Do autocratic states trade less?

Does the political regime of a country influence its involvement in international trade? A theoretical model that predicts that autocracies trade less than democracies is developed, and the predictions of the model are tested empirically using a panel of more than 130 countries for 1962–2000. In contrast to the existing literature, data on the regime type of individual countries are used rather than information about the congruence of the regime type of pairs of trading countries. In line with the model, autocracies are found to import substantially less than democracies, even after controlling for official trade policies. This finding is very stable and does not depend on a particular setup or estimation technique.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

Conflict in cross-functional teams

The present study is a qualitative analysis of the tensions that occur in cross-functional teams (CFTs) and the way in which they can affect the teams' accomplishments. The research is focused on a single case, COHTTEC 2005, a program aimed at transforming new technologies into businesses that took place in Lisbon, Portugal, starting March 2005. In this program, participants were organized in cross-functional teams that included researchers and management students. Semi-structured interviews were made to a sample of 17 participants. These interviews were recorded and transcribed. A table was then elaborated based on the primary data provided by the subjects and these data were classified in different categories. A three-stage model of group dynamics is proposed. The major findings of this project point to the role of interpersonal relationships on group outcomes. More specifically, several patterns associated with team malfunction were uncovered, the clearest ones being autocratic decision-making and arrogant behavior from some team members, as well as escalation in relationship conflict. Implications from these results are discussed, both for future research and for practice.

As peculiaridades da democratização da região do Cáucaso do Sul no contexto da Política Europeia de Vizinhança

O período após o colapso da União Soviética foi o tempo da procura de novas identidades na nova realidade e de escolha de novos parceiros e aliados, o tempo da construção de novos estados e de formulação das regras e normas nacionais. Após o desmoronamento da ideologia soviética - um facto reconhecido oficialmente durante o período da Perestroika –, as pessoas sentiram uma necessidade de preencher o vácuo ideológico e desenvolver uma nova identidade. Foi proclamada a rejeição da estrutura política administrativa herdada da União Soviética e do sistema de economia planificada, e desenvolvida a tendência para a construção do estado democrático fundado numa economia de mercado. As expectativas relativas às transformações no período pós-soviético estavam relacionadas com o Ocidente (EUA e UE), e a construção do estado soberano foi fundada em modelos ocidentais de estado de direito, ‘boa governança’ e a economia de mercado. A UE desempenhou um papel importante na democratização dos estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso através de vários projetos e programas bilaterais e multilaterais no âmbito da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da Parceria Oriental. Embora as reformas democráticas tenham sido realizadas com vista ao estabelecimento de uma Constituição democrática, à implementação de eleições democráticas e ao desenvolvimento da sociedade civil, fortaleceram, também, ainda mais, a natureza autoritária do poder, impediram a criação de um estado de direito, reforçaram violação dos direitos e das liberdades humanas. (NODIYA, 2003: 30; BAKHMAN, 2003: 17; BADALOV, 2003: 20). Deste modo, o processo da promoção da democracia através das reformas nos três estados do Sul do Cáucaso conduziu à criação de estados de “conteúdo autocrático misto, mas de forma democrática” (CHETERYAN, 2003: 41). Embora seja possível identificar as semelhanças entre os três estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso nas reformas do processo de desenvolvimento, os métodos e meios de implementação de reformas nas realidades dos estados regionais pela administração nacional foram bastante diferentes, por razões associadas às especificidades de cada um (DELCOUR e WOLCZUK, 2013: 3). Cada país é caracterizado pelas suas peculiaridades ao nível da situação geopolítica e diversidade do potencial económico – fatores que definem a trajetória política e económica do estado no período pós-soviético e, em certa medida, influenciam o modo como se desenvolvem as relações com a UE e, portanto, o processo de adoção das reformas e a sua introdução a nível nacional.

Do kemalismo ao neo-otomanismo: o desenvolvimento político e a «Nova Turquia» de Recep Tayyip Erdogan (2003-2014)

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política

A gestão do desempenho como prática de implementação participada de um plano estratégico: o caso do Banco de Moçambique

Dissertação de Mestrado em Políticas Desenvolvimento dos Recursos Humanos

Are Dictators Immune to Human Rights Shaming?

This paper examines whether human rights naming and shaming destabilizes the rule of authoritarian leaders. We argue that human rights shaming can destabilize autocratic leaders by signaling international disapproval to elites in the targeted country, increasing their capacity to replace the incumbent. In personalist regimes, shaming increases the risk of irregular exit because regime elite do not have a means to peacefully replace the incumbent. Shaming campaigns also decrease foreign aid and international trade in personalist regimes, denying the leader access to resources to pay his coalition – further destabilizing his rule. In non-personalist regimes where parties or the military allow elites to peacefully replace incumbents, human rights shaming increases the risk of regular turnover of power, but has little effect on the risk of irregular exit or international flows of aid and trade. These findings have implications for understanding when and where shaming campaigns are likely to reduce or deter repression.

EU's democracy promotion policy in the Mediterranean: Squaring the stability – democracy circle?

Why does the EU have an ambiguous and inconsistent democracy promotion (DP) policy towards the Mediterranean countries? This paper argues that the EU´s DP is determined by a crucial conflict of interests conceptualised as a stability – democracy dilemma. The EU has been attempting to promote democracy, but without risking the current stability and in connivance with incumbent autocratic regimes. In view of this dilemma, the four main characteristics of the EU´s DP promotion are explored, namely: gradualism, a strong notion of partnership-building, a narrow definition of civil society, and a strong belief in economic liberalisation. A fifth feature, relation of the EU with moderate Islamists, is analysed in the paper as it represents the most striking illustration of its contradictions. The paper concludes by arguing that the definition of a clear DP by the EU that considered engagement with moderate Islamists would represent a major step towards squaring its stability – democracy circle.

Sens et portée du rôle du législateur chez Jean-Jacques Rousseau

La figure du législateur demeure matière à controverse dans la pensée politique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Son rôle, consistant à « transformer » la nature humaine en vue de réaliser la vertu civique, a porté certains interprètes à voir dans sa pensée une forme d’autoritarisme. L'erreur de cette interprétation nous apparaît être dans le sens et la portée attribués à l'idée de transformation morale. Cette dernière n'implique pas une transformation radicale des mœurs, mais bien leur parachèvement. Circonscrire cette portée nécessite de concevoir les mœurs comme une matière donnée et qui ne saurait être façonnée indéfiniment, car ses potentialités sont déterminées par son développement historique. Ce caractère décisif attribué par Rousseau au développement historique peut se comprendre à la lumière de sa conception pessimiste de l’évolution des mœurs. D’après cette conception, les mœurs, essentiellement corruptibles, atteignent un stade historique de corruption où elles ne sauraient être parachevées en vertu. Il s’ensuit que seul un peuple dont les mœurs sont non corrompues par le progrès historique a la potentialité d'atteindre la vertu. Ainsi, la tâche du législateur d'effectuer une transformation morale de l'homme doit être entendue non comme celle de créer ex nihilo une nouvelle nature humaine, mais comme celle de parachever les virtualités propres aux mœurs saines.

Les effets des pratiques de leadership sur la performance de l’équipe : rôle médiateur de l’engagement des membres envers les objectifs d’équipe

Le but de cette recherche est la vérification des relations entre les pratiques de leadership et la performance de l’équipe. Nous nous concentrons sur deux pratiques de leadership distinctes : le leadership d’empowerment et le leadership autocratique. Cette recherche vise également à comprendre le rôle médiateur de l’engagement des membres envers les objectifs d’équipe dans ces relations. De plus, nous examinons la combinaison des deux pratiques de leadership chez un même responsable d’équipe, à savoir si l’adoption d’un style de leadership peut réduire ou amplifier l’effet de l’autre style de leadership. Les données de types secondaires ont été colligées auprès de 381 membres faisant partie de 101 équipes ainsi que des 101 supérieurs immédiats de ces équipes œuvrant dans une organisation de sécurité publique canadienne. Ces données ont été recueillies grâce à un questionnaire. Des analyses factorielles confirmatoires et des analyses de régression hiérarchique ont permis de vérifier nos huit hypothèses. Les résultats montrent que les pratiques de leadership sont modérément et significativement liées à la performance d’équipe. Les pratiques de leadership sont également liées fortement et significativement à l’engagement des membres envers les objectifs d’équipe. Par ailleurs, les résultats révèlent que l’engagement des membres envers les objectifs d’équipe joue un rôle médiateur complet dans la relation entre les pratiques de leadership et la performance d’équipe. Par contre, l’effet d’interaction entre les pratiques de leadership n’est pas significatif. La vérification du rôle médiateur de l’engagement des membres envers les objectifs d’équipe constitue un apport théorique dans la compréhension des équipes de travail. Sur le plan pratique, les résultats montrent que les responsables d’équipe ont intérêt à adopter des pratiques de gestion permettant l’atteinte des objectifs d’équipe tout en améliorant le sentiment d’engagement des membres et la performance d’équipe.

El régimen híbrido de Hugo Chávez en transición (2009-2013)

Existe un debate entre los estudiosos sobre la naturaleza del régimen político en Venezuela a partir del acceso de Hugo Chávez al poder en 1999. No obstante las divergencias en los enfoques, en los últimos años han ganado preponderancia los análisis que destacan su carácter híbrido, poniéndose énfasis en los aspectos democráticos o autoritarios. Este trabajo, partiendo de una conceptualización del régimen venezolano como híbrido, en particular en su vertiente competitiva autoritaria, pretende: 1.Mostrar cómo las reglas y prácticas autocráticas han ganado más espacio durante el periodo 2009-2013. 2. Explicar la caída de apoyo popular al régimen y el avance electoral de la oposición. 3. Discutir las consecuencias que tiene la desaparición del líder fundador del chavismo para el futuro del régimen y la continuidad del movimiento chavista. 

The politics of resource booms

This paper develops a simple model to investigate how resource-driven economic booms shape the equilibrium political institutions of resource-rich societies and influence the likelihood of experiencing civil war. In our model a strong government apparatus favors property rights protection but also makes the state more powerful and hence may induce predatory autocratic regimes over democracy. We characterize the parameter space of each political outcome in terms of the type of the available natural resources. Economic booms based on resources that are privately exploited empower the citizens and tend to ease democratic transitions. In contrast, booms based on resources exploited by the state tend to favor more dictatorial regimes. Finally, economic booms based on resources that can be exploited either by the state or by private citizens incite preemptive actions by both parties that may result in civil war. We discuss the predictions of the model using historical and contemporary examples.

Terrorism and cabinet duration

Terrorism can strengthen or weaken electoral support for ruling governments. We show in a simple model of coalition formation that, regardless of the direction of a public opinion shock, the impact of terrorism on cabinet duration is ambiguous. However, in an analysis of a data set including 2,400 cabinets in over 150 countries in the period 1970–2002, we find that terrorism, on average, shortens cabinet duration. This result is robust for a range of alternative terror measures and is present in both democratic as well as autocratic political regimes.

Assalto ao estado e ao mercado, neoliberalismo e teoria econômica

O Estado e o mercado são instituições complementares. O Estado é a instituição principal que coordena as sociedades modernas; é o sistema constitucional e a organização que o garante; é o principal instrumento através do qual as sociedades democráticas estão moldando o capitalismo de modo a alcançar seus próprios objetivos políticos. Os mercados são instituições baseadas na competição, regulada pelo Estado para que contribuam com a coordenação da economia. Enquanto o liberalismo emergiu no século 18 para combater o estado autocrático, desde os anos 1980 o neoliberalismo (uma distorção maior do liberalismo econômico) tornou-se dominante e montou um assalto ao estado em nome do mercado, mas eventualmente também atacou o mercado. A macroeconomia neoclássica e a teoria da escolha pública foram as meta-ideologias que deram a esse assalto um apelo ‘científico’ e matemático.

As escolas vocacionais e o terceiro ambiente de Hargreaves

The article refers to an official school experience which was developed in the Brazilian education in the 60's - the vocational schools. These schools enabled an artistic-musical learning experience which would be less technicist and autocratic, contributing in a satisfactory way to the future performing formation of the students. In addition to the historical report, the text refers to the British educator D. Hargreaves, who researched on the importance of the "third environment" in the musical learning and on the relationship existing between the internal and the external cognitive process. The text is part of the Master or Arts dissertation which is being carried out in the IA-UNESP (Institute of Arts - State of São Paulo University). The musical-theoretical foundations were provided by the ideas of D. Hargreaves, Sigurd Rascher, Yehudi Menuhi, among others, and by some researchers in the area of education. It is justified on the grounds of the present moment experienced by the musical teaching in face of the approval of Law n(o) 11.769/2008.