Análisis de la influencia de los Pactos de Letrán de 1929 sobre las relaciones bilaterales entre El Vaticano e Italia, entre 1929 y 1945

Los Pactos de Letrán implicaron como consecuencia el restablecimiento de relaciones bilaterales oficiales entre El Vaticano e Italia, llevando a que éstas se dieran bajo condiciones de cooperación, reflejadas en los cambios en los resultados obtenidos y la obtención de ganancias razonables.

State–society cycles and political pacts in a national–dependent society: Brazil

The history of independent Brazil may be divided into three major state–society cycles, and, after 1930, five political pacts or class coalitions can be identified. These pacts were nationalist; only in the 1990s did the Brazilian elites surrender to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid-2000s they have been rediscovering the idea of the nation. The main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and Brazilian society are “national–dependent”, that is, they are ambivalent and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. They are dependent because they often see themselves as “European” and the mass of the people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough, and there are enough common interests around its domestic market, to make the Brazilian nation less ambivalent. Today Brazil is seeking a synthesis between the last two political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

Does discourse matter in the politics of building social pacts on social protection?: international experiences

Includes bibliography

Redeeming Faustus: Tracing the pacts of Mariken and Faust from the 1500s to the present

This dissertation uncovers and analyzes the complicated history of the devil’s pact in literature from approximately 1330 to 2015, focusing primarily on texts written in German and Dutch. That the tale of the pact with the devil (the so-called Faustian bargain) is one of the most durable and pliable literary themes is undeniable. Yet for too long, the success of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s Faust I (1808) decisively shaped scholarship on early devil’s pact tales, leading to a misreading of the texts with Goethe’s concerns being projected onto the earliest manifestations. But Goethe’s Faust really only borrows from the original Faust his name; the two characters could not be more different. Furthermore, Faustus was not the only early pact-maker character and his tale was neither limited to the German language nor to the Protestant faith. Among others, tales written in Dutch about a female, Catholic, latemedieval pact-maker, Mariken van Nieumeghen (1515), illustrate this. This dissertation seeks to redeem the early modern Faustus texts from its misreading and to broaden the scholarship on the literature of the devil’s pact by considering the Mariken and Faust traditions together.

The first chapter outlines the beginnings of pact literature as a Catholic phenomenon, considering the tales of Theophilus and Pope Joan alongside Mariken of Nijmegen. The second chapter turns to the original Faust tale, the Historia von D. Johann Fausten (1587), best read as a Lutheran response to the Catholic pact literature in the wake of the Reformation. In the third chapter, this dissertation offers a new, united reading of the early modern Faust tradition. The fourth and fifth chapters trace the literary preoccupation with the pacts of both Mariken and Faustus from the late early modern to the present.

The dissertation traces the evolution of these two bodies of literature and provides an in-depth analysis and comparison of the two that has not been done before. It argues for a more global literary scholarship that considers texts across multiple languages and one that takes into consideration the rich body of material of the pact tradition.

Como anda a comunica????o p??blica?

A necessidade de descentraliza????o e de transpar??ncia dos procedimentos e decis??es governamentais e dos pactos de interesse coletivo levou, na Fran??a, ao desenvolvimento da comunica????o p??blica, a partir de 1989. Esse tipo de comunica????o deve ultrapassar os objetivos restritos do marketing de vendas das empresas privadas, no qual se inspira para ser a fonte de informa????o segura para o cidad??o. No entanto, esse ?? um desafio cotidiano, pois a comunica????o p??blica n??o pode ser confundida com a autopromo????o do pol??tico. Para isso, ?? fundamental desenvolver habilidades de comunica????o para os servidores p??blicos de modo que suas orienta????es para o cidad??o sejam claras, acuradas, ??ticas e justas.

Elites estatais e reforma do estado na nova rep??blica: o projeto Enap e a forma????o da carreira de gestor governamental no Brasil

Os objetos desta pesquisa s??o: 1) a atua????o das elites burocr??ticas do Poder Executivo Federal no processo de transi????o pol??tica no Brasil, nos anos 1980; 2) as frentes de reforma na Nova Rep??blica, nas ??reas social, econ??mica e administrativa e 3) as tentativas de renova????o da gest??o p??blica representadas pela cria????o da Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica (ENAP) e da Carreira de Gestor Governamental (EPPGG). Esse era um contexto de reinstitucionaliza????o da fun????o diretiva do Estado e de deslocamento das fronteiras entre o burocr??tico e o pol??tico no setor p??blico brasileiro. A hip??tese central aqui defendida ?? de que a ENAP e a Carreira de Gestor Governamental eram duas op????es inovadoras frente ao dilema sobre quais seriam os pap??is cab??veis a pol??ticos e administradores na nova ordem democr??tica, mas tamb??m eram op????es sem enraizamento nos pactos e agendas de prioridades que viabilizaram a mudan??a de regime no pa??s. A Escola e a Carreira estavam em disson??ncia com as principais tend??ncias de recomposi????o das elites estatais na transi????o a partir do regime militar e sofreram bloqueios em raz??o disso, mas a pesquisa procurou desconstruir algumas narrativas sobre esses conflitos interburocr??ticos, que associam as resist??ncias impostas ?? ENAP e ?? Carreira pelos grupos de funcion??rios da Fazenda e Planejamento a interesses meramente corporativistas. Com um trajeto pelos estudos sobre as burocracias dos regimes militares e sobre as transi????es no Brasil e na Am??rica Latina, buscou-se aqui uma melhor identifica????o dos grupos integrantes das ???tecnoburocracias??? e de suas contribui????es para a moderniza????o administrativa e econ??mica do pa??s, na segunda metade do s??culo XX. Buscou-se revelar algumas conflu??ncias entre as ideias de tecnocratiza????o e profissionaliza????o das altas fun????es p??blicas e seus elos com as aspira????es pela reconstru????o do Estado sob bases mais democr??ticas, mostrando que, nos anos 1980, as propostas da SEDAP n??o eram os ??nicos projetos de moderniza????o em curso, tampouco os grupos que a elas se opuseram representavam interesses univocamente antidemocr??ticos.

A transparência fiscal

Mestrado em Fiscalidade

La redimensió de la llibertat civil en l'àmbit de les relacions familiars

La virtualitat de la formulació de la llibertat civil com a principi de l'ordenament civil català és, precisament, que permet projectar-la sobre qualsevol àmbit en el qual el poder de decisió resti en poder dels particulars. Així doncs, el legislador parteix del respecte per a l'autonomia privada com a eina d'autoregulació d'interessos. A Catalunya, el principi de llibertat civil en la regulació de les relacions familiars és més extens que en el Codi Civil, d'acord amb la pròpia tradició jurídica, palesada en tots els textos legals. La llibertat civil té una àmplia projecció en l'organització de les institucions de protecció de la persona. El legislador ha optat per un sistema de familiar, amb la justa intervenció judicial de control (p.ex., la designació voluntària d'òrgans de protecció té caràcter vinculant pel jutge). El principi de llibertat civil es veu enormement enfortit en la futura legislació representada avui per l'encara Avantprojecte de Llei del Llibre segon Codi Civil de Catalunya. L'Avantprojecte també vindrà a reforçar la llibertat dels contraents o cònjuges pel que fa a l'autorregulació de les seves relacions patrimonials intensificant la possibilitat de pactes abdicatius o limitatius dels drets derivats d'una futura ruptura i introduint una regulació al respecte amb atenció als límits que la doctrina i la jurisprudència ha vingut imposant a les experiències pràctiques en aquest àmbit. Les unions estables no es poden sostreure a l'aplicació dels mínims legals: la llibertat de ser només “de fet” pràcticament no existeix. Ens trobem davant una qüestió d'ordre públic perquè és una nova modalitat de família a la que s'ha de dispensar la protecció constitucional (art. 39 CE). La llibertat es limita a escollir entre que el vincle o unió sigui matrimonial o no. L'Avantprojecte incrementa la intervenció de l'Estat: la llibertat es redueix al contingut dels pactes reguladors de la convivència i de la seva crisi.

How The 1996 Hotel Majestic agreement may explain a future PP/CiU relationship in Madrid

Some historians have argued that 1996 marked a ‘second transition’ for Spain because of the return to power of the political right in Madrid and that the relationship and eventual pact between the Partido Popular (PP) and Convergència i Unió (CiU) meant that the state could finally escape the ghosts of its Francoist past. For this research, face-to-face interviews were conducted with Catalan Members of Parliament who served under either José María Aznar or Jordi Pujol in Madrid or Barcelona. Drawing upon both interviews and other evidence, including the analysis of election results and the 1996 Hotel Majestic Agreement, the research seeks to provide a better understanding of the previous relationships between the PP and CiU and their leaders in order to understand what lessons might be learnt that would contribute to anticipating and explaining possible future negotiations between the two parties. This is attempted by first examining the potential costs and benefits of political pacts between centre (Madrid) and periphery (Barcelona). Secondly, due to many interviewees making reference to Salvador Espriu’s work La Pell de Brau, the three routes of Espriu’s Catalan nationalism are put into the context of the political pacts. Finally, the likelihood of future agreements between PP and CiU are hypothesized, not only how those agreements may (or may not) come about, but also, what might the result of those negotiations be. Ultimately, it is concluded that the benefits of the Hotel Majestic Agreement outweighed the costs, thus leaving the door open for future negotiations, even if some of those interviewed disagreed.