766 resultados para consultation, participation, governmentality, new technology, e-democracy, democratic adequacy,
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A representação política é essencialmente uma relação entre representante e representado. A natureza dessa relação variou ao longo do tempo e assumiu diferentes formatos políticos e institucionais. Pitkin, ao abordar essas variações e sistematizar o tema da representação política, fornece instrumentos que permitem uma reflexão sobre as experiências de representação inscritas nas Cartas Constitucionais democráticas do Brasil de 1934, 1946 e 1988. Reflexão essa que, complementada à luz do pensamento de teóricos da representação política como Guizot, Mill e Manoïlesco, permitem observar que a representação, além de ser uma relação entre representante e representado, é também um fenômeno que envolve, no Estado Moderno, a questão do governo da nação e da incorporação dos valores democráticos, materializados, em parte, sob a forma do voto, das eleições, como participação indireta, e em parte, sob a forma da participação não-eleitoral, a partir de outros formatos institucionais.
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[ES] En los últimos tiempos existe un énfasis creciente en la comercialización de la investigación universitaria a través de la creación de empresas (spin-offs). Ahora bien, los fenómenos que el concepto de spin-off universitaria trata de abarcar no son homogéneos. Por esta razón, parece conveniente dilucidar las múltiples realidades que abarca organizándolas mediante tipologías.
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Desde o fim da era das remoções, o foco de preocupação do Estado em relação às favelas tem se deslocado da urbanização para a violência, em especial para o tráfico de drogas. A militarização da questão da violência urbana se manifesta de forma definitiva com a inauguração das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora nas comunidades carentes cariocas. A despeito dos aspectos positivos imediatos, a ausência de participação popular no processo de ocupação pelo Estado desses espaços segregados têm levantado preocupações, não apenas quanto à eficiência do programa em longo prazo, como também com a possibilidade de instauração de um Estado policial altamente repressivo. Esse trabalho analisa a utilização de mecanismos de gestão e planejamento democráticos como forma de aprimorar o programa de ocupação das favelas, partindo do pressuposto de que a participação política pode contribuir para a maximização dos direitos fundamentais. Para isso, estuda-se com profundidade a história dos atores políticos presentes nessas comunidades, além dos instrumentos existentes e possíveis no Direito Brasileiro para participação popular. Após a análise dos aspectos sociológicos e históricos que explicam a situação atual das favelas cariocas, ao fim, propõe-se um modelo de gestão democrática que aproveite ao máximo seu potencial de participação.
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A dissertação procura mapear a produção de arte e vídeo que tocam questões relativas à interatividade, às novas tecnologias e à participação do espectador para a construção da obra. Parte da noção de rizoma, onde a obra é colocada em um contexto de rede, que atua se relacionando não somente com seus elementos, mas com toda uma história da produção videográfica
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O Brasil conviveu, a partir da sua redemocratização, com um processo de criação de inovações democráticas participativas e deliberativas. Ao longo da década de 90, tais experimentos estiveram, sobretudo, ligados à dinâmica política local. A partir de 2003, tal fenômeno expande-se à dinâmica nacional via potencialização da experiência das Conferências Nacionais de Políticas Públicas (CNPPs). Tal dinâmica desafia argumentos baseados na impossibilidade de se compatibilizar a dinâmica democrática contemporânea com ampliação da participação para além do direito de votar. A hipótese dessa dissertação é a possibilidade de conceber as inovações democráticas em questão como mecanismos participativos e deliberativos capazes de aprofundar os regimes democráticos atuais. Tomando como objeto de estudo as conferências, pretende-se investigar seu potencial de pluralizar o processo de agregação de preferências societais, indicando sua capacidade de impactar no ciclo da formulação de políticas públicas, tornando, por consequência, as instituições representativas mais responsivas às demandas da sociedade. O teste empírico será realizado a partir do cruzamento entre deliberações das CNPPs e proposições legislativas no período de 2003-2010.
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Matching a new technology to an appropriate market is a major challenge for new technology-based firms (NTBF). Such firms are often advised to target niche-markets where the firms and their technologies can establish themselves relatively free of incumbent competition. However, technologies are diverse in nature and do not benefit from identical strategies. In contrast to many Information and Communication Technology (ICT) innovations which build on an established knowledge base for fairly specific applications, technologies based on emerging science are often generic and so have a number of markets and applications open to them, each carrying considerable technological and market uncertainty. Each of these potential markets is part of a complex and evolving ecosystem from which the venture may have to access significant complementary assets in order to create and sustain commercial value. Based on dataset and case study research on UK advanced material university spin-outs (USO), we find that, contrary to conventional wisdom, the more commercially successful ventures were targeting mainstream markets by working closely with large, established competitors during early development. While niche markets promise protection from incumbent firms, science-based innovations, such as new materials, often require the presence, and participation, of established companies in order to create value. © 2012 IEEE.
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Purpose - As traditional manufacturing, previously vital to the UK economy, is increasingly outsourced to lower-cost locations, policy makers seek leadership in emerging industries by encouraging innovative start-up firms to pursue competitive opportunities. Emerging industries can either be those where a technology exists but the corresponding downstream value chain is unclear, or a new technology may subvert the existing value chain to satisfy existing customer needs. Hence, this area shows evidence of both technology-push and market-pull forces. The purpose of this paper is to focus on market-pull and technology-push orientations in manufacturing ventures, specifically examining how and why this orientation shifts during the firm's formative years. Design/methodology/approach - A multiple case study approach of 25 UK start-ups in emerging industries is used to examine this seldom explored area. The authors offer two models of dynamic business-orientation in start-ups and explain the common reasons for shifts in orientation and why these two orientations do not generally co-exist during early firm development. Findings - Separate evolution paths were found for strategic orientation in manufacturing start-ups and separate reasons for them to shift in their early development. Technology-push start-ups often changed to a market-pull orientation because of new partners, new market information or shift in management priorities. In contrast, many of the start-ups beginning with a market-pull orientation shifted to a technology-push orientation because early market experiences necessitated a focus on improving processes in order to increase productivity or meet partner specifications, or meet a demand for complementary products. Originality/value - While a significant body of work exists regarding manufacturing strategy in established firms, little work has been found that investigates how manufacturing strategy emerges in start-up companies, particularly those in emerging industries. © Emerald Group Publishing Limited.
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For over 50 years bridge plugs and cement have been used for well abandonment and work over and are still the material of choice. However the failures of cement abandonments using bridge plugs has been reported on many occasions, some of which have resulted in fatal consequences. A new patented product is designed to address the shortcomings associated with using bridge plugs and cement. The new developed tools use an alloy based on bismuth that is melted in situ using Thermite reaction. The tool uses the expansion properties of bismuth to seal the well. Testing the new technology in real field under more than 2 km deep sea water can be expensive. Virtual simulation of the new device under simulated thermal and mechanical environment can be achieved using nonlinear finite element method to validate the product and reduce cost. Experimental testing in the lab is performed to measure heat generated due to thermite reaction. Then, a sequential thermal mechanical explicit/implicit finite element solver is used to simulate the device under both testing lab and deep water conditions.
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Stakeholder participation is advanced as a key element of marine spatial planning (MSP) by the U.S. Interagency Ocean Policy Task Force. It provides little guidance, however, regarding stakeholder participation. We argue that much can be learned from existing ecosystem-based marine management initiatives. The Channel Islands National Marine Sanctuary, which utilizes an advisory council to facilitate stakeholder participation, is evaluated in this article with a view to identifying key lessons for new MSP initiatives. A set of criteria, derived from collaborative planning theory, is employed to evaluate the effectiveness of this approach. The advisory council meets some criteria for effective stakeholder participation but is found to be lacking in key elements, including shared purpose and interdependency. Benefits associated with stakeholder participation are constrained accordingly. Deficiencies in the design of the council and its decision-making procedures, requiring attention in order to facilitate more effective stakeholder participation in new MSP initiatives, are highlighted. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.
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Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policymakers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. Past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust were all significantly related to civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior), individuals responded in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities. Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.
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Tese de doutoramento, Farmácia (Química Farmacêutica e Terapêutica), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Farmácia, 2015
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4th Conference COST ACTION FP1303 – Designing with Bio-based Materials – Challenges and opportiunities. INIA – CSIC, Madrid, 24-25 February 2016. Book of abstracts, T.Troya, J.Galván, D.Jones (Eds.), INIA and IETcc – CSIS, pg. 79-80 (ISBN: 978-91-88349-16-3)
Online Anonymity and the Kantian Publicity Principle: Can the Internet Solve the Paradox of Tyranny?
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Immanuel Kant’s publicity maxim states that other-regarding actions are wrong if their maxim is not compatible with their being made public. This has the effect of forbidding dissent or rebellion against tyranny, since rebels cannot make their intentions and plans public. However, new internet technologies offer public speech from behind the “shield” of anonymity, allowing dissent to be public but preventing reprisals from tyrants. This thesis examines not only this possibility, but the value of internet-based discursive spaces for politics, their viability as a mode for political communication, and their implications for Classical and Enlightenment approaches to politics and intellectual virtue. Anonymous internet communications favour logos-based reasoning and discourse, which, in the liberal-democratic tradition, is preferable to phronesis and its attendant elitism and chauvinism. These technologies can open new vistas for liberal-democratic politics.
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Ce mémoire traite de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à partir de l’analyse du travail d’intervention de deux organismes locaux situés à Trou du Nord (Haïti). Il s’agit d’explorer les manières dont les membres se représentent et s’approprient leur statut de citoyen. Pour mettre l’emphase sur les mécanismes associatifs et sociaux qui interviennent dans la construction de ce que nous nommons "espace social citoyen", nous avons mené une recherche qualitative dont la charpente interprétative est conçue avec l’aide des outils théorico-pratiques de la politique de participation (Barber, 1997) et l’intervention sociale collective (Lamoureux, 1991). Nous avançons l’hypothèse centrale que les pratiques associatives sont le vecteur de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à Trou du Nord. Cette hypothèse centrale est soutenue par deux hypothèses opératoires portant sur les conditions d’exercice de citoyenneté et l’affirmation individuelle de l’appartenance des membres à l’espace commun. Nous avons recueilli quatorze entretiens semi-directifs effectués avec les membres de l’Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT) et du Rassemblement des Militants Solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO). Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que les membres de ces deux organisations manifestent une grande volonté de contribuer au développement de leur localité et au «mieux-être» de la population. Leur implication directe dans les affaires politiques et sociales s’accompagne des exigences pour que l’État prenne en charge ses responsabilités vis-à-vis de ses citoyens. Cette liberté d’action repose sur le partage de leurs expériences individuelles et sur une grande connaissance des divers aspects des réalités locales auxquelles sont confrontés quotidiennement les citoyens. Ces deux groupes sont conçus comme des espaces de sociabilité, des lieux publics et dynamiques issus de l’activité commune et des divers types d’interactions au niveau local. Toujours d’après l’analyse, les membres de ces deux groupes interviennent sur un problème d’ensemble collectif au niveau local sans pour autant négliger leurs propres intérêts. Ils s’inscrivent dans le jeu de marchandage électoral et apprennent à leurs membres à se comporter comme une communauté d’intérêts et d’actions, elle-même inscrite dans l’ensemble des interactions, des processus et des dynamiques de résolution des problèmes au niveau local. Un tel constat vient à la fois valider certaines de nos hypothèses tout en révélant les limites de l’idée de la construction d’un espace social citoyen. D’une part, la volonté de contribuer au «mieux-être» de la population, la nécessité de prendre la parole, d’exprimer les problèmes collectifs et individuels, le souci d’avoir un contrôle sur l’action des dirigeants élus sont autant d’enjeux qui leur ont permis de passer de leur vécu particulier à une vision plus large des intérêts collectifs et à la définition des tâches qu’ils estiment correspondre au rôle citoyen qui leur incombe. D’autre part, leur positionnement dans le champ politique notamment au moment des élections les fait apparaître comme des groupes partisans, c'est-à-dire qu’ils ne sont pas toujours dans la construction de l’intérêt général. Nous concluons que ce double aspect s’avère nécessaire aussi bien à la construction de l’espace social citoyen qu’au fonctionnement démocratique au niveau local. Car, en plus de se définir comme citoyens et d’affirmer leur appartenance communautaire, les membres développent les capacités critiques face aux gestes et actes posés autant par les dirigeants locaux que par l’État haïtien lui-même. Ils acquièrent aussi les habilités de participer, même dans les interstices, aux jeux sociopolitiques faisant partie du processus de renforcement de la citoyenneté et d’un système démocratique en construction.
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Face à l’incapacité de l’État à offrir des services de base aux ménages pauvres des zones urbaines périphériques et marginales, ce sont les opérateurs informels (individuels et collectifs) qui s’activent à répondre aujourd’hui aux besoins croissants des ménages. Mais leurs actions sont ponctuelles, éparpillées sur le territoire, non intégrées dans un plan de développement local, et beaucoup de ménages n’ont toujours pas accès à l’eau potable. Cette recherche, de type exploratoire, porte donc sur l’examen d’un type de partenariat entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs, susceptible de créer la synergie entre les partenaires locaux et de pérenniser la fourniture de l’eau potable. Elle vise à analyser et à comprendre les mécanismes de collaboration entre l’État et les opérateurs informels collectifs en vue d’améliorer la qualité de la vie dans les quartiers urbains pauvres grâce à la résolution des problèmes d’accès à l’eau potable. À partir de l’étude de cas d’une zone pauvre de la ville de Kinshasa (République Démocratique du Congo), nous avons donc cherché à dégager ce qui peut éclairer le fonctionnement du partenariat État-opérateurs informels collectifs. Comme cadre d’analyse, nous avons recouru à l’analyse stratégique et, pour l’examen des expériences de partenariat, nous avons utilisé le modèle de Coston (1998) et recouru aux approches de régulation État-tiers secteur (approche socio-étatique et approche socio-communautaire). La méthode qualitative a été privilégiée. Les données analysées proviennent d’entrevues semi-dirigées, de la recherche documentaire et de l’observation. À partir du modèle de Coston (1998), les résultats obtenus montrent que les relations qui correspondent le mieux au partenariat entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs sont de type « contractuel » et correspondent à l’orientation socio-étatique. Mais le système formel actuel de gestion de l’eau potable et les relations de pouvoir sont plus proches du type « rivalité ». Notre étude montre également que les partenariats, entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs, sont très difficiles à instituer, car il n’existe pas encore d’environnement socio-politique solidaire. Le contexte institutionnel n’est pas propice à l’émergence d’un partenariat dynamique. Les déficiences structurelles, humaines et institutionnelles constatées sont la résultante directe de la pauvreté dont sont victimes les individus et les institutions. Les réseaux sociaux (à base de parenté, ethnique ou religieux) affectent les relations entre les individus, membres d’une association locale et les représentants des institutions locales ou nationales. Une complémentarité, négociée entre l’État et les opérateurs informels collectifs, ne pourra se réaliser que par la mise en place de nouvelles politiques favorisant la démocratie, la décentralisation et la promotion du mouvement associatif avec une société civile forte, dynamique, soucieuse du bien commun, privilégiant les qualités managériales plutôt que l’assistance perpétuelle.