999 resultados para Colonial trade


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A common explanation for African current underdevelopment is the extractive character of institutions established during the colonial period. Yet, since colonial extraction is hard to quantify and its exact mechanisms are not well understood, we still do not know precisely how colonial institutions affect economic growth today. In this project, I study this issue by focusing on the peculiar structure of trade and labor policies employed by the French colonizers.

First, I analyze how trade monopsonies and coercive labor institutions reduced African gains from trade during the colonial period. By using new data on prices to agricultural producers and labor institutions in French Africa, I show that (1) the monopsonistic character of colonial trade implied a reduction in prices to producers far below world market prices; (2) coercive labor institutions allowed the colonizers to reduce prices even further; (3) as a consequence, colonial extraction cut African gains from trade by over 60%.

Given the importance of labor institutions, I then focus on their origin by analyzing the colonial governments' incentives to choose between coerced and free labor. I argue that the choice of institutions was affected more by the properties of exported commodities, such as prices and economies of scale, than by the characteristics of colonies, such indigenous population density and ease of settlement for the colonizers.

Finally, I study the long-term effects of colonial trade monopsonies and coercive labor institutions. By combining archival data on prices in the French colonies with maps of crop suitability, I show that the extent to which prices to agricultural producers were reduced with respect to world market prices is strongly negatively correlated with current regional development, as proxied by luminosity data from satellite images. The evidence suggests that colonial extraction affected subsequent growth by reducing development in rural areas in favor of a urban elite. The differential impact in rural and urban areas can be the reason why trade monopsonies and extractive institutions persisted long after independence.

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The Charleston issue [1806] has title: The numbers of Phocion, which were originally published in the Charleston courier, in 1806, on the subject of neutral rights.

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Au cours des années comprises entre 1744 et 1763, le monde atlantique connaît deux guerres majeures. La France et ses colonies américaines sont impliquées dans une lutte acharnée contre l’Empire britannique. Les deux puissances rivales misent alors largement sur la guerre de course. Au-delà des conséquences commerciales et militaires évidentes, la guerre de course perturba aussi les communications transatlantiques. En effet, la prise d’un navire signifiait le plus souvent la perte des lettres qu’il transportait ou, dans le meilleur des cas, leur saisie, interrompant du même coup l’acheminement maritime du courrier. Les archives des Prize Papers, conservant des lettres et autres documents saisis par des corsaires britanniques, incarnent bien cette réalité. On y trouve notamment de nombreuses lettres françaises interceptées dans ces circonstances. Considérant que l’intérêt historique de ce fonds d’archives mérite d’être davantage souligné, cette recherche analysera donc certaines de ces correspondances françaises trouvées au sein des Prize Papers. À travers celles-ci, nous tenterons de reconstituer le système de communication transatlantique français et de ses acteurs en temps de guerre. Nous nous pencherons d’abord sur l’histoire de la constitution de ce fonds d’archives bien particulier, avant de présenter les pratiques de communication employées par les correspondants transatlantiques et les façons dont la guerre a pu les affecter. Il sera ensuite question des informations elles-mêmes qui furent véhiculées dans ce contexte si difficile.

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Waterfront and port zones around the world have long been subject to change, as they have variously been used for trade, waste disposal, leisure and most recently for urban re-imagining, spectacle and lifestyle housing. While such a narrative has been well explored in the urban studies literature, another element of port development – its relation to imperialism and colonisation has not. In the case of colonized countries – such as Australia, but also Canada, the United States and across Africa and Asia – waterfronts were often the entry points of imperial occupancy and key sites for colonial trade and industry. Contestation over how to value and use these sites is integral to their constitution as landscapes, as place taking becomes part of their place making. It will be argued, using case studies drawn from Adelaide and Melbourne in Australia that these sites register a range of culturally-specific imprints connected to the colonisation process. For Indigenous Australians, sea country was indistinguishable from land, but subsequent assessments have seen land demarcated from the ocean, water defiled and obliterated, slums designated but then redeveloped and the Indigenous present rendered benign through its symbolic re-presentation. This post-colonial reading will correlate the divide between land and water with those who have the imperial and class power to define this elemental boundary to add a new dimension to studies of waterfronts.

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This paper has approached the coastal and Atlantic characters of such commercial activity in the port of Santos between 1808 and 1822 and the contradictions arising of this double condition, which is unique in the Southern coast of Portuguese America. This discussion was based on data collected in importation and exportation maps produced by customs of Santos to the Royal Board of Trade.

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The Iberian Union allowed the existence of formal mechanisms of government authority in Portugal. In what concerns the Iberian trade dynamics, including the colonial circuits, the Habsburgs legislated according to those that would be the most politically convenient circumstances, making an impact on Iberian affairs. Over the last decade, historical literature has highlighted the transnational nature of Early Modern business partnerships. On the other hand, Iberian scholars have put forward many case studies that show formal or informal Portuguese participations in the Spanish Indies affairs. However, the inverse situation as not been considered yet. What was the role played by Castilian merchants in the Portuguese colonial trade? This paper aims to present data about the collaboration between Portuguese and Castilian merchants within the European and the overseas trade dynamics, approaching the Iberian Union as an event that favored these business partnerships. It also debates the formal or informal nature of these relationships. Were they promoted by the State’s policies or, alternatively, were they devised as a means to bypass the Crown’s monopolistic policies? For this propose, we will analyze Portuguese notarial records from the period between 1580 and 1590.

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"With a commentary on the Industrial Property Convention, 1883, and the provisions concerning British inventions and designs at French exhibitions."

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The book probes and examines traditional sources of royal power and control, as well as indigenous socio-political systems in the Malay world. It is focused on the north-western Malaysian Sultanate of Kedah which is acknowledged as the oldest unbroken independent kingship line in the ‘Malay and Islamic world’ with 1,000 years of history. Little scholarly attention has been paid to its pre-modern history, society, religion, system of government and unique geographic situation, potentially controlling both land and sea lines of communication into the remainder of Southeast Asia. It will thus provide the first comprehensive treatment in English, or other languages, on Kedah’s pre-modern and nineteenth century historiography and can provide a foundation for comparative studies of the various Malay states which is presently lacking. The proposed book also sheds much needed light on a range of important topics in Malay history including: Kedah and the northern Melaka Straits history, colonial expansion and rivalry, Southeast Asian history and politics, interregional migration and the influence of the sea peoples or orang laut, traditional Malay socio-political and economic life, Islamic influences and the course of Thai-Malay relations. The book attempts to offer a new understanding, not only of Kedah, but of the political and cultural development of the entire Malay world and of its relationships with the broader forces in both its continental and maritime settings. It argues that Kedah does not seem to follow, and in fact, often seems to contradict what has been commonly been accepted as the “typical model” of the traditional Malay state. Thus it concludes that the ruling dynasty has historically exploited a wide range of unique environmental conditions, local traditions, global spiritual trends and economic forces to preserve and strengthen its political position. The scope and theme of book The Kedah Sultanate is the oldest unbroken independent kingship lines in the “Malay world” with 1,000 years of history, and arguably one of the oldest in the Islamic world. In this study I examine key geopolitical and spiritual attributes of Malay kingship that have traditionally cemented the ruler, the peoples, and the environment. Brief description of the primary audience for the book: There is little written in English or Malay on Kedah’s pre twentieth century history. The available sources only look at certain aspects of Kedah’s history, are outdated or are confined to a specific period often outside the scope of the book. It is therefore anticipated that the readership and market for the book includes: • Scholars of Southeast Asian history, Islam, kingship, trade. • Academics & Historians (including: Asian, Thai history, Islamic, Maritime, Persian, South Asian, Southeast Asian and Colonial) • Libraries • Students, particularly those in Malaysia (especially the states of Kedah, Perlis and Penang), Thailand and Singapore. • Universities • Scholars and students in Political Science & International Relations

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As câmaras municipais constituíram-se em um dos mais notáveis mecanismos de manutenção do vasto império ultramarino português. Originavam-se dos antigos conselhos medievais, aglutinavam os interesses das elites coloniais ao serem compostas pelos homens bons da colônia, detinham considerável poder sobre a sociedade local além de terem a liberdade de representar ao rei de Portugal seus anseios ou dificuldades. Paralelo, ao poder do senado da câmara municipal, encontravam-se as autoridades nomeadas pelo rei de Portugal: governadores coloniais. Este compartilhamento do poder na colônia gerava, muitas vezes, conflitos entre a câmara municipal e os funcionários régios. No Rio de Janeiro, setecentista, vários fatores internos e externos à colônia deterioraram as relações entre os governadores coloniais e os membros do senado.Tal situação agrava-se com as incursões corsárias francesas de 1710 e 1711 que demonstraram a fragilidade do império português que há muito deixara de ter um poder naval significativo, perdendo espaços para potências como a França, Inglaterra e Holanda. Incapaz de conter os inimigos no vasto oceano, desprovido de meios navais capazes de patrulhar os litorais de suas colônias na África, Ásia e América, em especial o do Brasil, o império português dependia cada vez mais dos recursos humanos de suas colônias para a manutenção do seu território ultramarino. A corte portuguesa sofreu duro impacto com a conquista da cidade do Rio de Janeiro por Duguay-Trouin e, ao longo dos próximos anos, procurou fortalecer o sistema defensivo de sua colônia com o envio de tropas e navios além da construção de novas fortalezas e o reaparelhamento do sistema defensivo já existente.Todo este esforço para a guerra era bancado, em sua maior parte, com recursos da própria colônia do Rio de Janeiro. Obviamente este ônus não agradava a incipiente elite mercantil que florescia na colônia resultando no fato de que a política de enclausurar o Rio de Janeiro entre muralhas e fortificações, ás custas da economia colonial, colocou em campos opostos os funcionários do rei e os membros do senado por várias vezes nas primeiras décadas do século XVIII. Surgiram inevitáveis conflitos pelo uso e posse do território urbano do Rio de Janeiro cada vez mais pontilhado por fortalezas, sulcado por extensas valas e trincheiras a impedir-lhe o crescimento urbano. Além do conflito territorial, em função da expansão da atividade mercantil desenvolvida pelos colonos, as disputas comerciais envolveram as elites locais, ávidas por lucros e impulsionadas ao comércio devido à descoberta do ouro na região das Minas, e as autoridades e comerciantes lusos, uns querendo controlar a atividade comercial que crescia em acelerado ritmo, outros querendo lucrar e disputar espaços com as elites coloniais locais. No meio destes embates encontrava-se a Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, objetivo maior desta pesquisa, a defender os interesses das elites da colônia, pois delas era representante. Era uma disputa em que, muitas vezes, seus membros pagaram com a perda da liberdade e dos seus bens frente a governadores coloniais mais intolerantes

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This article follows Australians who went to treaty ports in China in the 1920s and 1930s to find work. By 1932 there were so many Australians in Shanghai that the British government asked Prime Minister Joseph Lyons to issue an official warning dissuading Australians from travelling there for employment. One result of this migration was the generation of files on Australians in the Special Branch’ surveillance files of the Shanghai Municipal Police (SMP) archives. Using these files, as well as Chinese language newspapers circulating in Shanghai at the time, this article examines links between Australians in Depression-era Shanghai and the development of Chinese anti-colonialism. It also suggests that reports on Australian behaviour in treaty port China in Australian newspapers recast the ways in which some Australians understood inter-colonial exchanges. Much is known about Australian attitudes to Asia in the first half of the twentieth century. Little, however, has been written about how Asian populations viewed Australians. The Shanghai Municipal Police files provide one register through which these viewpoints can be excavated.