997 resultados para Medieval sources


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This paper discusses the variety of the digitized content of an electronic encyclopedia on the veneration of saints according to Bulgarian sources. The emphasis is on medieval Slavonic Church manuscripts and on present-day records of Bulgarian folklore narratives and songs. The combination of these sources provokes discussion of the so-called folklore Christianity and adds new dimensions to the understanding of the role of the cults of saints for culture and of the religiosity of the Bulgarians.

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This doctoral dissertation examines the description of the North as it appears in the Old English Orosius (OE Or.) in the form of the travel accounts by Ohthere and Wulfstan and a catalogue of peoples of Germania. The description is discussed in the context of ancient and early medieval textual and cartographic descriptions of the North, with a special emphasis on Anglo-Saxon sources and the intellectual context of the reign of King Alfred (871-899). This is the first time that these sources, a multidisciplinary approach and secondary literature, also from Scandinavia and Finland, have been brought together. The discussion is source-based, and archaeological theories and geographical ideas are used to support the primary evidence. This study belongs to the disciplines of early medieval literature and (cultural) history, Anglo-Saxon studies, English philology, and historical geography. The OE Or. was probably part of Alfred s educational campaign, which conveyed royal ideology to the contemporary elite. The accounts and catalogue are original interpolations which represent a unique historical source for the Viking Age. They contain unparalleled information about peoples and places in Fennoscandia and the southern Baltic and sailing voyages to the White Sea, the Danish lands, and the Lower Vistula. The historical-philological analysis reveals an emphasis on wealth and property, rank, luxury goods, settlement patterns, and territorial divisions. Trade is strongly implied by the mentions of central places and northern products, such as walrus ivory. The references to such peoples as the Finnas, the Cwenas, and the Beormas appear in connection with information about geography and subsistence in the far North. Many of the topics in the accounts relate to Anglo-Saxon aristocratic culture and interests. The accounts focus on the areas associated with the Northmen, the Danes and the Este. These areas resonated in the Anglo-Saxon geographical imagination: they were curious about the northern margin of the world, their own continental ancestry and the geography of their homeland of Angeln, and they had an interest in the Goths and their connection with the southern Baltic in mythogeography. The non-judgemental representation of the North as generally peaceful and relatively normal place is related to Alfredian and Orosian ideas about the unity and spreading of Christendom, and to desires for unity among the Germani and for peace with the Vikings, who were settling in England. These intellectual contexts reflect the innovative and organizational forces of Alfred s reign. The description of the North in the OE Or. can be located in the context of the Anglo-Saxon worldview and geographical mindset. It mirrors the geographical curiosity expressed in other Anglo-Saxon sources, such as the poem Widsith and the Anglo-Saxon mappa mundi. The northern section of this early eleventh-century world map is analyzed in detail here for the first time. It is suggested that the section depicts the North Atlantic and the Scandinavian Peninsula. The survey of ancient and early medieval sources provides a comparative context for the OE Or. In this material, produced by such authors as Strabo, Pliny, Tacitus, Jordanes, and Rimbert, the significance of the North was related to the search for and definition of the northern edge of the world, universal accounts of the world, the northern homeland in the origin stories of the gentes, and Carolingian expansion and missionary activity. These frameworks were transmitted to Anglo-Saxon literary culture, where the North occurs in the context of the definition of Britain s place in the world.

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L’herméneutique de Gadamer s’inscrit-elle dans la foulée de la critique heideggérienne de la métaphysique ? Devrait-on, par surcroit, la considérer comme une forme de nihilisme, où l’être serait réduit au langage et partant, à la pluralité des interprétations ? La présente étude vise plutôt à montrer, sous la conduite des indications de Gadamer lui-même, qu’il est impératif de reconnaître à son maître-ouvrage une dimension métaphysique certaine et cruciale et dont la portée consiste précisément à s’opposer aux interprétations nihiliste et nominaliste de notre rapport à l’être. Pour ce faire il sera d’abord établi que le concept d’appartenance (Zugehörigkeit) est le maître-concept de Vérité et méthode, comme l’avait vu Ricoeur, puis comment Gadamer rattache explicitement celui-ci à la métaphysique médiévale des transcendantaux, métaphysique qui demeure visible jusque dans les dernières conclusions de l’ouvrage qui traitent de la métaphysique de la lumière (Lichtmetaphysik). Nous verrons que c’est précisément à la lumière de cette proximité constante avec la métaphysique des transcendantaux qu’il faut comprendre la thèse de Gadamer à l’effet que l’être susceptible d’être compris est langage, de manière à y voir une affirmation soutenue de l’intelligibilité de l’être, comme l’avait d’ailleurs saisi Heidegger lui-même. Notre intention est ainsi de rendre perceptibles les sources et le cadre de cette métaphysique des transcendantaux, qui ont été négligés dans la réception de Gadamer. Nous porterons donc notre regard sur les sources médiévales de sa pensée que Gadamer connaît et commente, soit Thomas d’Aquin et Nicolas de Cues, mais aussi sur des auteurs moins connus de la tradition herméneutique, dont Philippe le Chancelier, auteur indispensable lorsqu’il s’agit de traiter de la métaphysique des transcendantaux à laquelle Gadamer se réfère. Cette enquête nous amènera à démontrer comment l’herméneutique de Gadamer s’inscrit dans la conception traditionnelle de la vérité comme adaequatio rei et intellectus, définition dont nous devons surtout à Thomas de l’avoir léguée à la postérité mais qu’ont aussi reprise les modernes, incluant Kant et Heidegger. C’est ainsi une nouvelle lecture du rapport de Gadamer à son maître Heidegger et à sa critique de la métaphysique qui résultera de cette archéologie des sources métaphysiques du concept d’appartenance ; il sera en effet démontré que l’héritage de Gadamer est à comprendre, de son propre aveu, en continuité et non en rupture avec la métaphysique. Enfin, fidèle à l’esprit herméneutique de l’application, nous éprouverons cette compréhension renouvelée du concept d’appartenance à l’aune d’une discussion de nature plus théologique, de manière à jeter un éclairage nouveau sur la fécondité de l’herméneutique gadamérienne dans le contexte de la théologie moderne. C’est ainsi que le concept de foi, compris habituellement dans le cadre imposé par la métaphysique moderne de la subjectivité qui le réduit à une « croyance » ou à un « choix personnel », sera mis à l’épreuve du tournant ontologique pris par l’herméneutique avec Gadamer et qui incite à dépasser la dichotomie entre le sujet et son objet en pensant le sujet à partir de l’être. C’est une compréhension de la foi comme appartenance, au sens précis que Gadamer donne à ce concept, qui sera ici mise au jour.

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Los primeros trabajos de Jacques Le Goff, sobre mercaderes, banqueros e intelectuales de la Edad Media, presentan cualidades que anuncian su desarrollo posterior: débil teoría económica y mayor desarrollo sobre historia de las ideas. A partir de 1964, con la publicación de La civilización del occidente medieval, se produce un cambio. Ese cambio se inscribe en una nueva orientación general de la escuela de Annales: el estudio de las mentalidades. Le Goff pretende realizar un análisis de la mentalidad del hombre medieval. Su estudio se basa principalmente en textos eruditos eclesiásticos. Se demuestra en este artículo que ese tipo de fuentes permiten acceder a la mentalidad de la parte sacerdotal de la clase de poder. De manera secundaria, Le Goff estudió fuentes literarias que permiten acercarse a la mentalidad de los caballeros. Para el análisis de los campesinos y de distintos sectores subalternos se necesitarían otro tipo de fuentes que nunca fueron utilizadas por Le Goff. Este análisis mantiene algunas semejanzas con el materialismo histórico, pero también tiene profundas diferencias con la doctrina de Marx. En base a esto se determina el alcance del legado de Le Goff

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Los primeros trabajos de Jacques Le Goff, sobre mercaderes, banqueros e intelectuales de la Edad Media, presentan cualidades que anuncian su desarrollo posterior: débil teoría económica y mayor desarrollo sobre historia de las ideas. A partir de 1964, con la publicación de La civilización del occidente medieval, se produce un cambio. Ese cambio se inscribe en una nueva orientación general de la escuela de Annales: el estudio de las mentalidades. Le Goff pretende realizar un análisis de la mentalidad del hombre medieval. Su estudio se basa principalmente en textos eruditos eclesiásticos. Se demuestra en este artículo que ese tipo de fuentes permiten acceder a la mentalidad de la parte sacerdotal de la clase de poder. De manera secundaria, Le Goff estudió fuentes literarias que permiten acercarse a la mentalidad de los caballeros. Para el análisis de los campesinos y de distintos sectores subalternos se necesitarían otro tipo de fuentes que nunca fueron utilizadas por Le Goff. Este análisis mantiene algunas semejanzas con el materialismo histórico, pero también tiene profundas diferencias con la doctrina de Marx. En base a esto se determina el alcance del legado de Le Goff

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Los primeros trabajos de Jacques Le Goff, sobre mercaderes, banqueros e intelectuales de la Edad Media, presentan cualidades que anuncian su desarrollo posterior: débil teoría económica y mayor desarrollo sobre historia de las ideas. A partir de 1964, con la publicación de La civilización del occidente medieval, se produce un cambio. Ese cambio se inscribe en una nueva orientación general de la escuela de Annales: el estudio de las mentalidades. Le Goff pretende realizar un análisis de la mentalidad del hombre medieval. Su estudio se basa principalmente en textos eruditos eclesiásticos. Se demuestra en este artículo que ese tipo de fuentes permiten acceder a la mentalidad de la parte sacerdotal de la clase de poder. De manera secundaria, Le Goff estudió fuentes literarias que permiten acercarse a la mentalidad de los caballeros. Para el análisis de los campesinos y de distintos sectores subalternos se necesitarían otro tipo de fuentes que nunca fueron utilizadas por Le Goff. Este análisis mantiene algunas semejanzas con el materialismo histórico, pero también tiene profundas diferencias con la doctrina de Marx. En base a esto se determina el alcance del legado de Le Goff

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Much recent scholarship has been critical of the concept of a Dál Riatic migration to, or colonisation of, Argyll. Scepticism of the accuracy of the early medieval accounts of this population movement, arguing that these are late amendments to early sources, coupled with an apparent lack of archaeological evidence for such a migration have led to its rejection. It is argued here, however, that this rejection has been based on too narrow a reading of historical sources and that there are several early accounts which, while differing in detail, agree on one point of substance, that the origin of Scottish Dál Riata lies in Ireland. Also, the use of archaeological evidence to suggest no migration to Argyll by the Dál Riata is flawed, misunderstanding the nature of early migrations and how they might be archaeologically identified, and it's proposed that there is actually quite a lot of evidence for migration to Argyll by the Dál Riata, in the form of settlement and artefactural evidence, but that it is to be found in Ireland through the mechanism of counterstream migration, rather than in Scotland.

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Mixed-content miscellanies (very frequent in the Byzantine and mediaeval Slavic written heritage) are usually defined as collections of works with non-occupational, non-liturgical application, and texts in them are selected and arranged according to no identifiable principle. It is a “readable” type of miscellanies which were compiled mainly on the basis of the cognitive interests of compilers and readers. Just like the occupational ones, they also appeared to satisfy public needs but were intended for individual usage. My textological comparison had shown that mixed- content miscellanies often showed evidence of a stable content – some of them include the same constituent works in the same order, regardless that the manuscripts had no obvious genetic relationship. These correspondences were sufficiently numerous and distinctive that they could not be merely fortuitous, and the only sensible interpretation was that even when the operative organizational principle was not based on independently identifiable criteria, such as the church calendar, liturgical function, or thematic considerations, mixed-content miscellanies (or, at least, portions of their contents) nonetheless fell into types. In this respect, the apparent free selection and arrangement of texts in mixed-content miscellanies turns out to be illusory. The problem was – as the corpus of manuscripts that I and my colleagues needed to examine grew – our ability to keep track of the structure of each one, and to identify structural correspondences among manuscripts within the corpus, diminished. So, at the end of 1993 I addressed a letter to Prof. David Birnbaum (University of Pittsburgh, PA) with a request to help me to solve the problem. He and my colleague Andrey Boyadzhiev (Sofia University) pointed out to me that computers are well suited to recording, processing, and analyzing large amounts of data, and to identifying patterns within the data, and their proposal was that we try to develop a computer system for description of manuscripts, for their analysis and of course, for searching the data. Our collaboration in this project is now ten years old, and our talk today presents an overview of that collaboration.

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The Himalaya has experienced three great earthquakes during the last century1934 Nepal-Bihar, 1950 Upper Assam, and arguably the 1905 Kangra. Focus here is on the central Himalayan segment between the 1905 and the 1934 ruptures, where previous studies have identified a great earthquake between thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. Historical data suggest damaging earthquakes in A.D. 1255, 1344, 1505, 1803, and 1833, although their sources and magnitudes remain debated. We present new evidence for a great earthquake from a trench across the base of a 13m high scarp near Ramnagar at the Himalayan Frontal Thrust. The section exposed four south verging fault strands and a backthrust offsetting a broad spectrum of lithounits, including colluvial deposits. Age data suggest that the last great earthquake in the central Himalaya most likely occurred between A.D. 1259 and 1433. While evidence for this rupture is unmistakable, the stratigraphic clues imply an earlier event, which can most tentatively be placed between A.D. 1050 and 1250. The postulated existence of this earlier event, however, requires further validation. If the two-earthquake scenario is realistic, then the successive ruptures may have occurred in close intervals and were sourced on adjacent segments that overlapped at the trench site. Rupture(s) identified in the trench closely correlate with two damaging earthquakes of 1255 and 1344 reported from Nepal. The present study suggests that the frontal thrust in central Himalaya may have remained seismically inactive during the last similar to 700years. Considering this long elapsed time, a great earthquake may be due in the region.

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Resumen: El hispanista francés Georges Cirot fue el primero en emplear el término “maurofilia literaria” (maurophilie littéraire) en 1938 para referirse a la representación del valor y la nobleza de los moros en la literatura española del siglo XVI. Pero como señaló Ramón Menéndez Pidal (1957, 202), ya en los siglos XIV y XV los castellanos se habían sentido atraídos por los musulmanes de Granada, por su exótica civilización, su lujo en el vestir, la espléndida ornamentación de sus edificios y su modo de cabalgar, armarse y combatir. Francisco Márquez Villanueva (1984, 117-118) indicó que aunque la literatura maurófila del siglo XVI fue elaborada bajo el signo avanzado del humanismo cristiano, cuyas características fueron “el inconformismo y la sensibilidad para toda suerte de realidades en divergencia del mundo oficial”, las raíces de la maurofilia literaria se encuentran en el viejo romancero fronterizo y morisco elaborado en el siglo XV. En su opinión, el Romancero fue la patria de la “maurofilia pura” y es donde encontramos un cuadro de referencias temáticas “hecho de toponimia y onomástica, armas, indumentaria, policromía y cabalgadas” tendiente a caracterizar al moro como un ser refinado y superior. Para María Rosa Lida (1960, 355), en cambio, la imagen caballeresca del moro se remonta a don Juan Manuel, pues en sus obras aparecen las cortes musulmanas como “centros de molicie refinada y suntuosa”. En efecto, en el Libro de los estados se afirma el valor del moro como guerrero y en el Conde Lucanor aparecen una serie de reyes moros magnánimos y discretos. Sin embargo, el árabe como personaje sabio o “ejemplar” figura ya en una de las fuentes del Conde Lucanor, la Disciplina clericalis, obra compuesta a principios del siglo XII por el judío converso Pedro Alfonso. Por otra parte, el análisis de la representación de los moros en textos épicos, Avengalvón en el Poema de mio Cid y Almanzor en la Los siete infantes de Lara, nos permite descubrir un importante e insoslayable antecedente de la maurofilia de los últimos siglos de la Edad Media

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[ES]En este artículo se analiza la herejía de Durango (Vizcaya en el siglo xv) a partir de las fuentes, tanto literarias como archivísticas; los actores protagonistas; las coordenadas espacio-temporales en las que se desarrolló; los errores doctrinales, diferenciando entre los que propagaron realmente y los que les atribuyeron; y la persecución a la que fue sometida.

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The landscape of late medieval Ireland, like most places in Europe, was characterized by intensified agricultural exploitation, the growth and founding of towns and cities and the construction of large stone edifices, such as castles and monasteries. None of these could have taken place without iron. Axes were needed for clearing woodland, ploughs for turning the soil, saws for wooden buildings and hammers and chisels for the stone ones, all of which could not realistically have been made from any other material. The many battles, waged with ever increasingly sophisticated weaponry, needed a steady supply of iron and steel. During the same period, the European iron industry itself underwent its most fundamental transformation since its inception; at the beginning of the period it was almost exclusively based on small furnaces producing solid blooms and by the turn of the seventeenth century it was largely based on liquid-iron production in blast-furnaces the size of a house. One of the great advantages of studying the archaeology of ironworking is that its main residue, slag, is often produced in copious amounts both during smelting and smithing, is virtually indestructible and has very little secondary use. This means that most sites where ironworking was carried out are readily recognizable as such by the occurrence of this slag. Moreover, visual examination can distinguish between various types of slag, which are often characteristic for the activity from which they derive. The ubiquity of ironworking in the period under study further means that we have large amounts of residues available for study, allowing us to distinguish patterns both inside assemblages and between sites. Disadvantages of the nature of the remains related to ironworking include the poor preservation of the installations used, especially the furnaces, which were often built out of clay and located above ground. Added to this are the many parameters contributing to the formation of the above-mentioned slag, making its composition difficult to connect to a certain technology or activity. Ironworking technology in late medieval Ireland has thus far not been studied in detail. Much of the archaeological literature on the subject is still tainted by the erroneous attribution of the main type of slag, bun-shaped cakes, to smelting activities. The large-scale infrastructure works of the first decade of the twenty-first century have led to an exponential increase in the amount of sites available for study. At the same time, much of the material related to metalworking recovered during these boom-years was subjected to specialist analysis. This has led to a near-complete overhaul of our knowledge of early ironworking in Ireland. Although many of these new insights are quickly seeping into the general literature, no concise overviews on the current understanding of the early Irish ironworking technology have been published to date. The above then presented a unique opportunity to apply these new insights to the extensive body of archaeological data we now possess. The resulting archaeological information was supplemented with, and compared to, that contained in the historical sources relating to Ireland for the same period. This added insights into aspects of the industry often difficult to grasp solely through the archaeological sources, such as the people involved and the trade in iron. Additionally, overviews on several other topics, such as a new distribution map of Irish iron ores and a first analysis of the information on iron smelting and smithing in late medieval western Europe, were compiled to allow this new knowledge on late medieval Irish ironworking to be put into a wider context. Contrary to current views, it appears that it is not smelting technology which differentiates Irish ironworking from the rest of Europe in the late medieval period, but its smithing technology and organisation. The Irish iron-smelting furnaces are generally of the slag-tapping variety, like their other European counterparts. Smithing, on the other hand, is carried out at ground-level until at least the sixteenth century in Ireland, whereas waist-level hearths become the norm further afield from the fourteenth century onwards. Ceramic tuyeres continue to be used as bellows protectors, whereas these are unknown elsewhere on the continent. Moreover, the lack of market centres at different times in late medieval Ireland, led to the appearance of isolated rural forges, a type of site unencountered in other European countries during that period. When these market centres are present, they appear to be the settings where bloom smithing is carried out. In summary, the research below not only offered us the opportunity to give late medieval ironworking the place it deserves in the broader knowledge of Ireland's past, but it also provided both a base for future research within the discipline, as well as a research model applicable to different time periods, geographical areas and, perhaps, different industries..