Guerrilla research tactics: alternative research methods

This case-study explores alternative and experimental methods of research data acquisition, through an emerging research methodology, ‘Guerrilla Research Tactics’ [GRT]. The premise is that the researcher develops covert tactics for attracting and engaging with research participants. These methods range between simple analogue interventions to physical bespoke artefacts which contain an embedded digital link to a live, interactive data collecting resource, such as an online poll, survey or similar. These artefacts are purposefully placed in environments where the researcher anticipates an encounter and response from the potential research participant. The choice of design and placement of artefacts is specific and intentional. DESCRIPTION: Additional information may include: the outcomes; key factors or principles that contribute to its effectiveness; anticipated impact/evidence of impact. This case-study assesses the application of ‘Guerrilla Research Tactics’ [GRT] Methodology as an alternative, engaging and interactive method of data acquisition for higher degree research. Extending Gauntlett’s definition of ‘new creative methods… an alternative to language driven qualitative research methods' (2007), this case-study contributes to the existing body of literature addressing creative and interactive approaches to HDR data collection. The case-study was undertaken with Masters of Architecture and Urban Design research students at QUT, in 2012. Typically students within these creative disciplines view research as a taxing and boring process, distracting them from their studio design focus. An obstacle that many students face, is acquiring data from their intended participant groups. In response to these challenges the authors worked with students to develop creative, fun, and engaging research methods for both the students and their research participants. GRT are influenced by and developed from a combination of participatory action research (Kindon, 2008) and unobtrusive research methods (Kellehear, 1993), to enhance social research. GRT takes un-obtrusive research in a new direction, beyond the typical social research methods. The Masters research students developed alternative methods for acquiring data, which relied on a combination of analogue design interventions and online platforms commonly distributed through social networks. They identified critical issues that required action by the community, and the processes they developed focused on engaging with communities, to propose solutions. Key characteristics shared between both GRT and Guerrilla Activism, are notions of political issues, the unexpected, the unconventional, and being interactive, unique and thought provoking. The trend of Guerrilla Activism has been adapted to: marketing, communication, gardening, craftivism, theatre, poetry, and art. Focusing on the action element and examining elements of current trends within Guerrilla marketing, we believe that GRT can be applied to a range of research areas within various academic disciplines.

Guerrillas in the [urban] midst : Developing and using creative research methods - guerrilla research tactics

This paper explores what we are calling “Guerrilla Research Tactics” (GRT): research methods that exploit emerging mobile and cloud based digital technologies. We examine some case studies in the use of this technology to generate research data directly from the physical fabric and the people of the city. We argue that GRT is a new and novel way of engaging public participation in urban, place based research because it facilitates the co- creation of knowledge, with city inhabitants, ‘on the fly’. This paper discusses the potential of these new research techniques and what they have to offer researchers operating in the creative disciplines and beyond. This work builds on and extends Gauntlett’s “new creative methods” (2007) and contributes to the existing body of literature addressing creative and interactive approaches to data collection.

From Aussiewood Movies to Guerrilla Filmmaking: Independent Filmmaking and Contemporary Australian Cinema

Independent filmmaking within the context of Australian cinema is a multifaceted subject. In comparison to the United States, where production can be characterised as bifurcated between major studio production and so-called “indie” or independent production without the backing of the majors, since the 1970s and until recently the vast majority of Australian feature film production has been independent filmmaking. Like most so-called national cinemas, most Australian movies are supported by both direct and indirect public subvention administered by state and federal government funding bodies, and it could be argued that filmmakers are, to a certain degree, “dependent” on official mandates. As this chapter demonstrates national production slates are subjected to budget restraints and cut-backs, official cultural policies (for example pursuing international co-productions and local content quotas) and shifts in policy directions among others. Therefore, within the context of Australian cinema, feature film production operating outside the public funding system could be understood as “independent”. However, as is the case for most English-language national cinemas, independence has long been defined in terms of autonomy from Hollywood, and – as alluded to above – as Australia becomes more dependent upon international inputs into production, higher budget movies are becoming less independent from Hollywood. As such, this chapter argues that independence in Australian cinema can be viewed as having two poles: independence from direct government funding and independence from Hollywood studios. With a specific focus on industry and policy contexts, this chapter explores key issues that constitute independence for Australian cinema. In so doing it examines the production characteristics of four primary domains of contemporary independent filmmaking in Australia, namely: “Aussiewood” production; government-backed low-to-mid budget production; co-productions; and guerrilla filmmaking.

Ruptured relations : guerrilla theatre, time & Pranksterish disability performance practice

Guerrilla theatre tends, by its very definition, to pop up unpredictably – it interrupts what people might see as the proper or typical flow of time, place and space. The subversive tenor of such work means that questions about ‘what has happened’ tend to the decidedly less polite form of ‘WTF’ as passersby struggle to make sense of, and move on from, moments in which accustomed narratives of action and interaction no longer apply. In this paper I examine examples of guerrilla theatre by performers with disabilities in terms of these ruptures in time, and the way they prompt reflection, reconfigure relations, or recede into traditional relations again - focusing particularly on comedian Laurence Clark. Many performers with disabilities – Bill Shannon, Katherine Araniello, Aaron Williamson, Ju Gosling, and others – find guerrilla-style interventions in public places apposite to their aesthetic and political agendas. They prompt passersby to reflect on their relationship to people with disabilities. They can be recorded for later dissection and display, teaching people something about the way social performers, social spectators and society as a whole deal with disability. In this paper, as I unpack Clark's work, I note that the embarrassment that characterises these encounters can be a flag of an ethical process taking place for passersby. Caught between two moments in which time, roles and relationships suddenly fail to flow along the smooth routes of socially determined habits, passersbys’ frowns, gasps and giggles flag difficulties dealing with questions about their attitude to disabled people they do not now know how to answer. I consider the productivity, politics and performerly ethics of drawing passersby into such a process – a chaotic, challenging interstitial time in which a passersbys choices become fodder for public consumption – in such a wholly public way.

Public space for street-scape theatrics : guerrilla spatial tactics and methods of urban hacking in Brisbane, Australia

It could be argued that architecture has an inherent social responsibility to enrich the urban and spatial environments for the city’s occupants. However how we define quality, and how ‘places’ can be designed to be fair and equitable, catering for individuals on a humanistic and psychological level, is often not clearly addressed. Lefebvre discusses the idea of the ‘right to the city’; the belief that public space design should facilitate freedom of expression and incite a sense of spatial ownership for its occupants in public/commercial precincts. Lefebvre also points out the importance of sensory experience in the urban environment. “Street-scape theatrics” are performative activities that summarise these two concepts, advocating the ‘right to the city’ by way of art as well as providing sensual engagement for city users. Literature discusses the importance of Street-scape Theatrics however few sources attempt to discuss this topic in terms of how to design these spaces/places to enhance the city on both a sensory and political level. This research, grounded in political theory, investigates the case of street music, in particular busking, in the city of Brisbane, Australia. Street culture is a notion that already exists in Brisbane, but it is heavily controlled especially in central locations. The study discusses how sensory experience of the urban environment in Brisbane can be enriched through the design for busking; multiple case studies, interviews, observations and thematic mappings provide data to gather an understanding of how street performers see and understand the built form. Results are sometime surprisingly incongruous with general assumptions in regards to street artist as well as the established political and ideological framework, supporting the idea that the best and most effective way of urban hacking is working within the system. Ultimately, it was found that the Central Business District in Brisbane, Australia, could adopt certain political and design tactics which attempt to reconcile systematic quality control with freedom of expression into the public/commercial sphere, realism upheld. This can bridge the gap between the micro scale of the body and the macro of the political economy through freedom of expression, thus celebrating the idiosyncratic nature of the city.

Guerrilla Research Tactics: Alternative Research Methods in Urban Environments

This case-study examines innovative experimentation with mobile and cloud-based technologies, utilising “Guerrilla Research Tactics” (GRT), as a means of covertly retrieving data from the urban fabric. Originally triggered by participatory action research (Kindon et al., 2008) and unobtrusive research methods (Kellehear, 1993), the potential for GRT lies in its innate ability to offer researchers an alternative, creative approach to data acquisition, whilst simultaneously allowing them to engage with the public, who are active co-creators of knowledge. Key characteristics are political agenda, the unexpected and the unconventional, which allow for an interactive, unique and thought-provoking experience for both researcher and participant.

La “narcoguerrilla” como noticia: un análisis de la representación de las relaciones entre narcotráfico y guerrilla en la prensa colombiana (1982-2002)

Este trabajo analiza la representación ofrecida por los principales periódicos colombianos (El Tiempo, El Heraldo, El País y El Espectador) sobre las controvertidas relaciones entre narcotráfico y guerrilla, en un periodo que abarca entre los años 1979 y 2002, tiempo que cubre 12 antecedentes del fenómeno que van desde su nacimiento en la prensa hasta su consolidación con la entrada del Plan Colombia. En el estudio se verificó que el discurso acerca de la ‘narcoguerrilla’ en la prensa es difuso en la medida de que la representación periodística ha variado dependiendo de los actores implicados, las coyunturas políticas del momento, hecho que supone la aparición de contradicciones. El documento argumenta que la prensa legitimó el discurso oficial de la ‘narcoguerrilla’, el cual nació como una estrategia militar y que se mantiene gracias al fortalecimiento de este por una fracción de las Fuerzas Armadas de Colombia, en conjunto con algunos funcionarios del Gobierno Nacional y estadounidense.

Análisis del proceso de involución política de la guerrilla colombiana (FARC-EP) dentro de sus formas de lucha político- militares, durante el periodo 1994- 2002

Esta monografía busca responder preguntas relativas al accionar de las FARC- EP, su papel dentro de la economía de la droga y su relación con la población civil. Así, se pretende establecer en qué medida la guerrilla colombiana de las FARC-EP ha experimentado un proceso de involución política dentro de sus formas de lucha político-militares en el periodo 1994-2002.

Análisis del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional como modelo de guerrilla estética, a la luz de la teoría de la resistencia planteada por Jacques Rancière

Justo ahora, cuando parece haberse agotado el entendimiento del zapatismo como movimiento revolucionario tradicional, esta monografía propone dar un doble salto mortal para destruir las barreras obsoletas de las teorías revolucionarias y aterrizar en lo que Rancière llama la Resistencia de los Sin Parte. El alarido bestial se transforma en palabra para sacudir las estructuras más íntimas del orden y actualizar la pésima partición de los lugares y las funciones comunes en la comunidad. Las partes mal contadas acceden a la palabra para reclamar una partición justa de lo común, e inscribir así las libertades como axiomas para el todo comunitario. Lo descolorido toma color, lo oculto es visto, lo incontado entra en el conteo de las partes, lo que no tiene rostro ni voz es ahora escuchado, las sombras adquieren cuerpos y los cuerpos adquieren vida. La resistencia por la incorporación cambió para siempre la política tradicional mexicana, al punto de que ésta ha dejado de llamarse como tal para quien escribió esta investigación. La palabra común, la imagen del líder Marcos, y los símbolos como el pasamontañas, hacen que la rebelión zapatista sea una rebelión desde y para los sin parte, una voz para incorporar a los sin voz: el rostro indefinido de una máscara que defiende con enjundia a los olvidados y los devuelve a la arena de los vistos. Chiapas habla, los fantasmas resucitan, las partes mal contadas reclaman una justa partición de lo visible en la comunidad. Marcos y los suyo se han salido con la suya.

Las estrategias y la elección del gobierno Uribe y la guerrilla de las FARC y su incidencia en sus posiciones y decisiones políticas frente al acuerdo humanitario periodo 2002-2007

Este trabajo pretende interpretar a través de la teoría de la elección racional y el realismo crítico que en Colombia no se haya llegado al mismo. Asimismo, se quiere identificar cómo se ha manejado y se ha empleado la figura del acuerdo humanitario en Colombia y esboza las principales razones por las que no se ha concretado una negociación con el gobierno y las Farc en este sentido. Además, busca observar la mencionada figura como herramienta jurídica y política para ser aplicada en una eventual negociación, y finalmente, confronta las posiciones y decisiones políticas del gobierno Uribe y de las Farc para saber por qué no se ha realizado. Los objetivos antes mencionados dan clara evidencia de que el mecanismo para la presente investigación es cualitativo. La manera como se llegará al objetivo principal será describiendo las posturas, las estrategias, las decisiones y las acciones, para evidenciar de qué forma se expresa la maximización de la utilidad a través del abanico de estrategias de cada una de las partes implicadas, observando cómo han ido cambiando las posturas y las decisiones frente al acuerdo. Las teorías escogidas proponen un enfoque el cual permite ver de manera objetiva el porqué los actores han escogido cierto tipo de estrategias y no otras dentro de un escenario donde el conflicto entre ambos es fuerte hablando militarmente, y donde las consecuencias se establecen directamente hacia la población que en últimas es la gran afectada. Con lo anterior, las categorías analíticas para el presente trabajo serán: primero el carácter jurídico a nivel internacional que ha adquirido el acuerdo humanitario; segundo, los intereses que están en juego y los cuales reclaman cada uno de los actores; tercero, las estrategias o cursos de acción que son configurados y/o modificados a la marcha; y cuarto, 4 las decisiones y acciones que los actores realizan para obtener la maximización de su utilidad. Este trabajo es una aproximación a las implicaciones del manejo y el empleo de la figura del acuerdo humanitario en Colombia, desde las perspectivas de la teoría de la elección racional5 y de la interacción estratégica o del realismo crítico6. De esta forma, el presente estudio se ordena en cuatro capítulos. En el primer capítulo se interpretará a través de la elección racional y el realismo crítico el cómo se han configurado las estrategias de acción por parte de los actores que han resultado en decisiones inciertas por lo cual en Colombia no se ha llegado a un acuerdo. En el segundo capítulo, se intenta analizar la figura del acuerdo humanitario como herramienta jurídica y política, teniendo en cuenta los que se han llevado a cabo en el pasado y mostrando cómo ha sido su implementación En el tercer capítulo se confrontan las posiciones y decisiones de cada una de las partes involucradas teniendo en cuenta los escenarios y los hechos acontecidos a lo largo de los dos períodos presidenciales del gobierno de Uribe. Después, se presentan las conclusiones del estudio que recogen las respuestas y finalmente, se encuentran los anexos que sirven como complemento y referencia que ayudan a ilustrar y a sustentar lo dicho en el texto.

Huracán de la Frontera: narcotráfico, guerrilla e inteligencia

La razón para los cambios en el sistema de inteligencia de la fuerza pública del Ecuador, impulsados por el Gobierno de Rafael Correa, no solo está en el bombardeo al campamento de la guerrilla colombiana de las FARC, ubicado en la zona de Angostura (Sucumbíos-Ecuador), el 1 de marzo de 2008. Las revelaciones que surgen antes y después de aquel incidente, por la ejecución de los operativos anti narcóticos “Huracán Verde ” y “Huracán de la Frontera”, muestran dos cosas: cómo había permeado el narcotráfico a la estructura del país y cómo los tres hechos mantienen una estrecha relación. En consecuencia, se puede deducir que esta también fue una razón para la reforma al sistema de inteligencia, aunque políticamente se los presentó como hechos aislados. Y que durante la transición provocada por la reforma hubo un vacío en el sistema, lo que pudo provocar que el crimen organizado sacara provecho. Si bien toda transición genera un vacío, en el Ecuador nos permitió visualizar un fortalecimiento del crimen organizado. Los conceptos básicos o nucleares que se manejan en este estudio, en consecuencia, son narcotráfico, seguridad nacional y sistema de inteligencia.

Orde Wingate, 'Guerrilla' Warfare and Long-Range Penetration, 1940-44

Major General Orde Wingate was a highly controversial figure in his time and remains so among historians. However, his eccentric and colourful personality has drawn attention away from the nature of his military ideas, the most important of which was his concept of long-range penetration, which originated from his observations of his operations in Italian-occupied Ethiopia in 1941, and evolved into the model he put into practice in the Chindit operations in Burma in 1943-44. A review of Wingate's own official writings on this subject reveals that long-range penetration combined local guerrilla irregulars, purpose-trained regular troops and airpower into large-scale offensive operations deep in the enemy rear, with the intention of disrupting his planning process and creating situations regular forces could exploit. This evolved organically from Major General Colin Gubbins' doctrine for guerrilla resistance in enemy occupied areas, and bears some resemblance to the operational model applied by US and Allied forces, post September 2001.