malaby 2009). A reputation environment based on meritocracy requires an intermediary to identify the stakeholders, understand their interests and communicate effectively between them to negotiate successful production outcomes (Bruns 2008; Banks 2009). The community manager generally occupies this role, however it has emerged that other institutional production environments also employ an intermediary role under alternative monikers(Hutchinson 2012). A useful umbrella term to encompass the myriad of roles within this space is the cultural intermediary. The ABC has experimented with three institutional online community governance models that engage in cultural intermediation in differing decentralised capacities. The first and most closed is a single point of contact model where one cultural intermediary controls all of the communication of the participatory project. The second is a model of multiple cultural intermediaries engaging in communication between the institutional online community stakeholders simultaneously. The third is most open yet problematic as it promotes and empowers community participants to the level of cultural intermediaries. This paper uses the ABC Pool case study to highlight the differing levels of openness within cultural intermediation during the co-creative production process of a cultural artifact.

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A maternidade na adolescência é um fenômeno que atinge cerca de 20% dos partos no Brasil. A importância deste tema no campo dos direitos articula-se à dupla condição de proteção conferida à estas mulheres: a de adolescente e a de mãe. O presente estudo apresenta os resultados de uma tese de doutorado com vistas à identificação das políticas sociais efetivamente acessadas por mulheres que foram mães na adolescência antes e após o parto. Buscamos verificar se os direitos sociais firmados na legislação brasileira foram disponibilizados a elas ao longo de sua vida. O campo de pesquisa compreendeu duas unidades públicas de saúde no município do Rio de Janeiro. Foi utilizada a metodologia qualitativa e a técnica empregada foi a saturação de informações, com sete mulheres entrevistadas após quatro anos do nascimento de seus filhos. A eleição desta idade buscou garantir um período distanciamento do início da vida da criança, verificando o impacto do nascimento desta na via da mulher de maneira mais isenta. A pesquisa foi aprovada pelo comitê de ética em pesquisa da prefeitura da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Os resultados demonstram que que as mulheres que foram mães adolescentes atravessaram um cotidiano de pobreza, sobrecarga da figura materna, hierarquia de gênero e ausência de políticas públicas. Mesmo às que estavam em situação de risco, não foram proporcionadas políticas de apoio para a reversão do quadro.A conclusão que se chega é que as mães adolescentes são pouco atingidas por estas políticas públicas porque antes da gravidez estas adolescentes não eram vistas como ameaças à sociedade. Após a gravidez, passam pela rotulação do desperdício de oportunidades, e portanto, continuam sem a proteção da política pública, uma vez que do ponto de vista dos discursos da meritocracia individual presentes nas políticas do risco, não devem ser apoiadas em seus comportamentos tidos como promíscuos. Conclui-se ainda que a melhor estratégia de prevenção da maternidade adolescentes reside no oferecimento de oportunidades concretas de melhorias materias às famílias, de modo que as mulheres não necessitem tormar para si prematuramente as responsabilidades do mundo adulto e que possam ser estimuladas a incluir em seus planos futuros de uma inserção profissional mais qualificada. O estímulo à escolaridade materna (pelos benefícios que a mesma proporciona de melhor inserção no mercado de trabalho e de acesso a renda) é considerado um elemento fundamental neste processo, assim como os programas de valorização do envolvimento masculino nas questões de reprodução/cuidado infantil, programas de promoção de qualidade de vida e prevenção das violências. A tese termina reafirmando a base histórica do exercício dos direitos e a necessidade da explicitação da natureza política do enfrentamento da questão social.

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O presente trabalho busca elidir o verdadeiro significa do ideal de justiça distributiva com vistas à criação de um paradigma ético apto a orientar a adoção de políticas públicas e, ao mesmo tempo, ser o vetor interpretativo da sua eficácia e resultados práticos. Com bases nas premissas teóricas assentadas na basilar obra Uma Teoria da Justiça de John Rawls, busca-se discutir qual é o verdadeiro significado da equidade onde os bens primários sociais são divididos de uma forma tão desigual e como a adoção de políticas públicas orientadas por uma vertente substantiva da justiça pode ser um novo paradigma apto a orientar esta dinâmica. Ultrapassada esta linha de argumentação inicial, o trabalho desdobra-se na busca pelo verdadeiro significado de meritocracia, assentada, ainda uma vez, na distribuição desigual de bens primários sociais ou, simplesmente, na divisão desigual de oportunidades. Nesta ordem de convicções, busca-se afirmar que para haver de fato- a meritocracia é necessário haver um ambiente que propicie igualdade de oportunidades para que cada indivíduo singular possa buscar desenvolver seus projetos de vida de acordo com seu esforço e talento individuais. Por fim, as políticas públicas distributivas podem ser o instrumento que materialize este ideal, desde que sejam orientadas por premissas que privilegiem a vertente substantiva da Justiça e que a partir de uma perspectiva crítica da desigualdade possam buscar a distribuição justa dos bens primários sociais.

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O tema desta pesquisa é o Plano de Metas e seus possíveis efeitos no trabalho docente, com domínio de interesse no estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. O estudo também procura apresentar um breve e recente histórico das políticas de educação do Estado, no que tange ao período de transição do Programa Nova Escola para a implantação do Plano de Metas, procurando contextualizar o momento da implantação do Plano. Como desdobramento deste tema, buscase de um lado, analisar as características, estratégias e desdobramentos do Plano. De outro lado, como o profissional docente se relaciona com estas mudanças e quais alterações elas promovem no seu trabalho. A pesquisa tem como marco principal as reformas que adequam o estado burocrático ao modelo gerencial e as reformas educacionais brasileiras iniciadas na década de 1990 e seus impactos nas políticas estaduais fluminenses, apontando como ambas interferiram nas condições de trabalho dos professores no período de 1990 a 2013, sendo que o foco do estudo é o período de 2011 a 2013, momento da implementação do Plano de Metas. As análises tiveram por base a realização de pesquisa qualitativa, constituída por análise documental e procedimentos complementares, tendose por referencial teórico central o autor italiano Antônio Gramsci. Seus estudos foram de grande valia para analisarmos o Plano de Metas como um programa de ação que a todo tempo combina coerção e persuasão, com vistas ao controle do trabalho docente e ao fortalecimento da hegemonia do projeto político governamental. Por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, como recurso complementar, foram obtidas informações relevantes a respeito da avaliação dos professores em relação ao Plano, às experiências vinculadas a sua implementação, bem como a respeito dos impactos do Plano no seu trabalho.

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A tese analisa a dinâmica curricular da educação física na Secretaria de Estado de Educação do Rio de Janeiro (SEEDUC) a partir dos pressupostos do ciclo de políticas curriculares de Ball e Bowe (1992). A fim de compreender a amplitude das políticas curriculares da SEEDUC, o estudo investiga os contextos da dinâmica curricular e o modo com o qual se articulam. Para o contexto das influências, as notícias e informes publicados no site da SEEDUC e da Secretaria de Estado de Esporte e Lazer constituem as nossas fontes. Foram catalogados e analisados 117 documentos. Para o contexto da construção curricular foram realizadas entrevistas com três dos professores que foram responsáveis pela construção do Currículo Mínimo para a educação física da SEEDUC, publicado no ano de 2012. Além disso, foi realizada uma análise de todos os documentos curriculares prescritivos que compõem o Currículo Mínimo. Para o contexto da prática curricular foram entrevistados oito professores de educação física e duas de língua portuguesa que estavam, no momento das entrevistas, atuando como professores de escolas da SEEDUC. As análises dos dados nos permitem as seguintes inferências: as políticas curriculares da SEEDUC se direcionam primordialmente para a obtenção de melhorias nos índices de qualidade da educação no estado, aferidos através de avaliações externas de larga escala; essas políticas estão associadas ao regime de verdade da performaticidade (BALL, 2005), uma vez que têm como pressupostos básicos a padronização, o controle e a meritocracia; a vinculação com a pedagogia das competências complementa esse pacote de performatividades; as disposições críticas do grupo de professores de educação física que construiu o Currículo Mínimo concorreram com e, em alguma medida, subverteram as políticas da performatividade da SEEDUC, de tal modo que os documentos prescritivos têm a marca da ambivalência do controle e da diversidade; os professores de educação física que lidam com a prática curricular não compartilham as disposições críticas dos professores que construíram as prescrições, e fazem suas traduções curriculares influenciados pelas problemáticas inerentes do cotidiano; entre elas, se destaca o traço da cultura escolar que toma os tempos e espaços da educação física na escola como os lugares do gosto e da liberdade; a comparação das traduções curriculares dos professores de educação física com as de língua portuguesa contribuiu para iluminar algumas características da dinâmica curricular da educação física, especialmente os impactos distintos que as sistematizações curriculares tiveram no cotidiano; para as professoras de língua portuguesa as novas sistematizações presentes no Currículo Mínimo repercutiram em desestabilizações de tradições, para os de educação física significaram a possibilidade de um norte.

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The Irish case provides a particularly appropriate test of the increasing merit selection hypothesis deriving from the liberal theory of industrialization. This is so not only because the lateness and speed of economic change allows us to capture such change through a set of national surveys conducted in the past three decades, but also because such change was based on a sustained policy of increased openness to international competitive forces. The functional requirements of the economy and a rapid increase in the supply of those with higher educational qualifications provided an ideal context in which to observe the movement from ascription to achievement predicted by the liberal theory. However, while changes in the class structure and a rapid expansion of educational opportunity had significant consequences in terms of absolute mobility, there was no evidence of a significant shift towards meritocratic principles. At the same time as the service class increased their advantage over other classes in the pursuit of educational qualifications, the impact of educational qualifications on class destination diminished. Controlling for education, we find that the impact of class origin effects is substantial and shows little sign of diminishing over time. In our conclusion we discuss the implications of our findings in the context of the recent debate on meritocracy.

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This paper considers four institutional models for funding higher education in the light of principles of fairness and meritocracy, with particular reference to the debate in the UK over ‘top-up fees’. It concludes that, under certain plausible but unproven assumptions, the model the UK government has adopted is fairer and more meritocratic than alternatives, including, surprisingly, the Graduate Tax.

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The rise of the English novel needs rethinking after it has been confined to the "formal realism" of Defoe, Richardson, and Fielding (Watt, 1957), to "antecedents, forerunners" (Schlauch, 1968; Klein, 1970) or to mere "prose fiction" (McKillop, 1951; Davis, Richetti, 1969; Fish, 1971; Salzman, 1985; Kroll, 1998). My paper updates a book by Jusserand under the same title (1890) by proving that the social and moral history of the long prose genre admits no strict separation of "novel" and "romance", as both concepts are intertwined in most fiction (Cuddon, Preston, 1999; Mayer, 2000). The rise of the novel, seen in its European context, mainly in France and Spain (Kirsch, 1986), and equally in England, was due to the melting of the nobility and high bourgeoisie into a "meritocracy", or to its failure, to become the new bearer of the national culture, around 1600. (Brink, 1998). My paper will concentrate on Euphues (1578), a negative romance, Euphues and His England (1580), a novel of manners, both by Lyly; Arcadia (1590-93) by Sidney, a political roman à clef in the disguise of a Greek pastoral romance; The Unfortunate Traveller (1594) by Nashe, the first English picaresque novel, and on Jack of Newbury (1596-97) by Deloney, the first English bourgeois novel. My analysis of the central values in these novels will prove a transition from the aristocratic cardinal virtues of WISDOM, JUSTICE, COURAGE, and HONOUR to the bourgeois values of CLEVERNESS, FAIR PLAY, INDUSTRY, and VIRGINITY. A similar change took place from the Christian virtues of LOVE, FAITH, HOPE to business values like SERVICE, TRUST, and OPTIMISM. Thus, the legacy of history proves that the main concepts of the novel of manners, of political romance, of picaresque and middle-class fiction were all developed in the time of Shakespeare.

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La presente investigación reflexiona acerca de los principales problemas derivados de la aplicación del artículo 125 de la constitución política de 1991, y la implementación de la méritocracia como mecanismo para determinar el ingreso a los empleos de la administración pública colombiana.

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The play Epic Sea Battle at Night was originally staged in 1967, to commemorate two of China’s People’s Liberation Army’s military triumphs over the Taiwanese navy two years previously. Produced at the height of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the play is an example of the exploitation of the arts as an ideological instrument, celebrating military heroism and political conviction. Stills from the play were included in, China Pictorial 11, an English language propaganda pamphlet that was distributed to Western Imperialists in order to educate them in Maoist policy. Today, these images are clear representations of ideology. More than forty years after the Cultural Revolution, the ideology under which we live, neo-liberal late-capitalism, deliberately shirks from such blatant displays of propaganda. We have supposedly the freedom to believe whatever we like in a post-ideological age, and yet core beliefs about meritocracy, individualism and competitiveness frequently go unchallenged. By juxtaposing the visual language of ideology with the text of the capitalist manifesto, the re-enactment of a scene from Epic Sea Battle at Night harnesses the aesthetics of the past so as to allow us to reconsider the alleged neutrality of the present. The design of the stage, the positioning of the actors, costumes and props of the current production closely resembled those documented in China Pictorial 11, yet the actors’ monologues belong to a completely different context. No less heroic and utopian in tone than the speech given by the political instructor of gunboat 874 in the original play, the capitalist manifesto was an attempt to give a concrete language to the shapeless ideology of the present, and to force the invisible currents that govern life today, in China as in the West, to the surface. Neither a lecture on neo-liberal economics, nor a theatrical performance of a narrative, the piece appropriated the format of the propaganda play to re-evaluate the relationship between art and politics now.