321 resultados para revolutions


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Williams, H. (2006). Ludwig Feuerbach's Critique of Religion and the End of Moral Philosophy. In Moggach, D. (Ed.), The New Hegelians: Politics and Philosophy in the Hegelian School (pp.50-66). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Introduction; Part I. Eduard Gans: 1. Eduard Gans on poverty and on the constitutional debate; 2. Ludwig Feuerbach's Critique of Religion and the end of moral philosophy; Part II. Ludwig Feuerbach: 3. The symbolic dimension and the politics of Left Hegelianism; Part III. Bruno Bauer: 4. Exclusiveness and political universalism in Bruno Bauer; 5. Republican rigorism and emancipation in Bruno Bauer; Part IV. Edgar Bauer: 6. Edgar Bauer and The Origins of the Theory of Terrorism; Max Stirner 7. Ein Menschenleben: Hegel and Stirner; 8. 'The State and I': Max Stirner's anarchism; Friedrich Engels: 9. Engels and the invention of the catastrophist conception of the industrial revolution; Karl Marx: 10. The basis of the state in the Marx of 1842; 11. Marx and Feuerbachian essence: returning to the question of 'Human Essence' in historical materialism; 12. Freedom and the 'Realm of Necessity'; Concluding with Hegel :13. Work, language and community: a response to Hegel's critics. RAE2008

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Tese apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Doutor em Ciências da Informação, especialidade em Jornalismo

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This paper presents and analyzes the first literary-journalistic chronicle writen and published by Miguel Hernández: “Defensa de Madrid. Madrid y las ciudades de Retaguardia”, during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This chronicle is the first one of a series establishing a new and personal type of journalism: literary chronicles –poetical and political-. Miguel Hernandez published his masterpieces in different newspapers as a war reporter, with his own name and with a pen-name, playing roles of director and political commissar in different newspapers in the war-trenches. Thematically, this first article shows his personal and political engagement, as well as his desire and strategy to protect the capital city of Spain: Madrid. Methodologically, the analysis is an approached to linguistics in social sciences, which presents some of the personal characteristics and style of the chronist Miguel Hernández. Thus, it becomes patent that the so-called New Journalism (narrative and literary), which flourished in the 70s, had already been deeply and efficiently practiced by Miguel Hernández 40 years before. That is the reason why Miguel Hernández deserves to be added to the well-known collective of chronicle writers that have already been rescued to this moment. His literary style and quality are installing him in a outstanding position as well as pioneer of the genre nowadays known as New Journalism that in his case, it is politically engaged

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La doctrina de la Proliferación teórica de Paul Karl Feyerabend ha sido interpretada por sus especialistas como un intento de salvaguardar el ideal del progreso científico. Aunque tales estudios hacen justicia, en parte, a la intencionalidad de nuestro filósofo no explicitan la crítica fundamental que implica para Feyerabend el pluralismo teórico. La proliferación teórica constituye en sí misma una reductio ad absurdum de los distintos intentos del positivismo lógico y del racionalismo crítico por definir la ciencia a expensas de lo metafísico. Este artículo presenta la proliferación teórica como una reivindicación del papel positivo que ocupa la metafísica en el quehacer científico. Se consigna la defensa que hace Feyerabend de la metafísica en cuanto que ésta constituye la posibilidad de superar el conservadurismo conceptual, aumentar de contenido empírico de la ciencia y recuperar el valor descriptivo de las teorías científicas.

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The outbreak of revolt and revolution in the Middle East has given rise to a re-consideration of threat and security analyses as they pertain to the region and beyond. The resilience of some authoritarian regimes and the rapid collapse of others signal a significant transition within the region to which jihadi Islamist groups form one part of a powerful matrix. This article analyses the part and place of jihadi Islamism and Islamisms more generally in the revolts and revolutions. The article contends that events provide both opportunities and threats in strategies aimed at countering terrorism in the Middle East.

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A survey of the use of the term democracy in Irish politics in the late eighteenth and early ninetenth centuries

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A significant cold event, deduced from the Greenland ice cores, took place between 8200 and 8000 cal. BP. Modeling of the event suggests that higher northern latitudes would have also experienced considerable decreases in precipitation and that Ireland would have witnessed one of the greatest depressions. However, no well-dated proxy record exists from the British Isles to test the model results. Here we present independent evidence for a phase of major pine recruitment on Irish bogs at around 8150 cal. BP. Dendrochronological dating of subfossil trees from three sites reveal synchronicity in germination across the region, indicative of a regional forcing, and allows for high-precision radiocarbon based dating. The inner-rings of 40% of all samples from the north of Ireland dating to the period 8500-7500 cal. BP fall within a 25-yr window. The concurrent colonization of pine on peatland is interpreted as drier conditions in the region and provides the first substantive proxy data in support of a significant hydrological change in the north of Ireland accompanying the 8.2 ka event. The dating uncertainties associated with the Irish pine record and the Greenland Ice Core Chronology 2005 (GICC05) do not allow for any overlap between the two. Our results indicate that the discrepancy could be an artifact of dating inaccuracy, and support a similar claim by Lohne et al. (2013) for the Younger Dryas boundaries. If real, this asynchrony will most likely have affected interpretations of previous proxy alignments.

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This paper attempts to situate and deconstruct the meanings associated with the term development in the context of the developing world. The arguments made highlights the deeply contested and fragmented terrain of development. The paper provides a historical overview of the changing nature of discourses on development, how the imageries of development have shifted since the postwar period. It deploys diverse meanings associated with development as a concept and as a theory. Thus development without dignity means little for those living in the margins of the society. At the same time the language of development has undergone revolutions and convulsions and the role of buzzwords and catch phrases have only helped to prolong misery in a neoliberal world. Development has become a 'one size fits all' concept shorn of cultural and regional specificities. It has been decontextualised and dehumanised to relate to targets
resulting in greater dissonance than resolution of aim and outcomes. The way forward is a better appreciation of the cultural capacity of the social groups for whom development is critical for survival. The conclusion highlights the endemic contradictions inherent in the meaning and delivery of development as a goal, especially when we seek to achieve resilient and sustainable development.

Keywords: Development, Neoliberalism, growth, participation, empowerment,
efficiency, market, state, societies, entitlements and capabilities, stakeholder, rights, structural adjustments, globalisation, self-help, doing development, freedom and
unfreedom.

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Trabalho Final de Mestrado para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Mecânica

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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ABSTRACT In 1979 Nicaragua, under the Sandinistas, experienced a genuine, socialist, full scale, agrarian revolution. This thesis examines whether Jeffery Paige's theory of agrarian revolutions would have been successful in predicting this revolution and ln predicting non-revolution in the neighboring country of Honduras. The thesis begins by setting Paige's theory in the tradition of radical theories of revolution. It then derives four propositions from Paige's theory which suggest the patterns of export crops, land tenure changes and class configurations which are necessary for an agrarian and socialist revolution. These propositions are tested against evidence from the twentieth century histories of economic, social and political change in Nicaragua and Honduras. The thesis concludes that Paige's theory does help to explain the occurrence of agrarian revolution in Nicaragua and non-revolution in Honduras. A fifth proposition derived from Paige's theory proved less useful in explaining the specific areas within Nicaragua that were most receptive to Sandinista revolutionary activity.

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A book entitled Histoire de la foundation du Grand Orient de France by Claude-Antoine Thory, 1812. This is likely an editor’s copy for a new edition. It has 471 pages and is annotated throughout. There are 4 plates at the end of the book that contain various illustrations resembling lockets. The title page states that the book contains the “…revolutions that have preceded, accompanied and followed until one thousand seven hundred ninety nine, era of the meeting in this body, the Grand Lodge of France, known as the Grand Orient de Clermont, or the Arcade de la Pelleterie, with an appendix containing the supporting documents, several curious and unpublished reports with the history of the Franche- Masonry, the details of many rites and a fragment of the secret meetings of women.” (Section 1 pp1-96, Section 2 pp. 97-183, Section 3 pp.184-281, Section 4 pp. 282-346, Section 5 pp. 347-471)

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Did the recent transition to liberal democracy in Eastern Europe consitute revolutions? Here, game theory is used to structure an explanation of institutional change proposed by Harold Innis (1950).

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