Bibliography on peace, security, and international conflict management.

Includes indexes.

Crises and Crisis Generations: International Conflict and Military Participation in Politics

Why do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in politics and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of 'acute' international crises rather than its 'chronic' threat environment. Major international crises lead to professionalization and de-politicization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. International crises underscore the need for the military to defend the state and highlight military deficiencies in this regard. Accordingly, major international crises lead to military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years, and decades, later due to generational shifts in the officer corps. As the "Crisis Generation" of officers become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and de-politicization. They guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964-2008 and find strong support for the theory. Major international crises lead to two waves of military withdrawal from government, years apart. Further statistical analysis finds that this effect is most strongly felt in the non-security areas of governing, while in some cases, international crises may lead to militaries increasing their involvement in security policy-making. Further, international crises that end poorly for a state — i.e., defeats or stalemates — are found to drive more rapid waves of military withdrawal from government. The statistical analysis is supported by a case illustration of civil-military relations in the People's Republic of China, which demonstrates that the crisis of the Korean War (1950-53) led to two waves of military professionalization and de-politicization, decades apart. The first occurred immediately after the war. The second wave, occurring in the 1980s, involved wholesale military withdrawal from governing bodies, which was made possible by the ascent of the "Crisis Generation" of officers in the military, who had served as junior officers in the Korean War, decades prior.

Identifying the Aggressor under International Law: A Principles Approach

null RAE2008

Global citizens or faraway viewers? São Paulo residents talk about the 2006 Lebanon conflict

As the emergence of a global public sphere becomes a possibility, growing out of denser economic, political and communicative networks as well as demanded by increasingly complex international problems, questions arise about the capacity and willingness of various national publics to engage in the global debate. This paper shows the results of a news reception analysis with the public of the city of São Paulo, Brazil during the months of July-November 2006, when the Lebanon conflict was broadly covered by the Brazilian media. The paper identifies the modes of engagement with the news about the international conflict, the types of reasoning used by these publics in interpreting the news, and the types of debates and conversations they have or don't have about the conflict. Special attention is given to the personal experience of learning about conflicts abroad and to the relationship between this experience and the construction of a new civic identity where participation in global affairs is an important element. The research shows that São Paulo residents are informed and care about international events, but to a large extent lack the resources and the spaces where they could reflect upon them. It also shows that young people tend to experience global events more intensely as part of their world than the general population. © 2008 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.

God and War: the Church of England and Armed Conflict in the Twentieth Century

Despite narratives of secularization, it appears that the British public persistently pay attention to clerical opinion and continually resort to popular expressions of religious faith, not least in time of war. From the throngs of men who gathered to hear the Bishop of London preach recruiting sermons during the First World War, to the attention paid to Archbishop Williams' words of conscience on Iraq, clerical rhetoric remains resonant. For the countless numbers who attended National Days of Prayer during the Second World War, and for the many who continue to find the Remembrance Day service a meaningful ritual, civil religious events provide a source of meaningful ceremony and a focus of national unity. War and religion have been linked throughout the twentieth century and this book explores these links: taking the perspective of the 'home front' rather than the battlefield. Exploring the views and accounts of Anglican clerics on the issue of warfare and international conflict across the century, the authors explore the church's stance on the causes, morality and conduct of warfare; issues of pacifism, obliteration bombing, nuclear possession and deterrence, retribution, forgiveness and reconciliation, and the spiritual opportunities presented by conflict. This book offers invaluable insights into how far the Church influenced public appraisal of war whilst illuminating the changing role of the Church across the twentieth century.

Paths to peace: conflict management trajectories in militarized interstate disputes

When multiple third-parties (states, coalitions, and international organizations) intervene in the same conflict, do their efforts inform one another? Anecdotal evidence suggests such a possibility, but research to date has not attempted to model this interdependence directly. The current project breaks with that tradition. In particular, it proposes three competing explanations of how previous intervention efforts affect current intervention decisions: a cost model (and a variant on it, a limited commitments model), a learning model, and a random model. After using a series of Markov transition (regime-switching) models to evaluate conflict management behavior within militarized interstate disputes in the 1946-2001 period, this study concludes that third-party intervention efforts inform one another. More specifically, third-parties examine previous efforts and balance their desire to manage conflict with their need to minimize intervention costs (the cost and limited commitments models). As a result, third-parties intervene regularly using verbal pleas and mediation, but rely significantly less frequently on legal, administrative, or peace operations strategies. This empirical threshold to the intervention costs that third-parties are willing to bear has strong theoretical foundations and holds across different time periods and third-party actors. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that the first third-party to intervene in a conflict is most likely to use a strategy designed to help the disputants work toward a resolution of their dispute. After this initial intervention, the level of third-party involvement declines and often devolves into a series of verbal pleas for peace. Such findings cumulatively suggest that disputants hold the key to effective conflict management. If the disputants adopt and maintain an extreme bargaining position or fail to encourage third-parties to accept greater intervention costs, their dispute will receive little more than verbal pleas for negotiations and peace.

Reinventing America on the battlefields of Spain or following the party line: conflicting perceptions of the Spanish Civil War in the present and in the past

Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.

Análisis de la Política Exterior Rusa en materia energética, comercial y militar hacia la República de Moldavia (Período 2000-2010)

Rusia sufrió grandes cambios tras la desintegración de la URSS en 1991. No obstante, con la llegada de Vladimir Putin al poder, los intereses geoestratégicos de Rusia sobre el espacio postsoviético revivieron con nuevo ímpetu debido a una mayor cantidad de recursos a disposición del Estado. La República de Moldavia es un claro ejemplo del resurgir de la política exterior rusa hacia el espacio postsoviético, siendo incluso, una región clave en la lucha de la Federación Rusa por recuperar su zona de influencia.

Estudio de caso: UNICEF Y el CICR en la cooperación humanitaria para la protección de la niñez en Uganda 2008-2012

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar la incidencia de los mecanismo de cooperación humanitaria utilizados por UNICEF y CICR en la protección de la niñez durante el conflicto en Uganda en el periodo 2008-2012. Se analiza y describen los proyectos implementados para proteger a la niñez en situación de conflicto, teniendo en cuenta las relaciones establecidas entre los actores del Sistema Internacional para generar la cooperación humanitaria. Se parte del hecho que la cooperación humanitaria genera efectos positivos en la población sin embargo se da un choque cultural cuando la cooperación internacional efectúa sus acciones en comunidades con tradiciones y costumbres diferentes.

El desempeño de Unamsil en el programa DDR durante el proceso de paz en Sierra Leona. Estudio de caso: los niños soldados. 1998-2005

El interés de este Estudio de Caso es investigar la manera en que la Misión de Paz de la ONU en Sierra Leona (UNAMSIL) redireccionó el programa Desarme, Desmovilización y Reintegración (DDR) hacia los niños soldados durante el post-conflicto en el país. Se analiza cómo a través de la coordinación de diferentes Agencias y Organizaciones Internacionales con UNAMSIL, el Gobierno y la Sociedad Civil hace posible que se refuerce el rol de los Interim Care Centers (ICCs) en donde se enfrentaron las necesidades esenciales de los menores excombatientes para lograr un mejor proceso de su desmovilización y reintegración. Se explica de igual forma, las diferentes herramientas que sirven para llevar a cabo la resolución del conflicto y la reconstrucción de la paz, enfocándose en el peacekeeping, peacemaking y peacebuilding, como mecanismos que ayudaron a crear un espacio seguro para los niños exsoldados. Por último, se exponen los alcances y límites de los ICCs con respecto a la reintegración de los menores excombatientes

Los grupos paramilitares en Colombia: el incierto tránsito de la guerra a la paz

Esta investigación aborda las condiciones bajo las que se llevó a cabo en Colombia, en el primer gobierno del presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2006), la negociación entre el Estado y los grupos paramilitares. Se establecen las características de ese proceso de paz, su correspondencia con modelos tradicionales de negociación y sus alcances sobre el proceso de Desmovilización, Desarme y Reinserción (DDR) de las organizaciones paramilitares.

A Differentiated, Balanced and Patient Approach? The EU’s Involvement with Georgia’s Secessionist Conflicts beyond the August 2008 War. EU Diplomacy Paper 06/2015.

The August war in 2008 between Russia and Georgia caught the world by surprise but nevertheless brought the European Union (EU) to the forefront of the international efforts to end the hostilities, and the EU became the leading international actor involved with the conflict resolution process. However, in the years following the armed conflict, the conflict resolution process lost pace, and the impact of the EU beyond the immediate aftermath of the August 2008 war has been put into question. By undertaking a qualitative case study, this paper aims to explore to what extent the EU has impacted on the conflict resolution process of Georgia’s secessionist conflicts in 2008-2015. It will argue that the EU’s policies have only to a limited extent impacted on this conflict resolution process, which can be related to the objectives, priorities and time perspectives of the EU’s conflict resolution policies. The EU’s efforts have significantly contributed to the objective of conflict prevention, but the profile of the EU in the field of international conflict management weakened its position in the area of conflict transformation, where the lack of progress in turn limited the EU’s impact in the areas of international conflict management and conflict settlement. The main conclusion put forward is that in order to have a true impact, the EU needs to undertake a differentiated, balanced and patient approach to conflict resolution.

Resolução de conflitos internacionais: estudo com militares em missões de paz

Tese de Doutoramento em Psicologia na área de especialidade em Psicologia Comunitária

Mujeres armadas de paz

¿Qué tienen por decir mujeres excombatientes de grupos insurgentes (guerrillas como las FARC y el EPL) y de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia acerca de su proceso de desmovilización y reintegración? Este reportaje busca responder esa pregunta por medio de la historia de vida de Camila, Valentina y Blanca, tres mujeres que pertenecieron a grupos armados ilegales y que ahora luchan por reconstruir su proyecto de vida y le apuestan a la construcción de la paz desde las luchas cotidianas que tiene que afrontar.