983 resultados para Anti-Jewish propaganda.


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Satire.

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Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

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There is a significant lack of sociological research in Spain about anti-Semitism. At the same time there are alarming anti-Semitic tendencies and anti-Jewish stereotypes which are above the European average. This article aims to explain this lack of sociological research about anti-Semitism in Spain. Therefore two types of explications are offered: on the one hand side some structural problems will be shown which sociology in general had since its beginnings and which complicate the understanding of anti-Semitism. Furthermore explications regarding the specific social and historic situation in Spain and of Spanish sociology in particular will be exposed. It will be shown that for its rationalistic character and with the exception of very few authors – who are considered marginalized for practical research – sociology in general has had enormous problems in understanding anti-Semitism. The specific historic situation, Francoism, the dispute about the historic memory and the delayed institutionalisation of sociology could also explain the lack of sociological interest in the topic especially in Spain. The article shows that the study of anti-Semitism is not only relevant for struggling against this burden of society in many of its variants. Furthermore, thinking about anti-Semitism can help sociology to recognise its own epistemological problems. It can serve to criticise and improve instruments of sociological research by showing the limitations of the sociological approach and to uncover the importance of interdisciplinary research for understanding specific social phenomena. In that sense, anti-Semitism, far from being a marginal subject, can be considered a key topic in the process of civilisation and it can help us to decipher the contemporary Spanish society.

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The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a “new Judeophobia” that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of “Jews,” “Israelis,” and “Zionists.” One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the “altermondialistes,” the communists, and the “neo-Trotskyists.” The article provides answers to the following questions: Are anti-Jewish views on the increase in France today? Do these opinions correlate with negative opinions of other minorities, notably Maghrebians and Muslims? Do they tend to develop among voters and sympathizers with the extreme right or on the extreme left of the political spectrum? And how are they related to opinions concerning Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? My evaluation of the transformations in French anti-Semitism relies on two types of data. The first is police and gendarmerie statistics published by the National Consultative Committee on Human Rights (CNCDH), which is charged with presenting the prime minister with an annual report on the struggle against racism and xenophobia in France. The other is data from surveys, notably surveys commissioned by CNCDH for its annual report and surveys conducted at the Center for Political Research (CEVIPOF) at Sciences Po (Paris Institute for Political Research). The data show that anti-Semitic opinions follow a different logic from acts, that the social, cultural, and political profile of anti-Semites remains very close to that of other types of racists, and that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism do not overlap exactly.

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"Summer institute on Modern European Culture" (1947?); 1. Ankündigung für eine Vorlesungsreihe von Max Horkheimer, Theodor W. Adorno, Leo Löwenthal, Herbert Marcuse, Friedrich Pollock. a) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 20 Blatt b) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Ergänzungen, 19 Blatt; 2. Herbert Marcuse: "Philosophie allemande et francaise 1871-1933". Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 18 Blatt; "Tentative Program for the Course of Antisemitism". Vorlesungsankündigung 1948 von Max Horkheimer, Theodor W. Adorno, Friedrich Pollock. Typoskript 2 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Bericht über die Antisemitismus-Forschungen des Instituts für Sozialforschung (GS 12, S. 165-171). Vortrag gehalten am 16.4.1943, englischer Text. a) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 5 Blatt b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 8 Blatt c) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 8 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Bericht über die Antisemitismus-Forschungen des Instituts für Sozialforschung (GS 12, S. 172-183). Vortrag gehalten am 30.4.1943, Temple Israel. a) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen und Ergänzungen, 12 Blatt b) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 11 Blatt c) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 14 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Über die Psychologie des Judentums und des Antisemitismus; 1. Vortrag, gehalten am 7.10.1943 im Department of Psychology, UCLA, eigenhändige Notizen, 1 Blatt; 2. Auszüge aus Schriften und Arbeitspapieren von: G.M. Davidson, Salomon Andhil Fineberg, A.R.L. Gurland, Oscar I. Janomsky, Paul W. Massing, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 8 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Anti-Semitism as a Social Phenomenon (GS 5, S.364-372); 1. Vortrag, gehalten am 17.6.1944 in San Francisco, Psychoanalytic Society, veröffentlicht unter dem Titel 'Sociological Background of the Psychoanalytic Approach". In: Ernst Simmel (ed.), "Anti-Semitism. A Social Disease", New York, 1946, S.1-10. a) Typoskript, 13 Blatt, b) Teilstück, Typoskript, 1 Blatt, c) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt d) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 9 Blatt; 2. "Notes to the Speech in San Francisco", Notizen, 4 Blatt; 3. eigenhändige Notizen zum Vortrag, 5 Blatt; 4. Rede für Maurice Karpf, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt; 5. Theodor W. Adorno: "Mammoth Motives", Notizen zum Verhältnis von Soziologie und Psychologie des Antisemitismus, 3 Blatt; 6. Theodor W. Adorno: "Patterns of Anti-Democratic Propaganda", veröffentlicht in: Ernst Simmel, "Anti-Semitism. A Social Disease", New York, 1946, S.125-137. a) Typoskript, 15 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 14 Blatt;; 7. Einladung, Drucksache, 2 Blatt; 8. Max Horkheimer: 2 Brief an Donald MacFerlane, Pacific Palisades, 22.5.1944, 1 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Vorträge 1944-45; 1. "Report for the N.C.R.A.C.". Über Forschungsprojekte des American Jewish Committee and des American Jewish Congress, vorgetragen am 14.1.1944, Typoskript, 4 Blatt; 2. Notizen zu 1: Über Kurt Lewin, Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 3. eigenhändige Notizen zu 1., 3 Blatt; 4. Über die europäische Tradition der Arbeiten des Instituts für Sozialforschung. Vortrag, gehalten am 8.12.1944. Eigenhändige Notizen, 1 Blatt; 5. Über psychologische Aspekte der Antisemitismusforschung des Instituts für Sozialforschung. Vortrag, gehalten am 19.4.1945. Eigenhändige Notizen, 2 Blatt; 6. Über sozioökonomische Aspekte des Antisemitismus in Europa und in der Arbeiterschaft der USA. Vortrag, gehalten am 8.6.1945. Psychosomatic Society a) Notizen zum Vortrag, 4 Blatt, b) eigenhändige Notizen, 3 Blatt; 7. Notizen zu 6., Typoskript, 17 Blatt,; 8. Notizen zu 6. "Quotations from Labor Study", Typoskript, 12 Blatt; 9. Über neue Forschungsprojekte des Instituts für Sozialforschung zum Antisemitismus. Vortrag, gehalten am 24.10.1945. Eigenhändige Notizen, 2 Blatt; 10. Über Antisemitismus. Vortrag, gehalten am 3.12.1945. Eigenhändige Notizen, 2 Blatt; 11.-15. Vorträge über Antisemitismus. Datierung unklar (etwa 1945) (u.a. "Mountvernon Speech" und "Breakfast Speech"), 17 Blatt; 16. Über Judentum und Katholizismus in der neueren Geschichte. Eigenhändige Notizen zu einem Vortrag, Datierung unklar, 3 Blatt; 17. Über Vorurteil, Vortrag oder Diskussion in einer Synagoge, Datierung unklar, eigenhändige Notizen, 1 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Über die Antisemitismus-Forschungen des Instituts für Sozialforschung. Vortrag, gehalten beim U.C.R.A.C.-Meeting, 15.-17.6.1946, Chicago:; 1. eigenhändige Notizen, 13 Blatt; 2. Fragebogen, als Typoskript vervielfältigt, mit eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 6 Blatt;

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The memoirs were written in 1999. Childhood memories in a small town in Lower Austria. Passion for playing football (soccer). Recollections of daily life with rituals of coffeehouse visits and family dinners in the countryside. First experiences of antisemitism in the mid 1930s. Rising Nazi movement and illegal meetings in the local community. Annexation of Austria in 1938. First encounters with anti-Jewish regulations and discrimination by neighbors and acquaintances. Walter experienced severe difficulties at school and was frequently insulted and beaten up. Decision to leave school. The family was forced to leave Eggenburg soon thereafter, and the town declared itself "Judenfrei" (free of Jews). Move to Vienna, where they stayed with relatives. Walter, who had been brought up as a Catholic, suddenly saw himself confronted with orthodox Jewish people of different customs. Increasing restrictions for Jews. Walter was enrolled in a program at the Vienna Jewish community to learn carpentry. Recollections of the terror of Kristallnacht. Walter and his brother Ludwig were signed up for a children transport to England by the Quaker organization and left Vienna in December 1938. Difficult feeling to depart from their parents. Arrival in Harwige. They were taken to a camp in Lowestoft. Cultural differences. Walter and his brother were sent to a training farm in Parbold. Simple living conditions and difficult circumstances. Farm work and school lessons. Outbreak of the war. Scarce news of their parents, who tried to leave for Argentina. Walter's older brother Ludwig was sent to an internment camp in Adelaide, Australia. After two years he volunteered in the Pioneer Corps and returned to England. In 1941 their parents finally managed to emigrate to Argentina. Walter decided to join them, and in 1943 he left for Buenos Aires. During the passage on the Atlantic the ship was sunk by a German submarine. Rescue by the US Army. Continuation of his trip via New York.

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The memoirs were originally written for the Harvard University competition in 1940 and were translated by the author in 2001. Reflections on his childhood in Germany and Austria. His parents were both from Poland. They moved to Vienna in 1921, where his father opened a haberdashery store in the Second district (Leopoldstadt). Otto attended primary school in Czerningasse. Birth of his sister Cecile in 1924. After his failing business endeavors his father decided to move back to Germany, where the family opened a department store in Elbing, East Prussia. Otto attended Gymnasium, where he was one of only two Jewish students in his class. Growing Nazi movement among students. Summer vacations on the Baltic Sea. Private piano lessons. Hitler’s rise in Germany and life under National Socialism. Bar mitzvah in 1933. Anti-Jewish boycotts. His father fled to Vienna in order to escape a rounding up of Jews. The family followed soon after to Austria. Otto attended Gymnasium in the Zirkusgasse and started to work as a tutor. Member of a youth group and hiking tours in the mountains. Recollections of the Anschluss in 1938. Fervent attempts to obtain an exit visa for the United States, where they had a relative in New York. Description of discriminations and frequent attacks on Jewish friends and relatives in the weeks after the Anschluss. Otto was picked up by Nazi stormtroops. He was forced to hold up an anti-Jewish sign and was walked up and down, receiving beatings and spittings in front of a jeering crowd. Detailed account of the atmosphere within the Jewish population. The Gymnasium Zirkusgasse was transferred into a Jewish school. Frequent attacks of Hitler Youths on the students. Preparations for the “Matura” despite the turmoil. In June of 1938 his father was arrested and sent to Dachau concentration camp. After passing the final exams, Otto planned on leaving the country illegally, since he was subject to the Polish quota for the United States with

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The records reflect the organizational structure of the Jewish ghetto administration and consist of the following: Correspondence with German government agencies, 1939-1941, including the Police and Gestapo, the *Oberburgermeister* of Litzmannstadt (German name for Lodz), the *Gettoverwaltung* (German administration of the ghetto). The correspondence pertains to the establishment of the ghetto, expropriation of Jewish property, resettlement of Lodz Jews into the ghetto, sanitary conditions, ghetto industry, anti-Jewish ordinances. Announcements issued by Rumkowski, 1940-1944. A complete set of daily communications to the ghetto population on all subjects pertinent to ghetto life such as: confiscations of Jewish property, food rationing, availability of work, relief distribution, deportations, liquidation of the ghetto. Files of various departments of the Jewish ghetto administration including labor divisions and workshops, the Jewish police (*Ordnungsdienst*), Statistics Department, Ghetto Court, Archives, Resettlement Department, Deportation Commission. Of special interest are the Archives files which contain essays and reports written by the Archives staff expressly for the purpose of historical record on subjects related to ghetto life. Outstanding in this group are reports and literary sketches by Joseph Zelkowicz, including his extensive account about the *Gesperre* (Yid. Shpere) - the deportation of the children, the old and the infirm in September, 1942. In addition, the Archives files contain bulletins of the *Daily Chronicle* of the Lodz Ghetto, transcripts of speeches by Rumkowski, and issues of the *Geto-tsaytung*, a short-lived official publication of the Eldest of the Jews. Iconographic materials, including photographs and albums. The photographs taken by Mendel Grossman, Henryk Ross, Maliniak, Zonabend and others, provide an extensive visual record of ghetto life.

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The Russian mathematician, academician and former dissident Igor Shafarevich (b. 1923) is commonly mentioned in Western scholarly studies on perestroika and post-perestroika-era Russian politics as one of the most notable anti-Semites and extreme nationalists of the country. This notoriety owes to Shafarevich’s old samizdat article Russophobia, which was published in 1988. The scandal surrounding Russophobia came to a head when the president of The National Academy of Sciences in the United States asked Shafarevich, its honorary member, to resign. Nothing like this had ever happened in the academy’s history. The present dissertation discusses Shafarevich’s political activities, his texts and ideas as well as their reception. Particular attention is given to Russophobia, whose detailed examination proves very clearly that its reputation as an anti-Semitic text is groundless. The reasons for Russophobia’s hasty but fierce condemnation were many, but only one was that when the Soviet system began to tumble, it was commonly assumed that a vigorous rise in anti-Semitism and extreme nationalism in the Soviet Union/Russia would be just a matter of time. Many observers were highly sensitised to detecting its signs and symptoms. The dissertation also shows that most of those to write the first criticisms of Russophobia and to liken Shafarevich to the ideologues of Nazi Germany were the same people he had criticised in Russophobia for their deterministic view of history and irrational manner of connecting things for the purpose of fanning the flames of distrust between Russia’s Jews and Russians. In retrospect, it is fairly evident that Shafarevich actually managed to effectively “neutralise” the message of many of those obsessed with the Jews among his Russian contemporaries and contributed to the fact that anti-Jewish sentiments have been a great deal less popular in post-communist Russia than so many had feared and expected. The thesis also thoroughly discusses Shafarevich’s other texts and activities before Russophobia’s appearance and after it. In the 1970s, Shafarevich was one of the best-known dissidents in the Soviet Union. He worked together with academician Andrei Sakharov in a dissidents’ unofficial human rights committee and co-operated closely with Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn before Solzhenitsyn’s exile. Then, during the chaotic years of perestroika, Shafarevich defended the basic rights of ordinary citizens and warned that the hype concerning democracy could become counterproductive if the most palpable result of the reforms was the disappearance of citizens’ basic security and elementary social justice. One of the conclusions of the thesis is that even if the world around Shafarevich has changed considerably, his views have remained essentially the same since the late 1960s and early 1970s.

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The dissertation discusses the conceptions of place and landscape amongst Nenets living on the island of Kolguyev or being of Kolguyev descent. The conceptions are examined through the everyday life of the community, oral recollections and narration that unfold meanings related to the island. The research material has been collected in ethnographic fieldwork in 2000 2005. The duration of individual fieldworks varies from two weeks to three months and their total duration is nearly six months. The fieldwork has been conducted both on the island and in the city of Nar yan-Mar. The main methods have been participant observation and recorded and unrecorded informal interviews. In addition to the field work data, archive materials, travel accounts, and other historical texts by outsiders about Kolguyev or the Nenets living in the European side of Russia have been used as a research material. The analysis is based on the idea of the place as a meeting point of the physical features, experiences in them and collective narration about them. The concept sense of place is used to describe the interaction of these three. Lived space manifests individual s or collective sense of place. The places form different kinds of networks of meanings which are called landscapes. Hot spots are places where different meanings accumulate. Furthermore, the material is analysed using the concepts of Tale World and Story Realm by Katherine Young. The Tale World is a realm created during the Story Realm, i.e. the event of narrations. The Tale Worlds are true as such but become evaluated in the Story Realm. The Tale Worlds are seen to arise both from the physical features of a place and from oral tradition, but at the same time these worlds give meanings to the place. The Tale Worlds are one of the central ingredients for the sense of place. One of the most central hot spots in Kolguyev is the arok harbour, where most of the themes of the pre-Soviet Tale Worlds are placed: trade and interaction with the Russians, rituals of the popular religion and arrival of the first Nenets to the island. arok is also part of the landscape of the coast where the meetings of Nenets and the other(s) are generally connected. Furthermore, arok is connected to the network of amans graves but also more generally to the landscape of collective sacred and sacrificial places. Another hot spot is the population centre of Bugrino which unfolds through the evaluations of the Tale Worlds. It also is the centre of the everyday life of the community studied. The Tale Worlds of the radiant past fastens on the population centre which is described through the negative models within the genre of litany. Sacred places, that represent the possibility to meet the Otherworld or mark places were encounters with the Otherworld have taken place, generate many kinds of landscapes in the island. They fasten on the graves of the amans, sirtya tradition, and to collective sacred places with their associations. The networks are not closed systems but are given meanings and new associations continuously in narration and recollection. They form multi-level and significant landscapes which reflect the fastening of the Kolguyev Nenets in the tundra of the island. In the research material the holy places and the popular religiousness are emphasised which is one of the most significant research results. It can be seen to reflect collective resistance and the questioning of the atheistic propaganda of the Soviet years. The narration and the recollection often refer also to the discourse of the anti-religious propaganda or use its strategies. The centrality of the holy places is also based on the tenacity of the religious Tale Worlds and sense of place and to the collective significance of the religion in general.

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[ES]El objeto de este artículo es saber hasta qué punto pudo emplearse la justicia penal como un instrumento más de la política de carácter antijudío desarrollada por las autoridades cristianas de la España medieval a finales del siglo XV, concretamente en los momentos previos a la expulsión. Para indagar sobre esta cuestión se tendrá presente el proceso penal por blasfemia al que fue sometido el judío de Vitoria (Álava) Jato Tello.