155 resultados para Institutionalism


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Institutionalistische Theorien und hegemoniale Praktiken Globaler Politikgestaltung. Eine neue Beleuchtung der Prämissen Liberaler Demokratischer National-Staatlicher Ordnungen. Deutsche Zusammenfassung: Moderne Sozialwissenschaften, seien es Metatheorien der Internationalen Beziehungen, die Geschichte politischer Ökonomie oder Institutionentheorien, zeigen eine klare Dreiteilung von Weltanschauungen bzw. Paradigmen auf, die sich in allen „großen Debatten“ nachvollziehen lassen: Realismus, Liberalismus und Historischer Materialismus. Diese Grund legend unterschiedlichen Paradigmen lassen sich auch in aktuellen Ansätzen des Institutionalismus aufzeigen, liegen aber quer zu den von anderen Wissenschaftlern (Meyer, Rittberger, Hasenclever, Peters, Zangl) vorgenommenen Kategorisierungen der Institutionalismusschulen, die systemkritische Perspektiven in der Regel ignorieren oder vergleichsweise rudimentär diskutieren. Deshalb entwickelt diese Arbeit einen Vergleich von Institutionalismusschulen entlang der oben skizzierten Weltanschauungen. Das Ziel ist es, fundamentale Unterschiede zwischen den drei Paradigmen zu verdeutlichen und zu zeigen, wie ihre jeweiligen ontologischen und epistemologischen Prämissen die Forschungsdesigns und Methodologien der Institutionalismusschulen beeinflussen. In Teil I arbeite ich deshalb die Grund legenden Prämissen der jeweiligen Paradigmen heraus und entwickle in Teil II und III diesen Prämissen entsprechende Institutionalismus-Schulen, die Kooperation primär als Organisation von unüberwindbarer Rivalität, als Ergebnis zunehmender Konvergenz, oder als Ergebnis und Weiterentwicklung von Prozeduren der Interaktion versteht. Hier greife ich auf zeitgenössische Arbeiten anderer Autoren zurück und liefere damit einen Vergleich des aktuellen Forschungsstandes in allen drei Denktraditionen. Teil II diskutiert die zwei dominanten Institutionalismusschulen und Teil III entwickelt einen eigenen Gramscianischen Ansatz zur Erklärung von internationaler Kooperation und Institutionalisierung. Die übergeordnete These dieser Arbeit lautet, dass die Methodologien der dominanten Institutionalismusschulen teleologische Effekte haben, die aus dem Anspruch auf universell anwendbare, abstrahiert Konzepte resultieren und die Interpretation von Beobachtungen limitieren. Prämissen eines rational handelnden Individuums - entweder Konsequenzen kalkulierend oder Angemessenheit reflektierend – führen dazu, dass Kooperation und Institutionalisierung notwendiger Weise als die beste Lösung für alle Beteiligten in dieser Situation gelten müssen: Institutionen würden nicht bestehen, wenn sie nicht in der Summe allen Mitgliedern (egoistisch oder kooperativ motiviert) nützten. Durch diese interpretative „Brille“ finden wichtige strukturelle Gründe für die Verabschiedung internationaler Abkommen und Teile ihrer Effekte keine Berücksichtigung. Folglich können auch Abweichungen von erwarteten Ergebnissen nicht hinreichend erklärt werden. Meine entsprechende Hypothese lautet, dass systemkritische Kooperation konsistenter erklären können, da sie Akteure, Strukturen und die sie umgebenden Weltanschauungen selbst als analytische Kriterien berücksichtigen. Institutionalisierung wird dann als ein gradueller Prozess politischer Entscheidungsfindung, –umsetzung und –verankerung verstanden, der durch die vorherrschenden Institutionen und Interpretationen von „Realität“ beeinflusst wird. Jede politische Organisation wird als zeitlich-geographisch markierter Staatsraum (state space) verstanden, dessen Mandat die Festlegung von Prozeduren der Interaktion für gesellschaftliche Entwicklung ist. Politische Akteure handeln in Referenz auf diese offiziellen Prozeduren und reproduzieren und/oder verändern sie damit kontinuierlich. Institutionen werden damit als integraler Bestandteil gesellschaftlicher Entwicklungsprozesse verstanden und die Wirkungsmacht von Weltanschauungen – inklusive theoretischer Konzepte - berücksichtigt. Letztere leiten die Wahrnehmung und Interpretation von festgeschriebenen Regeln an und beeinflussen damit ihre empfundene Legitimation und Akzeptanz. Dieser Effekt wurde als „Staatsgeist“ („State Spirit“) von Montesquieu und Hegel diskutiert und von Antonio Gramsci in seiner Hegemonialtheorie aufgegriffen. Seine Berücksichtigung erlaubt eine konsistente Erklärung scheinbar irrationalen oder unangemessenen individuellen Entscheidens, sowie negativer Effekte konsensualer Abkommen. Zur Veranschaulichung der neu entwickelten Konzepte werden in Teil II existierende Fallstudien zur Welthandelsorganisation analysiert und herausgearbeitet, wie Weltanschauungen oder Paradigmen zu unterschiedlichen Erklärungen der Praxis führen. Während Teil II besonderes Augenmerk auf die nicht erklärten und innerhalb der dominanten Paradigmen nicht erklärbaren Beobachtungen legt, wendet Teil III die Gramscianischen Konzepte auf eben diese blinden Stellen an und liefert neue Einsichten. Im Ausblick wird problematisiert, dass scheinbar „neutrale“ wissenschaftliche Studien politische Positionen und Forderungen legitimieren und verdeutlicht im Sinne der gramscianischen Theorie, dass Wissenschaft selbst Teil politischer Auseinandersetzungen ist.

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Includes bibliography

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This paper explores the theoretical and policy implications of contemporary American hegemony. A key argument is that the development of US hegemony generally, and the distinctive turn in US foreign policy that has occurred in the wake of 11 September in particular, can best be understood by placing recent events in a comparative and historical framework. The immediate post-World War II order laid the foundations of a highly institutionalised multilateral system that provided key benefits for a number of countries while simultaneously constraining and enhancing US power. An historical reading of US hegemony suggests that its recent unilateralism is undermining the foundations of its power and influence.

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This article explores the new institutionalist literature in political economy in the context of Kosovo's contested statehood, focusing on institutional arbitrage and legitimacy. This article considers both the consequences of institutions for actors' behaviour and the norms that shape this, as well as the factors determining the legitimacy of institutions. In doing so, it combines the new institutionalist theory with documentary and interview material collected during research on energy regulation in one contested state, Kosovo. Rather than singling out one particular variety of "new institutionalism", the article attempts to blend insights from historical (or "political"), rational choice, and sociological institutionalism. © 2014 © 2014 Taylor & Francis.

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One particular field of Social Enterprise – WISEs or Work Integration Social Enterprises – has become increasingly recognised as being emblematic of the dynamics of social enterprises and now constitutes a major sphere of their activity globally. From their early roots, focusing on providing productive activity for the blind and those with other physical and/or intellectual disabilities, WISEs are pioneers in promoting the integration of excluded persons through a productive activity. In recent decades, WISEs have incrementally evolved as a tool for implementing national and regional labour market policies. The papers in this special edition explore how populations of WISEs in different country contexts have emerged, and in some instances, shifted in their identities over time in relation to changing national or regional public policies. This special issue is part of the ICSEM project, a worldwide research project aiming to identify, analyze and compare social enterprise models across countries, regions and fields. The special issue features five country specific analyses from the first stage of the ICSEM project where researchers focusing on WISEs examined the policy environment surrounding WISEs and the heterogeneity of the organizational WISE models that have emerged in different contexts: Ireland, the United States, Japan, Austria and Switzerland.

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This paper takes as its starting point the observation that neoliberalism is a concept that is ‘oft-invoked but ill-defined’ (Mudge 2008: 703). It provides a taxonomy of uses of the term neoliberalism to include: (1) an all-purpose denunciatory category; (2) ‘the way things are’; (3) a particular institutional framework characterizing Anglo-American forms of national capitalism; (4) a dominant ideology of global capitalism; (5) a form of governmentality and hegemony; and (6) a variant within the broad framework of liberalism as both theory and policy discourse. It is argued that this sprawling set of definitions are not mutually compatible, and that uses of the term need to be dramatically narrowed from its current association with anything and everything that a particular author may find objectionable. In particular, it is argued that the uses of the term by Michel Foucault in his 1978-79 lectures, found in The Birth of Biopolitics (Foucault, 2008) are not particularly compatible with its more recent status as a variant of dominant ideology or hegemony theories.

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Adaptation to climate change is an imperative and an institutional challenge. This paper argues that the operationalisation of climate adaptation is a crucial element of a comprehensive response to the impacts of climate change on human settlements, including major cities and metropolitan areas. In this instance, the operationalisation of climate adaptation refers to climate adaptation becoming institutionally codified and implemented through planning policies and objectives, making it a central tenet of planning governance. This paper has three key purposes. First, it develops conceptual understandings of climate adaptation as an institutional challenge. Second, it identifies the intersection of this problem with planning and examines how planning regimes, as institutions, can better manage stress created by climate change impacts in human settlements. Third, it reports empirical findings focused on how the metro-regional planning regime in Southeast Queensland (SEQ), Australia, has institutionally responded to the challenge of operationalising climate adaptation. Drawing on key social scientific theories of institutionalism, it is argued that the success or failure of the SEQ planning regime's response to the imperative of climate adaptation is contingent on its ability to undergo institutional change. It is further argued that a capacity for institutional change is heavily conditioned by the influence of internal and external pathways and barriers to change, which facilitate or hinder change processes. The paper concludes that the SEQ metro-regional planning regime has undergone some institutional change but has not yet undergone change sufficient to fully operationalise climate adaptation as a central tenet of planning governance in the region.

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Adaptation is increasingly understood as a necessary response in respect of climate change impacts on urban settlements. Australia is heavily urbanised and climate change is likely to impact severely on its urban environments. Accordingly, climate adaptation must become a key component of urban management. This paper is part of a wider project and reports early insights into the problem of how adaptation may be institutionally operationalised within a planning regime. In this instance, the operationalisation of adaptation refers to adaptation becoming incorporated, codified and implemented as a central principle of planning governance. This paper has three key purposes: first, to set out a conceptual approach to climate adaptation as an institutional challenge; second, to identify the intersection of this problem with planning; third, to report on an on-going empirical investigation in Southeast Queensland (SEQ). Informed by key social scientific theories of institutionalism, this paper develops a conceptual framework that understands the metro-regional planning system of SEQ as an institutional regime capable of undergoing a process of change to respond to the adaptation imperative. It is posited that the success or failure of the SEQ regime’s response to the adaptation imperative is contingent on its ability to undergo institutional change. A capacity for change in this regard is understood to be subject to the influence of various internal and external barriers and pathways that promote or hinder processes of institutional change. Specific attention is paid to the role of ‘storylines’ in facilitating or blocking institutional change.

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The research seeks to address the current global water crisis and the built environments effect on the increasing demand for sustainability and water security. The fundamental question in determining the correct approach for water security in the built environment is whether government regulation and legislation could provide the framework for sustainable development and the conscious shift providing that change is the only perceivable option, there is no alternative. This article will attempt to analyse the value of the neo institutional theory as a method for directing individuals and companies to conform to water saving techniques. As is highlighted throughout the article, it will be investigated whether an incentive verse punishment approach to government legislations and regulations would provide the framework required to ensure water security within the built environment. Individuals and companies make certain choices or perform certain actions not because they fear punishment or attempt to conform; neither do they do so because an action is appropriate or feels some sort of social obligation. Instead, the cognitive element of neo institutionalism suggests that individuals make certain choices because they can conceive no alternative. The research seeks to identify whether sustainability and water security can become integrated into all aspects of design and architecture through the perception that 'there is no alternative.' This report seeks to address the omission of water security in the built environment by reporting on a series of investigations, interviews, literature reviews, exemplars and statistics relating to the built environment and the potential for increased water security. The results and analysis support the conclusions that through the support of government and local council, sustainability in the built environment could be achieved and become common practice for developments. Highlighted is the approach required for water management systems integration into the built environment and how these can be developed and maintained effectively between cities, states, countries and cultures.

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This article takes as its starting point the observation that neoliberalism is a concept that is ‘oft-invoked but ill-defined’. It provides a taxonomy of uses of the term neoliberalism to include: (1) an all-purpose denunciatory category; (2) ‘the way things are’; (3) an institutional framework characterizing particular forms of national capitalism, most notably the Anglo-American ones; (4) a dominant ideology of global capitalism; (5) a form of governmentality and hegemony; and (6) a variant within the broad framework of liberalism as both theory and policy discourse. It is argued that this sprawling set of definitions are not mutually compatible, and that uses of the term need to be dramatically narrowed from its current association with anything and everything that a particular author may find objectionable. In particular, it is argued that the uses of the term by Michel Foucault in his 1978–9 lectures, found in The Birth of Biopolitics, are not particularly compatible with its more recent status as a variant of dominant ideology or hegemony theories. It instead proposes understanding neoliberalism in terms of historical institutionalism, with Foucault’s account of historical change complementing MaxWeber’s work identifying the distinctive economic sociology of national capitalisms.

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Orthodox notions of peace built on liberal institutionalism have been critiqued for their lack of attention to the local and the people who populate these structures. The concept of an ‘everyday peace’ seeks to take into account the agency and activity of those frequently marginalised or excluded and use these experiences as the basis for a more responsive way of understanding peace. Further, reconceptualising and complicating a notion of ‘everyday peace’ as embodied recognises marginalised people as competent commentators and observers of their world, and capable of engaging with the practices, routines and radical events that shape their everyday resistances and peacebuilding. Peace, in this imagining, is not abstract, but built through everyday practices amidst violence. Young people, in particular, are often marginalised or rendered passive in discussions of the violences that affect them. In recognising this limited engagement, this paper responds through drawing on fieldwork conducted with conflict-affected young people in a peri-urban barrio community near Colombia’s capital Bogota to forward a notion of an embodied everyday peace. This involves exploring the presence and voices of young people as stakeholders in a negotiation of what it means to build peace within daily experience in the context of local and broader violence and marginalisation. By centring young people’s understandings of and contributions within the everyday, this paper responds to the inadequacies of liberal peacebuilding narratives, and forwards a more complex rendering of everyday peace as embodied.