1000 resultados para CASTE SYSTEM
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ABSTRACT: INTRODUCTION: Primitively eusocial halictid bees are excellent systems to study the origin of eusociality, because all individuals have retained the ancestral ability to breed independently. In the sweat bee Halictus scabiosae, foundresses overwinter, establish nests and rear a first brood by mass-provisioning each offspring with pollen and nectar. The mothers may thus manipulate the phenotype of their offspring by restricting their food provisions. The first brood females generally help their mother to rear a second brood of males and gynes that become foundresses. However, the first brood females may also reproduce in their maternal or in other nests, or possibly enter early diapause. Here, we examined if the behavioural specialization of the first and second brood females was associated with between-brood differences in body size, energetic reserves and pollen provisions. RESULTS: The patterns of variation in adult body size, weight, fat content and food provisioned to the first and second brood indicate that H. scabiosae has dimorphic females. The first-brood females were significantly smaller, lighter and had lower fat reserves than the second-brood females and foundresses. The first-brood females were also less variable in size and fat content, and developed on homogeneously smaller pollen provisions. Foundresses were larger than gynes of the previous year, suggesting that small females were less likely to survive the winter. CONCLUSIONS: The marked size dimorphism between females produced in the first and second brood and the consistently smaller pollen provisions provided to the first brood suggest that the first brood females are channelled into a helper role during their pre-imaginal development. As a large body size is needed for successful hibernation, the mother may promote helping in her first brood offspring by restricting their food provisions. This pattern supports the hypothesis that parental manipulation may contribute to promote worker behaviour in primitively eusocial halictids.
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Coptotermes gestroi is an oriental species introduced to Brazil and considered, in the São Paulo State area, one of the most economically important pests. Although there are a few works concerning the basic biology of this species, its post-embryonic development has been poorly studied. The aim of the present research was to study the post-embryonic development of C. gestroi for a better knowledge of the caste system in this termite. The post-embryonic development of C. gestroi starts with two larval instars of whitish appearance and different sizes. A separation of the neutral and imaginal developmental pathways occurs following the second larval instar. The second-instar larva originates alates after six molts. The worker caste presents five instars and also develops from the second larval instar. Soldiers develop from younger workers in laboratory colonies and from older workers in field colonies.
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"January 1992."
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The hallmark of social insects is their caste system: reproduction is primarily monopolized by queens, whereas workers specialize in the other tasks required for colony growth and survival. Pheromones produced by reining queens have long been believed to be the prime factor inhibiting the differentiation of new reproductive individuals. However, there has been very little progress in the chemical identification of such inhibitory pheromones. Here we report the identification of a volatile inhibitory pheromone produced by female neotenics (secondary queens) that acts directly on target individuals to suppress the differentiation of new female neotenics and identify n-butyl-n-butyrate and 2-methyl-1-butanol as the active components of the inhibitory pheromone. An artificial pheromone blend consisting of these two compounds had a strong inhibitory effect similar to live neotenics. Surprisingly, the same two volatiles are also emitted by eggs, playing a role both as an attractant to workers and an inhibitor of reproductive differentiation. This dual production of an inhibitory pheromone by female reproductives and eggs probably reflects the recruitment of an attractant pheromone as an inhibitory pheromone and may provide a mechanism ensuring honest signaling of reproductive status with a tight coupling between fertility and inhibitory power. Identification of a volatile pheromone regulating caste differentiation in a termite provides insights into the functioning of social insect colonies and opens important avenues for elucidating the developmental pathways leading to reproductive and nonreproductive castes.
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This thesis considers that the purport of the Bhagavadgita is to prioritize the philosophy of loving devotion to God (bhakti), not the propagation of color-coded-caste (varna system). The distinction between bhakti and caste becomes clear when one sees their effect on human life and on the society. Jnana and karma, two of the other polarities with which the Gita contends, finally support bhakti towards betterment, not deterioration, if done selflessly and with balance. Caste, however, is a totally different tension, which is always detrimental to the well-being of the person and the society. In the Gita, the devotees' mystical or emotional love of, God apprehends their ~ oneness with the Supreme God and with all beings, and transcends the pitiless segregation of the caste system, and opens the path of salvation to all irrespective of race, color, caste, class or gender in life. In spite of much opposition from orthodoxy, the bhakti movement spread allover India, and bhakti itself rose to the level of orthodoxy and has become the faith of millions of people especially of the south, and surprisingly, of even of those of the so called highest caste. And yet, caste still remains as an indelible mark of every Hindu, even after they change their religion. Although caste is less venomous now, it is still openly present in all walks of Indian life and shows up its ugly head at important moments such as marriage, elections for public office, admission to school or employment. True, bhakti is the antidote for. caste; but only real bhakti can remove caste completely, not mere lip-service to it. This thesis claims that bhakti is the deliberate major thrust of the teaching of the Gita while caste seems to be a contradiction of this thrust.
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Inspiré par la réflexion épistémologique de l'anthropologue Michel Verdon, ce mémoire propose un cadre conceptuel pour l'étude de l'organisation sociale des castes en Inde. L'ethnographie de Jonathan Parry, Caste and Kinship in Kangra, est analysée et réinterprétée dans un langage dit « opérationnel ». Les différentes approches des castes oscillent entre deux pôles théoriques opposés : l'idéalisme, représenté notamment par la démarche structuraliste de Louis Dumont, et le substantialisme, jadis adopté par les dirigeants coloniaux et incarné plus récemment dans les travaux de Dipankar Gupta. Toutes deux holistes, ces options conduisent pourtant à une impasse dans l'étude comparative de l'organisation sociale, car elles rendent les groupes « ontologiquement variables » et, par conséquent, incomparables. En repensant les prémisses sur lesquelles repose la conception générale de l'organisation sociale, un cadre opérationnel confère à la notion de groupe une réalité binaire, discontinue, évitant ainsi la variabilité ontologique des groupes et favorisant le comparatisme. Il rend également possible l'étude des rapports entre groupes et réseaux. La relecture de l'ethnographie Caste and Kinship in Kangra montre la pertinence d'une telle approche dans l'étude des castes. Le caractère segmentaire de ces dernières est remis en cause et l'autonomie des foyers, qui forment des réseaux d'alliances en matière d'activités rituelles, est mise de l'avant. Cette nouvelle description incite enfin à de nouvelles comparaisons.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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The caste system in India and its exploitative nature has been well researched (Siddique 2011 Gupta 2000). However, the role of caste in Indian employment relations and in particular its role in the labor movement in India is yet to be fully explored. The primary aim of this paper is to examine the rise of caste- based trade unions in India over the past decade. Specifically, we aim to examine why the lower-caste workers (historically treated as untouchables, referred to as ‘Dalits’and officially designated as Scheduled Caste and Tribes) are leaving established trade unions to organize their own unions along caste lines? While fragmentation of trade unions is a well-known phenomenon both in India and in the Western World (Shyam Sundar 2015; Connolly et al. 2014), the rise of caste based trade unions is a relatively new phenomenon which is yet to be fully explored. Caste based trade unionism appears to be counter-intuitive when the conventional logic suggests that unions are class based collective institutions which represent the interest of the working classes (Ramaswamy 1976). The Indian trade union movement has historically been fragmented along political ideological lines ranging from moderate unions affiliated to the Congress Party to the militant unions affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. However, the rise of caste-based trade unions of the lower caste workers is a relatively new phenomenon. Our findings from surveys and interviews with mainstream unions and caste-based trade unions suggest that the caste-based trade unions are unique in at least three ways. First, these unions are breaking away from well-established radical and militant union federations such as those affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. Second, these unions are predominantly organized on caste identities and not occupational identities or political ideologies. Third in unionized workplaces, lower caste workers are forming their own separate unions along caste lines with membership restricted only to workers of their own caste instead of joining the mainstream unions where present. We examine these issues using the analytical framework of Paulo Freire (1970) – dialogics, praxis and cultural oppression and relate it with the insights from comparative politics which examine the role of actors & their interests within institutions (Peters 2011).
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A identidade goesa: uma, várias ou nenhuma? A lingua materna e as experiências históricas da comunidade ancestral são componentes essenciais desse legado. Em caso dos goeses que vivem em Goa ou tiveram antepassados goeses, a matriz cultural indiana está sempre presente, mesmo que seja em forma mais ou menos diluida. A presença colonial portuguesa deixou a sua marca, tanto nos goeses católicos, como nos goeses hindus. Sem esta componente dificilmente Goa poderia justificar o direito para o estatuto de Estado autónomo na união indiana. E como é com os goeses em Portugal? A consciencia importada das castas continua a jogar o seu papel nas várias associações em que predomina uma casta ou outra. Mas nada disso impede os goeses em Portugal de apreciar a carilada ou os cantares tradicionais de Goa. Nem perdem alguma oportunidade de visitar a sua terra natal.
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O título do ensaio evoca Gunter Grass. É um apelo aos goeses para se reconciliarem com o seu legado histórico. O autor revela as suas dificuldades nesse sentido até se sentir confortável com a multiplicidade das experiência que são consideradas como um enriquecimento da identidade. Refere ao desafio que continua a atenuar as capacidades dos goeses em globalização: o legado das castas.
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Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.
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Le Teyyam est un rituel de possession hindouiste du Kerala (Inde du Sud) qui nécessite une pratique intransigeante : restrictions, jeûnes, exploits physiques, résistance à la chaleur du feu. Vêtus de costumes spectaculaires, des performeurs de caste intouchable dansent l’épée à la main, au son des tambours frénétiques, et font entendre la parole du dieu qu’ils incarnent; ils auront même le droit de critiquer le système des castes devant la communauté assemblée, le temps d’une inversion rituelle. Alors qu’autrefois il s’agissait d’un devoir de caste associé à une grande précarité, aujourd’hui il s’agit d’un métier que l’on peut choisir d’exercer ou non. Bien qu’on ait déploré un manque de relève à cause des conditions jugées trop difficiles, il y a toutefois de jeunes hommes qui ont décidé de poursuivre cette tradition ancestrale. Au Kerala, de nombreux jeunes aspirent à la classe moyenne et misent sur l’éducation pour espérer un bon emploi, il y a des opportunités, mais pas pour tous, et surtout beaucoup de compétition. C’est dans ce contexte que de jeunes hommes éduqués souhaitent poursuivre une tradition qu’ils admirent et dont ils sont fiers, mais sans avoir à sacrifier leurs chances de réussite sociale. Quelles sont leurs aspirations, quel sens donnent-ils à ce qu’ils souhaitent accomplir? Traditionnellement les relations de patronage dans le Teyyam ont été très dures sous le joug du système des castes, qu’en est-il aujourd’hui? Comment ces performeurs arrivent-il à négocier la réalisation de leurs aspirations dans les coulisses du Teyyam?
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Access to education becomes an issue of equity with diverse claims from stakeholders justifying their rights based on perceptions of equity — both social and individual. In-spite of the phenomenal increase since independence in the number of institutions imparting education and the number of beneficiaries, India being the second largest nation in terms of population of the young finds its resources spread thin in meeting the demand for education. Quality education comes at a premium in India whether it is provided in the private or in the public sector. Education seemingly enables the individuals, singly and collectively. to overcome the social barriers perpetuated by the caste system. Taken together, these unleash grave demands on formulating equitable standards. It is in this context that identifying the deserving for favourable consideration becomes all the more important. In this sea of claims and counter-claims, this thesis tries to identify the issues involved on the question of equitable access to education on the basis of the factual position in the field of education. Identifying the issues correctly provides the necessary impetus for framing the questions that provide meaningful answers. The objective of this research is to help formulate the policy guidelines governing the principles of equity that is needed to ensure universal access to education in India.