15 resultados para Animosity
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Research has shown that while some people favor foreign- sourced products, others prefer to purchase goods made in their own country. From the perspective of the Australian wine market, consumption of wine has been consistently increasing in recent years. While sales of Australian made wine is booming, sales of imported sources is also increasing in terms of dollar value. This paper examines the effect of consumer ethnocentrism and animosity on willingness to buy foreign wine products, in an effort to better understand the factors involved in the consumer decision making process when purchasing wine products.
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Australia’s mainstream media landscape has long been recognised as highly limited – media ownership in the country has traditionally been concentrated in the hands of a very few, and (except for Sydney and Melbourne) it is common for major Australian cities to be served by only one local newspaper, usually produced by Rupert Murdoch’s News Ltd. This can be seen also to affect the quality and diversity of Australian journalism; additionally, the global decline of newspaper publishers’ revenues and overall adverse economic conditions exert further pressure on journalistic operations in the country. At the same time, and possibly in response to the increasing stresses on industrial journalism in the country and the implications they have for the quality of journalistic products, a vibrant and dynamic ecosystem of Australian industrial and citizen journalism publications has emerged online. Existing media organisations have built strong news brands online, while citizen journalists and political bloggers have given voice to issues, concerns, and opinions hitherto underrepresented in Australian mainstream journalism; of particular interest, however, is the increasing level of engagement and interaction between the two. While such interaction has been characterised by deep animosity at times (especially also in the context of the Australian federal election in November 2007), Australia has also seen the emergence and establishment of a number of new, intermediary online publications which act as spaces for public debate and analysis – from the public intellectualism of Online Opinion through the muckraking of Crikey to the progressive politics of New Matilda. The rise of social media as spaces for the discussion of news and politics further changes the media environment, potentially leading both to renewed conflict between professional and citizen journalists and to a greater level of engagement between journalists and audiences. Overall, then, such online developments offer a chance for a greater diversity of opinion and representation in Australian journalism, but also remain under a cloud from uncertain long-term business models and funding arrangements. This chapter outlines current trends in Australian online journalism, and speculates about their effect on the Australian news media landscape.
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"The Role of Latin in the Early Modern World: Linguistic identity and nationalism 1350-1800". Contributions from the conference held at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Casa Convalescència, 5-6 May 2010. Edited by Alejandro Coroleu, Carlo Caruso & Andrew Laird
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Dissertação de Mestrado Mestrado em Empreendedorismo e Internacionalização Orientada por Mestre Anabela Ribeiro
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine various policy implementation models, and to determine what use they are to a government. In order to insure that governmental proposals are created and exercised in an effective manner, there roust be some guidelines in place which will assist in resolving difficult situations. All governments face the challenge of responding to public demand, by delivering the type of policy responses that will attempt to answer those demands. The problem for those people in positions of policy-making responsibility is to balance the competitive forces that would influence policy. This thesis examines provincial government policy in two unique cases. The first is the revolutionary recommendations brought forth in the Hall -Dennis Report. The second is the question of extending full -funding to the end of high school in the separate school system. These two cases illustrate how divergent and problematic the policy-making duties of any government may be. In order to respond to these political challenges decision-makers must have a clear understanding of what they are attempting to do. They must also have an assortment of policy-making models that will insure a policy response effectively deals with the issue under examination. A government must make every effort to insure that all policymaking methods are considered, and that the data gathered is inserted into the most appropriate model. Currently, there is considerable debate over the benefits of the progressive individualistic education approach as proposed by the Hall -Dennis Committee. This debate is usually intensified during periods of economic uncertainty. Periodically, the province will also experience brief yet equally intense debate on the question of separate school funding. At one level, this debate centres around the efficiency of maintaining two parallel education systems, but the debate frequently has undertones of the religious animosity common in Ontario's history. As a result of the two policy cases under study we may ask ourselves these questions: a) did the policies in question improve the general quality of life in the province? and b) did the policies unite the province? In the cases of educational instruction and finance the debate is ongoing and unsettling. Currently, there is a widespread belief that provincial students at the elementary and secondary levels of education are not being educated adequately to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. The perceived culprit is individual education which sees students progressing through the system at their own pace and not meeting adequate education standards. The question of the finance of Catholic education occasionally rears its head in a painful fashion within the province. Some public school supporters tend to take extension as a personal religious defeat, rather than an opportunity to demonstrate that educational diversity can be accommodated within Canada's most populated province. This thesis is an attempt to analyze how successful provincial policy-implementation models were in answering public demand. A majority of the public did not demand additional separate school funding, yet it was put into place. The same majority did insist on an examination of educational methods, and the government did put changes in place. It will also demonstrate how policy if wisely created may spread additional benefits to the public at large. Catholic students currently enjoy a much improved financial contribution from the province, yet these additional funds were taken from somewhere. The public system had it funds reduced with what would appear to be minimal impact. This impact indicates that government policy is still sensitive to the strongly held convictions of those people in opposition to a given policy.
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Ce petit échantillon d’une étude ethnographique, fait à partir de la méthode d’observation participante, interroge la nature de la tendance de la mode auprès de jeunes citadins au coeur d'un centre urbain francophone du Canada. Les participants identifient un « look » comme étant emblématique du Plateau, un arrondissement de Montréal qui est démographiquement divers et contenant beaucoup de commerces dynamiques. Le Plateau a été promu par les organisations de la ville de Montréal comme le point central de la mode, arts et culture. Locaux ou simples touristes voient le Plateau comme un environnement aidant à la transformation personnelle et à l’autoréalisation, particulièrement chez les locaux de 18-30 ans. Plus particulièrement, les membres appartenant à cette tranche d’âge conçoivent leurs propres interprétations de la mode et participent à un certains nombres de projets créatifs en vue de réaliser d’authentiques et véritables expressions de soi. Cependant, à cause de la commercialisation de la mode présentée pour les consommateurs du Plateau, la jeune population perçoit le courant dominant du « hipster » comme n’étant plus l’authentique représentation à leur course à l’authenticité individuelle dans un monde en perpétuel globalisation. La chercheuse a découvert l’existence d’une idéologie de l’individu restreint à ce quartier. Vu l’animosité présente parmi la population locale du Plateau pour le courant principal hipster, l’ensemble de ces données montrent qu’il y a un besoin d’une meilleure compréhension de la relation entre la commercialisation de la mode occidentale et de ces acheteurs au niveau de l’individu et au niveau local dans les espaces urbaine en perpétuel globalisation. Le contexte de la mode dans cet environnement est contraint par l’hypothèse de la valeur qu'être différent est imaginé et digne d’intérêt dans cette communauté si et seulement si quelqu’un est confiant au point de se tenir debout avec ses idéaux au milieu des autres.
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Zusammenfassung der Dissertation von Barbara Wieder zum Thema: Entwicklung von Interessen und Nicht-Interessen bei Kindern im Kindergarten, in der Grundschule und in der Sekundarstufe I. Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Genese und Entwicklung von Interessen und Nicht-Interessen von Kindern im Alter von 4 bis 16 Jahren. Dazu wurden 87 Kinder sowie deren Eltern und Lehrkräfte bzw. Erzieherinnen mittels strukturierter Interviews in einem Längsschnitt etwa alle zwei Jahre wiederholt befragt. Theoretische Grundlage ist die Rahmenkonzeption einer pädagogischen Interessentheorie, die Interesse als einen Bezug zwischen einer Person und einem Gegenstand bestimmt. Dieser Bezug ist charakterisiert durch die Merkmale kognitive Ausprägung, emotionale Tönung und Wertaspekt (SCHIEFELE et al. 1983) sowie durch die Merkmale zur qualitativen Unterscheidung der PG-Bezüge zwischen Vorläufer-Interessen und Individuellen Interessen von VOGT und WIEDER (1999). Nicht-Interesse wird gemäß UPMEIER ZU BELZEN und VOGT (2001) mithilfe theoretischer Merkmale (wie z. B. Kognition, Emotion, Wertbezug) in zwei unterschiedliche Ausprägungsformen – Desinteresse und Abneigung – differenziert. Für die vorliegende Arbeit ergeben sich folgende Untersuchungsfragen: Wie entstehen Interessen und Nicht-Interessen und wie verlaufen qualitative Entwicklungen? Inwiefern werden die Interessen und Nicht-Interessen im Verlauf außerschulisch und schulisch beeinflusst? Für die Datenerhebung wurden im Rahmen der vorliegenden Studie „halbstandardisierte“ Interviewleitfäden entwickelt und mithilfe der Grundtechniken der qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse von MAYRING (2003) ausgewertet. Die Ergebnisse verdeutlichen, dass alle befragten Kinder spätestens ab dem Schuleintritt über mindestens ein gemäß der Theorie definiertes Individuelles Interesse verfügten, die bis auf eine Ausnahme im außerschulischen Bereich festgestellt wurden. Ausgelöst wurden die Interessen hauptsächlich durch die Eltern und Peers, wobei der Einfluss der Peers im Entwicklungsverlauf immer mehr an Bedeutung gewann. Mit zunehmendem Alter hatten die Kinder auch Nicht-Interessen, die vor allem durch Erlebnisse ausgelöst wurden. Zusätzlich wurde die Entwicklung der Interessen und Nicht-Interessen durch den Grad der Befriedigung der grundlegenden Bedürfnisse (basic needs gemäß DECI & RYAN 1993) nach Kompetenz, Autonomie und sozialer Eingebundenheit während der Person-Gegenstands-Auseinandersetzungen beeinflusst. Beispielsweise fehlte bei Kindern mit schulischen Nicht-Interessen häufig das Erleben von Kompetenz und Autonomie in der Schule. Um der Entstehung von Nicht-Interessen in der Schule vorbeugen zu können, sollte ein alltagsrelevanter, kognitiv und methodisch differenzierter Unterricht stattfinden, der möglichst allen Kindern ein individuelles, positives Kompetenz- und Autonomieerleben ermöglicht. Dann könnten zukünftig sogar vielleicht auch Interessen in der Schule angestoßen werden.
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Este estudo trata da perspectiva de criação do Estado do Carajás sob o ponto de vista das representações parlamentares dos municípios das regiões sul e sudeste do Pará. As teorias sobre representação política e as críticas da teoria das elites nortearam a análise, visto que a temática da redivisão do território paraense tem inflamado os discursos de candidatos a cargos políticos, e durante a campanha do plebiscito de dezembro de 2011 o debate reverteu-se em animosidade entre as frentes pluripartidárias do sim e do não, pela alegação da frente oponente à emancipação, que a divisão tratava-se de um projeto político das elites locais. De base empírica, o levantamento de campo foi aplicado a vereadores dos 39 municípios da região. A pesquisa revelou que a mobilização política regionalista ancora-se na distância do poder decisório que deixaria a região fora da agenda governamental e enfatiza o esquecimento do poder público estadual. Os vereadores veem o novo estado como uma possibilidade de atender às demandas por políticas públicas e oportunidades de emprego e renda, mas percebem claramente uma oportunidade de crescimento de suas carreiras políticas e de aumentar a paridade na balança da representatividade do norte no Congresso Nacional.
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This paper describes competing ideas about family preservation, defined both as a defined program of social services and a philosophical approach to helping troubled families. A straightforward definition has become almost impossible because the phrase has taken on so many different meanings, provoking controversy about its "real" meaning and value. Indeed, "family preservation" has become the proverbial elephant whose splendors and horrors are described with great certainty by those impressed by only one of its aspects. While skirmishes between "child savers" and "family preservers" have been part of the child welfare field since its beginning at the turn of the last century, recent debates over family preservation have been especially heated, generating more confusion and animosity than might be expected from the ranks of the small and usually mild-mannered social work profession. The debate is so heated that the director of one of the nation's largest child welfare agencies said recently that he is afraid to "even use the two words on the same page." <1> While the debate about the value of family preservation is unresolved, experimentation with different approaches to service delivery over the last two decades has helped to lay the groundwork for a resurgence of interest in family and community-centered reforms. Better understanding of the family preservation "debates" may be helpful if these reforms are to be successful over the long term. The paper discusses the competing ideas, values, and perceptions that have led observers to their different understandings of family preservation. It briefly chronicles the history of child welfare and examines key theories that have helped lay the groundwork for the resurgence of interest in family-centered services. It concludes with observations about how the competing values at stake in family preservation may affect the next generation of reforms.
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Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach (1830-1916) was born and grew up in Moravia. Despite the fact that her very first language was Czech, all her literary work was written in German ; despite of her Czech origins from her fatherside, all the references to be found in her work concerning the social and national development of the Czech society of that time express, if not animosity, at least a total lack of understanding. Everthing happens as if the author just wanted to confirm and uphold the official views of the Austrian Monarchy. In this article, I’d like to show, mainly on the example of the novel Božena (1876), that a more careful reading which would take into account not only the textual statements of the writer, but as well the composition of the plot and the various behaviors of the Czech and German protagonists, could allow to bring nuances to Ebner-Eschenbach’s position towards the Czech – namely to see that she was perfectly aware and respectful of the cultural diversity and complexity of the Czech lands and that she felt a deep compassion for the claims of the minorities asking for the transformation of the Habsburg Empire into a Federation of free nations.
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Untitled and undated manuscript written by Tudor offering his opinions on political and commercial relations between the United States, England, and France, and the causes of American animosity toward those countries. Topics and events referenced include the slave trade, Napoleon, and the Little Belt Affair. Introduction and parts one through three.
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Na história da humanidade, a realidade de conflitos e de guerras entre povos vizinhos têm sido comum. O que mais assusta é o fato que, o discurso religioso, ao invés de desencorajar tais realidades pode incentivar e justificar os projetos de poder dessas nações. O estudo da Bíblia Hebraica pode lançar luzes para o entendimento das realidades de conflito entre nações e para o papel do discurso religioso nestes. Para isto, essa pesquisa propôs-se a estudar narrativas que abordam a origem e o desenvolvimento de rivalidades e de conflitos internacionais. Especialmente, estudou as narrativas familiares e os oráculos proféticos que abordaram a rivalidade, os conflitos e o ódio entre Israel/Judá e Edom para propor uma releitura capaz de encorajar projetos de paz. Os exercícios exegéticos nas narrativas familiares (Gn 35-36) e nos oráculos proféticos contra Edom (nas coleções de oráculos contra as nações, no livro de Obadias, e em perícopes de Is 63,1-6 e de Ml 1,2-5) abordaram o material literário da Bíblia Hebraica para investigar sobre a origem e o desenvolvimento dos conflitos entre Israel/Judá e Edom. Especial atenção foi dada ao estudo da construção histórica do ódio e o papel da literatura religiosa no crescente desenvolvimento das rivalidades, animosidades e conflitos. O primeiro capítulo estudou a saga de Isaque como documento histórico e teológico que abordou a origem familiar da rivalidade entre os irmãos gêmeos, com diferenças significativas na construção de suas vidas e identidades. O segundo capítulo estudou, na literatura profética, os Oráculos contra as Nações e, mais especificamente, os oráculos contra Edom. Nesta fase estudou a importância desse gênero literário na construção de uma teologia mais universal que atribuía a Deus o controle da história, visando maior cuidado com Israel. O terceiro capítulo também avaliou outro material profético que abordou o conflito e, até mesmo, o ódio divino contra os edomitas (Is 63,1-6 e Ml 1,2-5). Nestes, percebeu-se o acirramento dos conflitos e a construção de um discurso religioso mais animoso contra Edom. Os estudos nas narrativas de rivalidade e de conflitos entre Israel/Judá e Edom na Bíblia Hebraica procuraram destacar, na dinâmica história de conflitos, as esperanças de paz para as relações internacionais. Sobretudo, propôs reler esses textos para a construção de um discurso religioso-teológico que estimule a tolerância e a ética da paz.
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Purpose: The study aims to explore the novel issue of how consumers perceive sponsorship initiatives by foreign companies and how the sponsors' country-of-origin (COO) cue may influence sponsorship outcomes. Design/methodology/approach: The measurement model and proposed relationships were tested based on a sample of 811 Chinese consumers using confirmatory factor analysis and structural path analysis. Findings: The results reveal that attitudes toward the sponsor completely mediate the effect of event involvement on willingness to buy from the sponsor (WBS). Attitudes toward the sponsor also partially mediate the relationship between economic animosity towards a specific sponsor's COO and WBS. Additionally, the level of a country's economic competitiveness found to moderate the negative relationship between economic animosity, attitudes toward the sponsor and WBS. Research limitations/implications: The nature of the product type and the desire of the consumer to own such a product may have influenced the measurement of willingness to buy. Practical implications: The research adds to the existing knowledge by identifying the opportunities and potential biases that a foreign company may encounter when considering sponsoring a mega sport event in a different cultural context. The study helps managers to understand how sports sponsorship could be used effectively in emerging markets. Originality/value: The proposed conceptual model advances the application of classical conditioning theory, the consumer animosity model of foreign product purchase and the belief-attitude-intention hierarchy in the sponsorship arena. It is the first investigation of the role of event involvement and economic animosity in understanding sponsorship responses. © Emerald Group Publishing Limited.
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This paper is about three working class women academics in their 40s, who are at different phases in their career. I take a reflexive, feminist, (Reay 2000, 2004, Ribbens and Edwards 1998) life story approach (Plummer, 2001) in order to understand their particular narratives about identity, complicity, relationships and discomfort within the academy, and then how they inhabit care-less spaces. However unique their narratives, I am able to explore an aspect of higher education – women and their working relationships – through a lens of care-less spaces, and argue that care-less-ness in the academy, can create and reproduce animosity and collusion. Notably, this is damaging for intellectual pursuits, knowledge production and markedly, the identity of woman academics. In introducing this work, I first contextualise women in the academy and define the term care-less spaces, then move onto discuss feminist methods. I then explore and critique in some detail, the substantive findings under the headings of ‘complicity and ‘faking’ it’ and ‘publishing and collaboration’. The final section concludes the paper by drawing on Herring’s (2013) legal premise, in the context of care ethics, as a way to interrogate particular care-less spaces within higher education.
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This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?
I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.
This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.
The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.
The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.
The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.
In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.
From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.