935 resultados para Escolástica colonial


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En el Tractatus de locis dialecticis, Alonso de la Veracruz (1507-1584) promueve una reforma de la teoría de los tópicos que se caracteriza por la combinación de algunos de los elementos más expresivos de tradiciones rivales y aparentemente antagónicas como es el caso de la dialéctica humanista y de la lógica escolástica. Para determinar si tales elementos estarían articulados de manera integrada y coherente en la teoría propuesta por Fray Alonso, evaluamos la compatibilidad entre las definiciones escolástica y agricoliana de tópico, visto que ambas igualmente fueron asimiladas por el Tractatus de locis dialecticis. En el estudio aquí presentado, defendemos que Alonso de la Veracruz concilia tales definiciones, concibiendo los tópicos bajo una perspectiva prioritariamente epistémica. En seguida, averiguamos lo que llevó a Fray Alonso a enaltecer las innovaciones de la dialéctica humanista y, al mismo tiempo, insistir en el uso de las proposiciones máximas, ignorando diversas críticas a ellas dirigidas por Rodolfo Agrícola. Acreditamos que tal dificultad puede ser dilucidada mediante la hipótesis de que Alonso de la Veracruz habría optado por el mantenimiento de las máximas en razón del importante papel por ellas ejercido en la fundamentación de las inferencias entimemáticas. Finalmente, investigamos las razones por las cuales la taxonomía alonsina de los tópicos no es inviabilizada por la presencia de trazos de las teorías escolástica y humanista de los tópicos. En ese contexto, asumimos que la clasificación de los tópicos sustentada por Fray Alonso no es corrompida por su carácter híbrido, una vez que ella compatibilizaría las doctrinas más relevantes de las tradiciones escolástica y humanista.

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El artículo presenta una síntesis de la obra escrita de Veracruz y, en parte, también de su acción. De tal modo, se exponen sus escritos filosóficos, en materia de lógica (Recognitio Summularum y Dialectica Resolutio) y de filosofía natural (Physica Speculatio), y las relecciones en las que se ocupó de los títulos de la conquista y la condición de los indios (De dominio infidelium y De decimis). También es propósito del trabajo proporcionar, a quien quiera continuar con el tema, una guía de buena parte de la abundante literatura secundaria que se ha ocupado de Fray Alonso de la Veracruz. Veracruz es un importante representante de la escolástica novohispana del siglo XVI, y simboliza el comienzo del trasplante filosófico que bajo el signo de la escolástica se extendería en Iberoamérica hasta el siglo XVIII y parte del XIX.

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Fil: Torchia Estrada, Juan Carlos.

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When we compare the policy actions taken in the reigns of Dom João V in the first half of the eighteenth century and Dom José I (assisted by Marquês de Pombal) in the third quarter of the same century, we can observe the transition from scholastic, first reign vision gradually paths to an economic -scientific bias, reflecting a position toward the lights. Three narratives were chosen demonstrate this movement by the relations established between them: O Caramuru, the conservative position, and O Uraguai and O Desertor, takes position in favor of Lights.

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El artículo expone la visión (positiva o negativa) que se ha tenido de la escolástica hispanoamericana desde el siglo XVI hasta el XX. Además de la época en que la escolástica tiene plena e incuestionada vigencia, el proceso tuvo tres momentos: 1. La crisis de la escolástica en el siglo XVIII; 2. Las polémicas que suscitó su apreciación en los siglos XIX y XX; 3. Una final etapa de "normalización" de los estudios de la filosofía colonial en el último tercio del siglo XX.

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Este artigo apresenta algumas das principais linhas do projeto de pesquisa «Scholastica colonialis», que tem o objetivo de investigar de forma exaustiva o desenvolvimento da filosofia escolástica barroca na América Latina, durante parte significativa do período colonial, isto é, séculos 16-18. Até hoje, a principal proposta de pesquisa sobre os materiais existentes e os méritos da filosofia «colonial» e «barroca» foi aquela exemplificada pelos estudos de Walter B. Redmond. Assim, busca-se expor, resumidamente, o status quaestionis que a síntese de seus trabalhos permite concluir.

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At the turn of the century in Melbourne, a notice typed on the verso of a postcard stated that the South Yarra Baptist Young Men's class was meeting on the following Sunday at 2.45 p.m. The card, published in the United Kingdom, was numbered 51828 in the Valentine series of Papuan postcards.1 The image, a photograph of Hanuabada village taken in the early 1880s, and the text, written early in 1900, are contradictory and constitute separate realms of evidence that invite a renegotiation of meaning, analysis, and interpretation of the relationships between images, tourism, colonial rule, and ethnographic knowing. The visual evidence suggests the postcard may have played an ethnographic, educative role in the public understanding of Papua, which had just become an Australian Territory and was not yet well known. It is also suggestive of educative roles related to mission endeavours, subimperialist ambitions and the new tourist traffic through the ports of Port Moresby, Samarai, and Rabaul.

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The extant literature covering the plights of indigenous people resident to the African continent consistently targets colonial law as an obstacle to the recognition of indigenous rights. Whereas colonial law is argued to be archaic and in need of review, which it is, this article argues the new perspective that colonial law is illegitimate for ordering the population it presides over – specifically in Africa. It is seen, in five case studies, that post-colonial legal structures have not considered the legitimacy of colonial law and have rather modified a variety of statutes as country contexts dictated. However, the modified statutes are based on an alien theoretical legality, something laden with connotations that hark to older and backward times. It is ultimately argued that the legal structures which underpin ex-colonies in Africa need considerable revision so as to base statutes on African theoretical legality, rather than imperialistic European ones, so as to maximise the law’s legitimacy.

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Geelong, Victoria’s second city, has an AFL football club whose culture and identity is closely tied to the city itself. An analysis of its playing group for the colonial period demonstrates that this local tribalism began early. As football became professionalised towards the end of the nineteenth century, country Victoria lost power in relative terms to metropolitan Melbourne: for example, Ballarat’s three main clubs lost their senior status. But Geelong, with its one remaining senior club, prospered and was admitted to the VFL ranks in 1897. The Geelong players were the sons and nephews of the Western District squattocracy and so had access to networks of power and influence. Many attended the prestigious Geelong Grammar School and the worthy Geelong College (in surprisingly equal numbers). They pursued careers both on the land and in professional roles, and maintained the social connections they had built through the club and other local institutions. Despite their elite standing, however, they continued to be regarded by the supporter base as an embodiment of the city and a defence against the city’s Melbourne critics that Geelong was a mere ‘sleepy hollow’.

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The Italian Colonial Experience in the design of the built environment is analysed as a case study of State image promotion.

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This article explores the strengths and limitations of settler colonial theory (SCT) as a tool for non-Indigenous scholars seeking to disturb rather than re-enact colonial privilege. Based on an examination of recent Australian academic debates on settler colonialism and the Northern Territory intervention, we argue that SCT is useful in dehistoricizing colonialism, usually presented as an unfortunate but already transcended national past, and in revealing the intimate connections between settler emotions, knowledges, institutions and policies. Most importantly, it makes settler investments visible to settlers, in terms we understand and find hard to escape. However, as others have noted, SCT seems unable to transcend itself, in the sense that it posits a structural inevitability to the settler colonial relationship. We suggest that this structuralism can be mobilized by settler scholars in ways that delegitimize Indigenous resistance and reinforce violent colonial relationships. But while settlers come to stay and to erase Indigenous political existence, this does not mean that these intentions will be realized or must remain fixed. Non-Indigenous scholars should challenge the politically convenient conflation of settler desires and reality, and of the political present and the future. This article highlights these issues in order to begin to unlock the transformative potential of SCT, engaging settler scholars as political actors and arguing that this approach has the potential to facilitate conversations and alliances with Indigenous people. It is precisely by using the strengths of SCT that we can challenge its limitations; the theory itself places ethical demands on us as settlers, including the demand that we actively refuse its potential to re-empower our own academic voices and to marginalize Indigenous resistance.