Rumos da história contada pelos quinhentistas portugueses

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Barão de Camargos: a razão clientelista em Minas Gerais (1840-1853)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Símbolos helenísticos del poder en la concepción imperial de Calígula

Abstract: The way of exercising power of the Roman Princeps Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, better known by his agnomen Caligula, was largely driven by a different pattern of behavior of that promoted by his predecessors Augustus and Tiberius. Through a kind of ritualized acts, these princeps sought to show respect for the traditional social order and appear only as a primus inter pares among Roman aristocrats. As we can see, in this matter the young Gaius caused a radical change on imperial politics. From the valuation of a series of symbols and actions with strong symbolic connotations, in this work we will attempt to show that such a change was, in part, consequence of a new conception of the imperial power displayed by Caligula. The essence of such conception we must search it in the complex corpus of ideas that came to Rome from the pars orientis of the Roman Empire and based important aspects of the power of the Hellenistic Monarchies

Entre o Syllabus e a Constituição moderna: debates políticos em torno da questão religiosa (1872-1875) no Brasil

Este trabalho é fruto de pesquisas sobre as relações entre Igreja e Estado no Brasil do século XIX. O objetivo é apresentar um panorama dos debates políticos em torno da Questão Religiosa - principal evento no Segundo Reinado (1842-1889) envolvendo, o clero e a política imperial -, cujas discussões percorreram o Senado, a Câmara dos Deputados, o Conselho de Estado, o poder judiciário, e a sociedade como um todo, sobretudo nos jornais, entre 1872 e 1875. O conflito aconteceu a partir da tentativa de dois Bispos de separar o culto católico das práticas maçônicas. A Questão Religiosa revela-se no Brasil como um verdadeiro embate, entre a defesa e o prolongamento dos princípios liberais da Constituição Imperial de 1824, e, o movimento mundial da Igreja católica de reação ao liberalismo, emplacado no Syllabus um documento lançado em 1864 pelo Papa Pio IX listando os 80 erros da sociedade moderna. Nessa perspectiva a dissertação divide-se em duas partes. A primeira trata do conceito de secularização e o quadro político frente à religião católica na Europa. E a segunda lida com a Questão Religiosa no Brasil e com quatro posicionamentos diferentes, sobre as relações entre os poderes político e religioso, que foram expressos na década de 1870.

Um legislador nas Gerais: vida e obra do Cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik (1783-1861)

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Semana Ilustrada, o Moleque e o Dr. Semana: imprensa, cidade e humor no Rio de Janeiro do 2º Reinado

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

EU SOU A LUZ DO MUNDO: UM ESTUDO DO SIGNIFICADO DO TERMO LUZ EM JOÃO 9, 1-41

O termo luz se inscreve no encontro das tradições veterotestamentária e grego-romana como uma alternativa a certas necessidades da comunidade joanina: as culturas diferentes dos povos que receberam o evangelho; a diversidade dos problemas que pediam respostas diferentes; a diferença de classes dentro da comunidade; as tomadas de posição discordantes diante da política do império e o conflito entre judeus e cristãos. E é neste ínterim de conflito, tanto interno como externo, um momento doloroso para os dissidentes, porque os prejuízos não eram apenas religiosos, mas provocavam mudanças em todos os âmbitos da vida, que a comunidade joanina procurará alternativa. Por isso, a Narrativa da Cura do Cego de Nascença (Jo 9,1-41) é um espelho para a comunidade. Ela buscará em Jesus a luz de que precisa para continuar. O cego representa a comunidade antes de conhecer a Luz do Mundo. A solidariedade, a fraternidade e o amor mútuos são forças que ajudaram na resistência.(AU)

EU SOU A LUZ DO MUNDO: UM ESTUDO DO SIGNIFICADO DO TERMO LUZ EM JOÃO 9, 1-41

O termo luz se inscreve no encontro das tradições veterotestamentária e grego-romana como uma alternativa a certas necessidades da comunidade joanina: as culturas diferentes dos povos que receberam o evangelho; a diversidade dos problemas que pediam respostas diferentes; a diferença de classes dentro da comunidade; as tomadas de posição discordantes diante da política do império e o conflito entre judeus e cristãos. E é neste ínterim de conflito, tanto interno como externo, um momento doloroso para os dissidentes, porque os prejuízos não eram apenas religiosos, mas provocavam mudanças em todos os âmbitos da vida, que a comunidade joanina procurará alternativa. Por isso, a Narrativa da Cura do Cego de Nascença (Jo 9,1-41) é um espelho para a comunidade. Ela buscará em Jesus a luz de que precisa para continuar. O cego representa a comunidade antes de conhecer a Luz do Mundo. A solidariedade, a fraternidade e o amor mútuos são forças que ajudaram na resistência.(AU)

EU SOU A LUZ DO MUNDO: UM ESTUDO DO SIGNIFICADO DO TERMO LUZ EM JOÃO 9, 1-41

O termo luz se inscreve no encontro das tradições veterotestamentária e grego-romana como uma alternativa a certas necessidades da comunidade joanina: as culturas diferentes dos povos que receberam o evangelho; a diversidade dos problemas que pediam respostas diferentes; a diferença de classes dentro da comunidade; as tomadas de posição discordantes diante da política do império e o conflito entre judeus e cristãos. E é neste ínterim de conflito, tanto interno como externo, um momento doloroso para os dissidentes, porque os prejuízos não eram apenas religiosos, mas provocavam mudanças em todos os âmbitos da vida, que a comunidade joanina procurará alternativa. Por isso, a Narrativa da Cura do Cego de Nascença (Jo 9,1-41) é um espelho para a comunidade. Ela buscará em Jesus a luz de que precisa para continuar. O cego representa a comunidade antes de conhecer a Luz do Mundo. A solidariedade, a fraternidade e o amor mútuos são forças que ajudaram na resistência.(AU)

Frederick Douglass and Ireland, 1845: The "Vertiginous Twist[s]" of an Irish Encounter

Frederick Douglas was a reader of and writer on the nineteenth-century political and social texts and contexts of oppression, which he experienced at home and witnesed while in Ireland and Britain, 1845-47. This thesis is unique in its identification of several surprising lacunae in the research and critical evaluation of Frederick Douglass’ activities of reading and writing and the texts and contexts that supported these activities. This thesis takes Douglass’ relationship with Ireland and the Irish as its starting point, and offers several moments in the transnational space engendered by Douglass’ readerly and writerly experience of the transatlantic axes of Ireland, Britain and America. This thesis draws upon archival research to recover information regarding Douglass’ trip and subjects his reading and writing on Ireland and the Irish to the critical rigours of narratolgical, cultural and discourse analysis. One lacuna is Douglass’ favourite and neglected school primer, the Columbian Orator, which Douglass signified upon across his autobiographical project. The speech by the Irish patriot and exile, Arthur O’Connor, included in the Orator, is crucial to Douglass’ understanding and expression of justice and equality. Genette’s narratological analysis gives theoretical traction to the ways in which, in his autobiographical representations of his British trip, Douglass recalibrates his autobiographies to reflect his changing perspectives on his life and work. Contrary to popular assumptions, Douglass did, in two letters to Garrison address and comment on Irish poverty. This thesis interrogates the strategic anglophilia of these letters. While the World’s Temperance Convention (WTC) refused to discuss African- American slavery, analysis of Douglass’ speech in Covent Garden and of the paratextual apparatus of the published proceedings of the WTC demonstrates the impossibility of separating these closely interrelated reform causes. When a newly discovered poem from Waterford that admonished the city for its disregard for Douglass’ message is juxtaposed with an uncomfortable moment in Cork, we understand that Douglass became a pawn to bolster sectarian rivalries between nationalist and establishment factions. Though Douglass believed imperial politics was the best vehicle for modernity, he recognised that it had failed Ireland: consequently, in Thoughts and Recollections of a Trip to Ireland (1886), he advocates for Home Rule for Ireland.

Teaching to disrupt preconceptions : education for social justice in the imperial aftermath

In this paper I discuss some of the approaches that I take in challenging student teachers to understand education in global context, rather than in a decontextualized or instrumental way. These approaches draw on my experience of being an educator from the ‘global South’ (the Caribbean) now working in the ‘global North’ (Australia). As the first black teacher that most Australian student teachers have encountered in their entire education, I find that I can offer them provocative educational narratives and questions stemming from a lifetime career in education, studying and working in various roles in schools, colleges, universities and ministries of education in Jamaica, Grenada, Hong Kong, the UK, the USA and Australia. I set out to disrupt the preconceptions of my students as a starting point in a collective journey of thinking differently about education.

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST)

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

O divisor de águas da política imperial: D. Pedro II, a conciliação e o Marquês de Paraná (1853-1856)

A Conciliação política foi um tema muito altercado no meado do Oitocentos no Segundo Reinado brasileiro. Este debate fora intensamente travado entre os principais partidos imperiais, Liberal e Conservador, que se alternavam no poder ao longo de quase 50 anos de comando do imperador D. Pedro II. Sobre seu governo, considerado por Joaquim Nabuco como a Grande Era Brasileira, é que este autor legou à historiografia posterior a sua obra máxima: Um Estadista do Império. Nossa dissertação parte da seguinte premissa: D. Pedro II no desejo de reinar, governar e administrar, acima dos partidos, encetou o seu Pensamento Augusto, isto é, a Conciliação. Os liberais acusavam a Conciliação de esvaziar suas propostas ao serem implementadas pelos conservadores. Estes que se encontravam no poder desde 1848, liderados pelos saquaremas, rechaçaram completamente tal ideia, pois entendiam que esta política patrocinada pela Coroa poderia enfraquecer seu partido. O Receio virou realidade, mediante algumas das medidas tomadas pelo Gabinete, pois para tal empreendimento, de compor um ministério com políticos liberais e conservadores, a Coroa contou com Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, Marquês de Paraná, para chefiar o primeiro gabinete conciliatório da história do Segundo Reinado enfrentando várias resistências, principalmente entre os referidos saquaremas. O sucesso do gabinete creditou-se à força, tato e prudência do Marquês e, principalmente, ao pensamento do Imperador. A partir daí a história política do Segundo Reinado tomou novas feições.

Shifting Loyalties: World War I and the Conflicted Politics of Patriotism in the British Caribbean

This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty.

To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era.

This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region.

This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.