939 resultados para Budget deficit


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Long-run economic growth arouses a great interest since it can shed light on the income-path of an economy and try to explain the large differences in income we observe across countries and over time. The neoclassical model has been followed by several endogenous growth models which, contrarily to the former, seem to predict that economies with similar preferences and technological level, do not necessarily tend to converge to similar per capita income levels. This paper attempts to show a possible mechanismthrough which macroeconomic disequilibria and inefficiencies, represented by budget deficits, may hinder human capital accumulation and therefore economic growth. Using a mixed education system, deficit is characterized as a bug agent which may end up sharply reducing the resources devoted to education and training. The paper goes a step further from the literature on deficit by introducing a rich dynamic analysis of the effects of a deficit reduction on different economic aspects.Following a simple growth model and allowing for slight changes in the law of human capital accumulation, we reach a point where deficit might sharply reduce human capital accumulation. On the other hand, a deficit reduction carried on for a long time, taking that reduction as a more efficient management of the economy, may prove useful in inducing endogenous growth. Empirical evidence for a sample of countries seems to support the theoretical assumptions in the model: (1) evidence on an inverse relationship betweendeficit and human capital accumulation, (2) presence of a strongly negative associationbetween the quantity of deficit in the economy and the rate of growth. They may prove a certain role for budget deficit in economic growth

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Long-run economic growth arouses a great interest since it can shed light on the income-path of an economy and try to explain the large differences in income we observe across countries and over time. The neoclassical model has been followed by several endogenous growth models which, contrarily to the former, seem to predict that economies with similar preferences and technological level, do not necessarily tend to converge to similar per capita income levels. This paper attempts to show a possible mechanismthrough which macroeconomic disequilibria and inefficiencies, represented by budget deficits, may hinder human capital accumulation and therefore economic growth. Using a mixed education system, deficit is characterized as a bug agent which may end up sharply reducing the resources devoted to education and training. The paper goes a step further from the literature on deficit by introducing a rich dynamic analysis of the effects of a deficit reduction on different economic aspects.Following a simple growth model and allowing for slight changes in the law of human capital accumulation, we reach a point where deficit might sharply reduce human capital accumulation. On the other hand, a deficit reduction carried on for a long time, taking that reduction as a more efficient management of the economy, may prove useful in inducing endogenous growth. Empirical evidence for a sample of countries seems to support the theoretical assumptions in the model: (1) evidence on an inverse relationship betweendeficit and human capital accumulation, (2) presence of a strongly negative associationbetween the quantity of deficit in the economy and the rate of growth. They may prove a certain role for budget deficit in economic growth

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The article examines how the power distribution between the executive and the legislature under the Presidential system affects policy outcomes. We focus in particular on the presidential veto, both package and partial. Using a simple game theory model, we show that the presidential partial veto generally yields a result in favor of the President, but that such effects vary depending on the reversion points of the package veto and the Congress's possible use of sanctions against the President. The effects of the Presidential partial veto diminish if the reversion point meets certain conditions, or if the Congress has no power to impose sufficient sanctions on the President when the President revises the outcome ex-post. To clarify and explain the model, we present the case of budget making in the Philippines between 1994 and 2008. In the Philippines, the presidential partial veto has been bringing expenditure programs closer to the President's ideal point within what may be called the Congress's indifference curve. The Congress, however, has not always passed budget bills and from time to time has carried over the previous year's budget, in years when the budget deficit increased. This is the situation that the policy makers cannot retrieve from the reversion point.

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From 1995 to 2010 Portugal has accumulated a negative international asset position of 110 percent of GDP. In a developed and aging economy the number is astonishing and any argument to consider it sustainable must rely on extremely favorable forecasts on growth. Portuguese policy options are reduced in number: no autonomous monetary policy, no currency to devaluate, and limited discretion in changing fiscal deficits and government debt. To start the necessary deleveraging a remaining possible policy is a budget-neutral change of the tax structure that increases private saving and net exports. An increase in the VAT and a decrease in the employer’s social security contribution tax can achieve the desired outcome in the short run if they are complemented with wage moderation. To obtain a substantial improvement in competitiveness and a large decrease in consumption, the changes in the tax rates have to be large. While a precise quantitative assessment is difficult, the initial increase in the effective VAT rate needed to allow the social security tax to decrease by 16 percentage points (pp) is approximately 10 pp. Such a large increase in the effective VAT rate could be obtained by raising most of the reduced VAT rates to the new general VAT rate of 23 percent. The empirical analysis shows that over time the suggested tax swap could generate surpluses and improve the trade balance. A temporary version of the suggested tax-swap has the attractiveness to achieve a sharper increase in the private saving rate maintaining the short run gains in competitiveness. Finally, the temporary version of the fiscal devaluation could be the basis for an automatic stabilizer to external imbalances within a monetary union.Portugal has been running large current account deficits every year since 1995. These deficits have accumulated to an astonishing 110 percent of GDP negative external asset position. The sustainability of such a large external position is questionable and must rely on fantastic productivity growth expectations. The recent global financial crisis appears to have anticipated the international investors reality check on those future expectations with the result of a large increase in the cost of external financing. Today the rebalancing of the current account through an increase in national savings and an improvement in competitiveness must be at the top of the Portuguese authorities “to do” list as the cost of a pull out from international investors is of the order of 10% of GDP. The external rebalancing is difficult as the degrees of freedom of the Portuguese authorities are limited in number: they have no autonomous monetary policy, no currency to devaluate, and little discretion in fiscal policy as deficit limits and debt targets are set by the Stability Growth Pact and the postcrisis consensus on medium-term fiscal consolidation. One possibility that remains is to change the fiscal policy mix for a given budget deficit. The purpose of this paper is to explore the effects of a “fiscal devaluation”1 obtained through a tax swap between employers’ social security contributions and taxes on consumption2. The paper begins by illustrating Portugal’s current account evolution during the euro period. The second section section lays out a model to offer a qualitative assessment of the dynamic outcomes of the the tax swap. I show that the suggested tax swap can in theory achieve the desired outcomes in terms of competitiveness and consumption if complemented with moderation (stickiness) in wages. I also study the effects of a temporary version of the tax swap and show that it achieves a sharper improvement in the current account that accelerate the rebalancing. The third section moves to the empirical analysis and estimates the likely effects of the tax swap for the Portuguese economy. The fourth section concludes.

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Tässä kandidaatintyössä tutkittiin julkisten toimijoiden asettamia sähköautojen yleistymistavoitteita kymmenessä maassa. Tutkimus toteutettiin kirjallisuusselvityksenä. Tavoitteena oli selvittää sähköautojen yleistymiseen vaikuttavia tekijöitä. Erityisenä kiinnostuksen kohteena olivat julkishallintojen sähköauton hankintaan kohdistamat kannustimet eri maissa ja se, onko kannustimien voimakkuudella havaittavissa olevaa vaikutusta sähköautojen yleistymiseen. Tutkimuksessa luotiin myös katsaus sähköautojen myyntiin ja yleistymisodotuksiin Suomessa ja verrattiin niitä muihin maihin. Tutkimuksessa havaittiin, että kannustimien voimakkuudella ei ole selvää yhteyttä sähköautojen yleistymiseen. On mahdollista, että kannustimet vaikuttavat positiivisesti sähköautojen myyntiin. Vaikuttavia tekijöitä on kuitenkin muitakin, ja niiden vaikutus voi olla suurempi kuin julkisten kannustimien. Suomessa sähköautojen myynti on samassa suuruusluokassa kuin Keski-Euroopassa, mutta merkittävästi jäljessä muita Pohjoismaita. Myös kannustimien voimakkuudella mitattuna Suomi häviää muille Pohjoismaille ja lisäksi useille Euroopan maille. Voimakkaammat tukimuodot voisivat kasvattaa sähköautojen myyntiä Suomessa, mutta julkisen talouden alijäämäisyys ei luultavasti mahdollista nykyistä voimakkaampien tukien käyttöönottoa.

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The paper is divided into three parts, and a summary at the end. Part one explains how policies conditioned by historical circumstances moved away from the objective of high employment. Part two deals with the theoretical controversies in support or against particular policies. Part three sets out the basics in theory needed for a high employment policy. The paper concludes with a summary suggestion of some operational steps and observations.

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A consensus has not yet emerged about the relationship between budget deficit, external deficit and national saving. According to mainstream economic literature the budget deficit can cause an insufficiency of national saving for a given investment rate. In this case, the investment rate will not be reduced if foreign saving is absorbed, causing an external deficit. In general, the mechanisms through which budget deficits could cause current account deficits are not highlighted in the works about this theme. We arrive at the conclusion that there is not a systematic relationship between budget deficit, current account deficit and national saving and that when it happens it can be processed only through changes in the real exchange rate.

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Desenvolvem-se neste artigo as bases teóricas da contabilidade com juros reais. A Seção 11 apresenta uma evidência empírica que corrobora, do ponto de vista macroeconômico, a utilização de juros reais no cálculo do déficit público. A Seção 111 descreve a metodologia de cálculo com juros reais. Inicialmente apenas no tocante aos ativos financeiros denominados em moeda doméstica e, em seguida, analisando tambem o caso em que tais ativos se denominam em moeda estrangeira. As seções IV e V visam apenas a exemplificar, tomando-se como base as contas do setor público brasileiro, a utilização da metodologia aqui apresentada. Calcula-se aí, a partir dos dados da dívida líquida do setor público publicados pelo Banco Central, o deficit real do governo e a diferença entre juros nominais e reais liquidamente pagos pela dívida pública. A seção VI• apresenta uma série histórica de imposto inflacionário e transferência inflacionária (a favor dos bancos comerciais) para o Brasil. A Seção VII estende toda a metodologia de cálculo com juros reais à Contabilidade Social. Introduz-se também a contabilidade operacional, onde a discriminação entre juros reais e nominais se estende a todos os ativos financeiros da economia, exceto ã base monetária. Um resultado importante dessa seção é mostrar que as tautologias usualmente utilizadas nas Contas Nacionais são válidas em qualquer contabilidade, seja ela nominal, real ou operacional. Por último, a Seção VIII mostra que todo este arcabouço pode ser visualizado como uma extensão dos mecanismos de correção de lucros das empresas, amplamente utilizados no Brasil desde 1964.

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This paper contributes to the debate on whether the Brazilian public debt is sustainable or not in the long run by considering threshold effects on the Brazilian Budget Deficit. Using data from 1947 to 1999 and a threshold autoregressive model, we find evidence of delays in fiscal stabilization. As suggested in Alesina (1991), delayed stabilizations reflect the existence of political constraints blocking deficit cuts, which are relaxed only when the budget deficit reaches a sufficiently high level, deemed to be unsustainable. In particular, our results suggest that, in the absence of seignorage, only when the increase in the budget deficit reaches 1.74% of the GDP will fiscal authorities intervene to reduce the deficit. If seignorage is allowed, the threshold increases to 2.2%, suggesting that seignorage makes government more tolerant to fiscal imbalances.

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Highly indebted countries, particularly the Latin American ones, presented dismal economic outcomes in the 1990s, which are the consequence of the ‘growth cum foreign savings strategy’, or the Second Washington Consensus. Coupled with liberalization of international financial flows, such strategy, which did not make part of the first consensus, led the countries, in the wave of a new world wide capital flow cycle, to high current account deficits and increase in foreign debt, ignoring the solvency constraint and the debt threshold. In practical terms it involved overvalued currencies (low exchange rates) and high interest rates; in policy terms, the attempt to control de budget deficit while the current account deficit was ignored. The paradoxical consequence was the adoption by highly indebted countries of ‘exchange rate populism’, a less obvious but more dangerous form of economic populism.

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Includes bibliography

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This thesis analysis micro and macro aspect of applied fiscal policy issues. The first chapter investigates the extent to which local budget spending composition reacts to fiscal rules variations. I consider the budget of Italian municipalities and exploit specific changes in the Domestic Stability Pact’s rules, to perform a difference-in-discontinuities analysis. The results show that imposing a cap on the total amount of consumption and investment is not as binding as two caps, one for consumption and a different one for investment. More specifically, consumption is triggered by changes in wages and services spending, while investment relies on infrastructure movements. In addition, there is evidence that when an increase in investment is achieved, there is also a higher budget deficit level. The second chapter intends to analyze the extent to which fiscal policy shocks are able to affect macrovariables during business cycle fluctuations, differentiating among three intervention channels: public taxation, consumption and investment. The econometric methodology implemented is a Panel Vector Autoregressive model with a structural characterization. The results show that fiscal shocks have different multipliers in relation to expansion or contraction periods: output does not react during good times while there are significant effects in bad ones. The third chapter evaluates the effects of fiscal policy announcements by the Italian government on the long-term sovereign bond spread of Italy relative to Germany. After collecting data on relevant fiscal policy announcements, we perform an econometric comparative analysis between the three cabinets that followed one another during the period 2009-2013. The results suggest that only fiscal policy announcements made by members of Monti’s cabinet have been effective in influencing significantly the Italian spread in the expected direction, revealing a remarkable credibility gap between Berlusconi’s and Letta’s governments with respect to Monti’s administration.